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© Unlessotherwisenoted,alltranslationsaremyown. 1. SaidAmirArjand,âIranâsIslamicRevolutioninCparative Perspective,âWorld Politics38(1986):383â414. 2. SaidAmirArjand,âShiâiteIslamandtheRevolutioninIran,â Government andOpposition16(1981):293â316. 3. MansoorMoaddel,Class, Politics, and Ideology in the Iranian Revolution(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1993),24. 4. ThedaSkocpol,âRentierateandShiâaIslamintheIranian Revolution,âTheory and Society11(1982):265â83. C ra pa so S S f , he ri Af M Ea expensive melons, that we sacrificed our young men to have less expensive housing. . . . No one would give his life for better agriculture. Dignity is better than full bellies. Iranian masses have fought only for God not worldly affairs.â5 Many of the analyses of the Iranian revolution are heavily influenced by the revolutionâs outce and the rise of a theocratic ate. Se analyses are reductioni and oversimplify the cplexity of the revolutionary ruggles. Other analyses are clearly tautological. They begin with certain outces of the revolutionâa large-scale popular uprising again the shah, Kheiniâs leadership, the death of proteors at the hands of the militaryâand then use these very developments as explanations for the revolution. Both genres of explanation largely ignore the cplexity of the revolutionary processes and ruggles. The fact that Iranians formed a broad coalition again the monarchy and overthrew the government does not mean that Iranians lived in urban cmunities that enabled them to mobilize and revolt.
Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East – Duke University Press
Published: Jan 1, 2009
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