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African Americans at Mars Bluff, South Carolina (review)

African Americans at Mars Bluff, South Carolina (review) Reviews509 ish, and later Italian cigar makers eased the process of justifying violent actions to a growing white middle class on whose political and professional patronage elites depended. If white workers in other industries rallied behind striking cigar workers and white elites accepted immigrant cigar manufacturers into their social and commercial ranks, middling whites --farmers outside the city, small shopkeepers and merchants, office workers, and others--might have been swayed by the broad white supremacist implications of vigilantism directed at immigrant workers. That Tampa's elites had previously enjoyed white middle class and nonindustrial worker support became obvious when a group led by the Ku Klux Klan mimicked the elites' ritualized vigilantism: they tarred and feathered a white man for participating in third party politics (the victim died). Although condemned by "leading" citizens, middle class vigilantes had followed their example and had broadened their white supremacy to hate for even whites involved in radical politics. (Of course, racial hatred, as the historical literature on the Klan suggests, had been an important step along the way.) Both Brundage and Ingalls argue that vigilantism primarily ended because the southern elite eventually dropped their support for the practice. A concern for boosting their http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Southern Cultures University of North Carolina Press

African Americans at Mars Bluff, South Carolina (review)

Southern Cultures , Volume 1 (4) – Jan 4, 1995

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Publisher
University of North Carolina Press
Copyright
Copyright © Center for the Study of the American South.
ISSN
1534-1488
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

Reviews509 ish, and later Italian cigar makers eased the process of justifying violent actions to a growing white middle class on whose political and professional patronage elites depended. If white workers in other industries rallied behind striking cigar workers and white elites accepted immigrant cigar manufacturers into their social and commercial ranks, middling whites --farmers outside the city, small shopkeepers and merchants, office workers, and others--might have been swayed by the broad white supremacist implications of vigilantism directed at immigrant workers. That Tampa's elites had previously enjoyed white middle class and nonindustrial worker support became obvious when a group led by the Ku Klux Klan mimicked the elites' ritualized vigilantism: they tarred and feathered a white man for participating in third party politics (the victim died). Although condemned by "leading" citizens, middle class vigilantes had followed their example and had broadened their white supremacy to hate for even whites involved in radical politics. (Of course, racial hatred, as the historical literature on the Klan suggests, had been an important step along the way.) Both Brundage and Ingalls argue that vigilantism primarily ended because the southern elite eventually dropped their support for the practice. A concern for boosting their

Journal

Southern CulturesUniversity of North Carolina Press

Published: Jan 4, 1995

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