Classical Theory of Imperialism and Contemporary CapitalismSingh, Paramjit
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1881988pmid: N/A
Despite its comprehensiveness, Lenin’s classical analysis of the imperialistic nature of capitalism deserves to be considered under a new lens. This article is an attempt to highlight some important features of late imperialism. While Lenin’s analysis is the focal point of critical inquiry, the article goes beyond his account to examine some important features of classical theory that remained unaddressed by Lenin. The attempt is to dialectically sublate Lenin’s theory with the analysis of contemporary imperialism. It is suggested that the mechanism of financial accumulation, concentration and centralisation of finance capital is broader than classical conception of finance capital. Another important driver of contemporary imperialism is the globalisation of industrial capital driven by transnational corporations and arm’s length production. The central feature of this new form of production is global monopoly capital resulting from combined interplay of concentration and internationalisation. The article also endeavours to understand the global proletarianisation of labour as a consequence of the accumulation at the world scale; a point only obliquely addressed by Lenin. The article concludes by comparing capitalism’s crisis and decay in Lenin’s analysis with the capitalism of present times.
Using Labour to Characterise Forms of Agriculture: A Thai Family Rubber Farming Case StudyChambon, Benedicte; Bosc, Pierre-Marie; Gaillard, Cedric; Tongkaemkaew, Uraiwan
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1901958pmid: N/A
To contribute to the debate on labour and the ways of farming, this study tested the relevance of a labour-based typology to discriminate among forms of production operating in the Thai rubber sector. The data used came from surveys with 469 farmers. The case of Thai rubber-based family farms is specific but also brings generic insights to the debate. Classifying the farms based on their mode of organisation helps in understanding farmers’ overall strategies regarding farming and non-farm activities. These differences were important and were linked to the capacity of family labour to develop non-farm activities. However, surprisingly, no discrimination among the types of farms appeared based on the agricultural production system. This finding appeared counter-intuitive given the importance of hired labour in rubber family farming. The non-significant differences for the practices and the land and labour productivities engaged in rubber cropping could be linked to the use of share-croppers (and not wage employees) as external labour. Further research needs to identify factors that can unlock productivity in the rubber plantations, whatever the category of holding. The importance of pluri-activity has strong implications that will require expanding empirical works focusing on labour issues.
Duterte’s Violent Populism: Mass Murder, Political Legitimacy and the “Death of Development” in the PhilippinesThompson, Mark R.
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1910859pmid: N/A
Among contemporary illiberal populist leaders, only Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has instigated mass murder under the guise of a “war on drugs.” Attributed to “penal populism,” it must be explained why Duterte won the presidency despite limited concerns about crime, why he organised extra-judicial killings and why this continued despite domestic and international criticism. As president, Duterte nationalised the violent populism he had first developed locally which wooed rather than intimidated voters with promises to protect “good people” against drug-induced evil. His appeals resonated given the failures of liberal reformism and with a proletarian populist alternative undermined. Using nationalism to respond to global criticism, he put opponents on the defensive. Breaking with the left, he has not undertaken major socio-economic reforms and his anti-oligarchy rhetoric benefitted his cronies. Despite killing tens of thousands and revelations of police corruption, as a legitimation strategy Duterte’s drug war has successfully diverted attention from the “death of development” with poverty levels high despite rapid growth. The Philippine case shows extreme dichotomisation of “good people” and criminalised “others” can legitimate mass killings with a populist breakthrough in a weak state with a poor record of human development.
Dynamics of Tactical Radicalisation and Public Receptiveness in Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Bill MovementLee, Francis L. F.; Cheng, Edmund W.; Liang, Hai; Tang, Gary K. Y.; Yuen, Samson
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1910330pmid: N/A
Abstract The Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong was marked by a significant degree of tactical radicalisation in its first six months. Yet the movement also succeeded in maintaining a high degree of solidarity and public support. This article explains how tactical radicalisation and public receptiveness toward radical actions was achieved. It does this by drawing upon protest onsite survey data, public opinion poll data, analysis of digital media contents and field observations. Theoretically, it combines a relational approach with an emphasis on the role of discursive negotiation. The article first reconstructs the trend of movement radicalisation in Hong Kong since the late 2000s. It then examines the interactional dynamics that drove the process of radicalisation along multiple pathways during the first six months of the Anti-ELAB movement. The articulation of justifications and discursive negotiation of collective restraints is then examined. Overall, the analysis reconstructs the process of stepwise and constrained radicalisation in the Anti-ELAB movement. General theoretical implications of the analysis are discussed.
The Two Faces of Gross National Happiness: Can Bhutan’s Nation-Building Strategy Also Be a Sustainable Alternative Development Paradigm?See, Helena
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1933139pmid: N/A
This article considers two interlinked questions regarding the wider significance of the gross national happiness (GNH) development framework established in Bhutan. First, to what extent can GNH be considered a genuinely alternative development paradigm, distinct from the traditional pursuit of economic growth? And second, what are its prospects for survival in a globalising world? It argues that, while the government of Bhutan has succeeded in crafting a distinctive economic middle path, GNH’s integrity as a development paradigm has been undermined by its dual function as the centrepiece of Bhutan’s nation-building strategy. Based on close analysis of the actual trade-offs made by the government in operationalising the GNH framework, the article argues that, when these two competing visions of GNH have come into conflict, it is the nation-building version that has so far prevailed. In its treatment of these questions, the article also seeks to bridge a deep fracture in the existing literature on Bhutan by integrating less prominent work on the history of discrimination faced by the country’s minority ethnic Nepali population, with the more dominant and complimentary discourse on Bhutan’s experiment with GNH – which until now has largely ignored these darker aspects of Bhutanese policy-making.
Weapon of Resistance or Tool of Control? Chinese Labour Law in a Post-Strike EraLuo, Siqi; Zhao, Bo
doi: 10.1080/00472336.2021.1919912pmid: N/A
Some previous studies have depicted the law in China as a weapon of resistance for the weak and recent apparently pro-labour national statutes are seen as empowering workers. The law governing the practices of labour relations has, however, become a tool for employers to counter rising labour activism. In this article, a detailed case study illustrates how factory managers used the law to control labour since the strike wave of 2010. The legal framework for labour relations and China’s strong state made this new management strategy possible. The law is a combination of labour-related laws, including criminal regulations beyond the labour acts, redolent with inconsistent interpretations and applications. This mixture allows some employers to flexibly deploy the law to discipline workers and constrain collective labour. Consequently, when applied in workplaces, the law is not as labour-friendly as it may appear, but it is so malleable that it may be both the worker’s weapon of resistance and the employer’s tool of control. This study enriches the understanding of labour relations in China by including employers’ strategies and behaviours, which are often neglected in labour studies, and also explores how the macro-level political-legal context shapes workplace dynamics.