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China’s Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects beyond the First Decade (review)

China’s Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects beyond the First Decade (review) Reviews 317 andaestheticstyles.Initschoices,thevolumeleavesitselfopentothechargeof omittingsomeimportantfilms(orimportantdirectors)andisthencevulnerable tothechargeofselectingcertainfilmsthatmaybeconsideredminor. However,asasecondeditionandanexpandedvolume,Chinese Films in Focus IIwillprobablypressforwardtoathirdeditionwithmorenewfilmsaddedand perhapsthedeletionofsomefilmsfromtheoldervolume,whichistosaythatthe volumeasawholehasthecapacitytoimproveandchange.ThisreflectsthecapacityofChinesefilmstoadvancefurtherintoallareasoffilmstudiesandtheory. Thebook,therefore,offersanintriguingconceptofwatchingChinesefilmsasa historicalphenomenoninprogress,asitwere.ThelastwordshouldgotoBerry, whoadvisesreaderstolookatparticularfilms"asasitetoinvestigatetheoretical paradigms.""GiventhatsomuchfilmtheoryhasoriginatedinthestudyofHollywoodorEuropeanfilms,Chinesefilmscanbeexcitingtoworkwithprecisely becausetheiroriginsmaychallengeexistingparadigms"(p.7).This,then,isthe cruxofthebook'semphasisonanalyzingsingleChinesefilms.Thereisstillmuch roominfilmstudiesandfilmtheoryingeneraltostudyChinesefilmsbecause theyaresocomplexandrichandbecausetherehasnotbeenenoughwrittenabout Chinesefilms. StephenTeo Stephen Teo is an associate professor at the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. MingK.Chan,editor.China's Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects beyond the First Decade.HongKong:CityUniversityofHong KongPress,2008.342pp.Paperback$38.00,isbn978-962-937-168-5. Thisbookincludesfourteenchapters,whichwerepresentedattwosymposiaheld inHongKong(April27­28,2007)andinStanford,California(November12, 2007),bothontheoccasionofthetenthanniversaryoftheestablishmentofthe HongKongSpecialAdministrativeRegion(HKSAR).Thecollectedvolumehas contributionsbyscholarsfromdifferentdisciplines(economics,politics,media, sociology)andincludesprofessionals,alegislator,adiplomat,abusinessman,a governmentpolicyadvisor,andNGOexecutives.Theirvaryingbackgroundsand differentnationalitiesofferadiversityofperspectivesonthecrucialdevelopmental andsociopoliticalissuesthatHKSARencounteredinthefirstdecade. © 2012 by University of Hawai`i Press 318 ChinaReviewInternational:Vol.17,No.3,2010 Thefirstchapter,writtenbytheeditor,isasuccinctsummaryofthefirst decadeofHKSAR'ssociopoliticaldevelopment.Exceptfortwofactualmistakeson page6,thepaperisanexcellent,wide-rangingintroductiontothecrucialissuesin HongKong.Thefirstmistakeconcernsthedatesoftheinterpretationsofthe NationalPeople'sCongressStandingCommittee(NPCSC),withitsfirstinterpretationinJune1999ontheissueofrightsofabodeofmainland-bornchildren;the second,inApril2004onthepaceofdemocratization;andthethird,inApril2005 ontheremainingtenureoftheresigningchiefexecutive.However,thetextmentionsthatthesecondinterpretationoccurredinthespringof2005andthesecond inApril2006.AnothererroristhedateoftheNPC'sdecisiontoallowHKSARa blueprintfortheelectionofthechiefexecutivein2017onDecember29,2007.The numeral7ismissingin"2007"(p.12).Thepaperisafluentandanalyticalaccount ofthedevelopmentofHKSAR,butitlacksacoherenttheoreticalframeworkto comprehenddifferentaspectsofthemainlandandHKSARconvergence.Thistask remainstobecompleted.Thesecondchapter,bySin-porShiu,isafactualdescriptionofmajordevelopmentofHongKongwithoutanyrevealingorin-depth analysis. Thethirdchapter,bytheprodemocracylegislatorMargaretNgonthe democratizationofHongKong,offersthemostcomprehensiveanalysisthatI have readsofarontheargumentsofdemocratization,theprogressmadetoward democratization,theargumentsoftheproestablishmentcamp,Beijing'sstand, key issuesatstake,thewayforward,andsoforth.Thepiececouldservean e ssentialreferenceforundergraduateswhotakeacourseonHongKong politics. Thefourthchapter,byRonnieChan,iswrittenbyarealestatebusinessman andrevealsnothingnewaboutsomeofconspiratoryaspectsofBritishpoliciesin HongKong.TheauthorharborsextremelybiasedviewtowardtheBritish.The questionhedidnotaskiswhy,despitewhathehassaidabouttheBritishgovernment,HongKongerschoosetostayinHongKonganddonotgobacktothe motherland.Thepiececontainsfrequentabusiveandunsupportedstatements againstthepan-democrats:"[T]hepan-democratshavebeenlyingtothewestthat HKhasregressed"(p.102);"[A]lluniversitieswerethencontrolledbythecolonial master"(p.101);"[T]hosepan-democratsnevercomplainedaboutthelackof legitimacybefore"(p.106);"Inthenameofdemocracy,liesanddirtytacticshave allbecomeacceptable....SuchisHKtoday,thankstothepan-democrats" (p. 109).Thispieceandthefourteenthchapter,byJamesCunningham,whoserved asU.S.consulgeneralfrom2005to2008,aretheonlyworksthatcitenoreferences.TheformeristhesubjectiveopinionofabusinessmanwhohasvastfinancialinterestsinmainlandChina,andthelatterisadiplomat'srepresentationofhis country'spointofviewontheconceptofonecountry,twosystems.Thetwo papersshouldnothaveappearedinthisotherwiseexcellenteditiononHong Kong. Reviews 319 Thefifthchapter,bySusanPepper,examinestheevolvingpoliticalrelations betweenHKSARandBeijing.Ofthefourteenchapters,thischaptermostnearly approximatesanexpositionofatheoreticalframeworkthatcouldcapturethe essenceofpoliticaldevelopmentsince1997.UnderstandingthenatureofChinese authoritarianism,PepperintegratesHongKong'spoliticalprocesswiththenature oftheCommunistregimeinChinaandtherebyaccuratelygraspstheessenceof post-handoverpoliticsinHongKong. Thesixthchapter,byZhenminWangfromTsinghuaUniversity,givesafairly objectivedevelopmentofbasiclawimplementationafterthehandover,though fromapro-Beijingview.WanghasbeenlabeledbyHongKongmediaasoneofthe youngguardiansoftheBasicLaw.Asassociatedeanofthelawfacultyofoneofthe mostprestigiousuniversitiesinChina,hisorthodoxinterpretationcanbepredictedandhisconclusionthat"theinterpretationoftheBasicLawbytheNPCSC doesnotunderminejudicialindependenceinHongKong"(p.170)isunsurprising.However,thisviewiscertainlynotsharedbythelegalcommunityinHong Kongingeneral.Itisstillinterestingtoseehimtryingtoconvincepeoplebylegal argumentsratherthanbypoliticalstatements. Theseventhchapter,byDouglasArnerandBerryHsu,issupposedtoexaminetherelationshipbetweentheruleoflawandeconomicdevelopment,asthetitle "TheRuleofLawandEconomicDevelopmentintheHKSAR"suggests.Instead, theauthorsindulgeinananalysisoftheconceptofruleoflawandjudicialindependence.Theauthorsgiveafewstatementsontherelationshipsbetweenpolitics andtheeconomyingeneral,referringtoeconomistssuchasAdamSmith,Milton Friedman,JohnKeynes,RobertNorth,andothers,butwithoutapplyingthemto theHongKongcontext.Thisisadisappointingchapter. Theeighthchapter,byYun-wingSung,summarieswellthepathofeconomic developmentofHongKongsincereversion,focusingontherestructuringofthe economy.Asalaymanineconomics,Ifoundtheanalysisaccessibletoacommon audience,withoutanyacademicjargon.Theonlypointofcontentionis,Ithink, thefollowingstatement:"Therenminbiislikelytobeclosetofullyconvertibleina fewyears"(p.207).Thechapterwaswrittenin2008,atthelatest,anditnowseems thattherenminbiisnowhereneartobecomingfullyconvertible.Theprediction thatitcouldbecomeafullyconvertiblecurrencyinafewyearscomesprematurely. SomeeconomistsevenarguethatChinamayhavetowaitfifteenyearsmore. Theninthchapter,byYan-yanYipandChristineLoh,elaboratesonthe statementthat"HongKong'scivilsectorishighlydynamic,innovativeand resourceful"(p.213).Yet,despitethevibrancy,thedifficultiesencounteredbycivil groupsareenormous,whichincludelimitedresources,looseorganizations,lackof trustamongcivicgroups,andthegovernment'sdeliberatesideliningoftheroleof thecivilsocietyinthepartnershipingovernance. Thetenthchapter,byAlvinSo,attemptstodepictanemergent,newsocial movement(postmodernisttype)inHongKong.Theelementsofatraditional 320 ChinaReviewInternational:Vol.17,No.3,2010 socialmovementincludegoals,strategy,participants,organization,andmobilization.Infact,thenewlabel"postmodernist"isperhapscontrived.Thenewsocial movementmayhavenewtoolsofmobilization,foritdepended,toagreatextent, onthenewinformationtechnology(especiallytheInternet)formobilization. Morepeopleorprotestorsarenowconnectedbydifferentkindsofnetworking devices,whilepreviousmobilizationdependedmoreontraditionalmediasuch as television,radio,rallying,newspapers,posters,andothersources.Arguably, the natureofsocialmovementsremainsunchangedandanewlabelis u nwarranted. Theeleventhpiece,byTuen-yuLauandRaymondCheng,analyzesthedevelopmentofmassmediabyusingthefive-levelmediamodeldevelopedbyPamela ShoamkerandStephenReese.Thefiveincludeideological,extra-media,organizational,mediaroutine,andindividuallevels.Theauthorexaminesdifferentissues relatedtotheselevels,includingdifferentinterpretationsofonecountry,two systems;theriseoffreedailies;organizationalculturesofthemediaorganizations; mediacredibility;problemsofself-censorship;theroleofnewmedia;andsoforth. Overall,thepaperpresentsacomprehensivepictureofthedevelopmentofmass mediaaftertheretrocession. Thetwelfthchapter,bySonnyLo,isoneoftherarepiecesthatexplorethe impactofTaiwanonHongKong'spoliticaldevelopmentaswellasBeijing'spolicy onHongKong.Thisisaboldattempt,andtheauthorgivessomeinsightsintothe tripartiterelationshipsbetweenmainlandChina,Taiwan,andHongKong.Yetto arguethat"theattempttosilenceTaiwan'scriticsofonecountry,twosystemswas oneofthefactorsshapingtheNPCSCdecisiononatimetableforthedirectionof theHKSARchiefexecutiveandtheentireHKSARLegislativeCouncil"(p.309)is certainlytooverreach.Theclaimhasnosupportingevidenceandisarrivedat throughpurelyspeculativediscourse.Iwillargue,tothecontrary,thatBeijing has alwaysbeenonguardagainsttheliaisonestablishedbetweenHongKong's pan-democratsandTaiwan'spoliticalparties.IfthereisanyimpactofTaiwanon Hong Kong,itveryoftenisnegative. Thethirteenthchapter,byLarryDiamond,isdividedintotwoparts.Inthe firstpart,heprovesbeyondanydoubtthatHongKongiswellpreparedforthe introductionofuniversalsuffragefortheelectionofthechiefexecutiveandall legislativemembers.Byusingcross-nationalcomparativedataonthelevelof economicdevelopment,ruleoflaw,degreeofgoodgovernance,politicalculture, andstatecapacity,DiamondarguesthatHongKongisnotonlyreadyfordemocracybutcouldbecomeasustainabledemocracy.Thesecondpartdealswiththe issuesrelatingtothetransitiontodemocracy.Asiswellknown,theonlyobstacle onthepathtodemocracyinHongKongisBeijing.Diamondproposesanegotiatedtransitionbetweenpan-democratsandpro-Beijingforcesandhasdevised tacticsofcompromiseforthepro-democracycamp.Hisanalysisisfullofgoodwill. WhetherBeijingwouldacceptitisanotherissue. Reviews 321 http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png China Review International University of Hawai'I Press

China’s Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects beyond the First Decade (review)

China Review International , Volume 17 (3) – Jun 15, 2010

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Reviews 317 andaestheticstyles.Initschoices,thevolumeleavesitselfopentothechargeof omittingsomeimportantfilms(orimportantdirectors)andisthencevulnerable tothechargeofselectingcertainfilmsthatmaybeconsideredminor. However,asasecondeditionandanexpandedvolume,Chinese Films in Focus IIwillprobablypressforwardtoathirdeditionwithmorenewfilmsaddedand perhapsthedeletionofsomefilmsfromtheoldervolume,whichistosaythatthe volumeasawholehasthecapacitytoimproveandchange.ThisreflectsthecapacityofChinesefilmstoadvancefurtherintoallareasoffilmstudiesandtheory. Thebook,therefore,offersanintriguingconceptofwatchingChinesefilmsasa historicalphenomenoninprogress,asitwere.ThelastwordshouldgotoBerry, whoadvisesreaderstolookatparticularfilms"asasitetoinvestigatetheoretical paradigms.""GiventhatsomuchfilmtheoryhasoriginatedinthestudyofHollywoodorEuropeanfilms,Chinesefilmscanbeexcitingtoworkwithprecisely becausetheiroriginsmaychallengeexistingparadigms"(p.7).This,then,isthe cruxofthebook'semphasisonanalyzingsingleChinesefilms.Thereisstillmuch roominfilmstudiesandfilmtheoryingeneraltostudyChinesefilmsbecause theyaresocomplexandrichandbecausetherehasnotbeenenoughwrittenabout Chinesefilms. StephenTeo Stephen Teo is an associate professor at the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. MingK.Chan,editor.China's Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects beyond the First Decade.HongKong:CityUniversityofHong KongPress,2008.342pp.Paperback$38.00,isbn978-962-937-168-5. Thisbookincludesfourteenchapters,whichwerepresentedattwosymposiaheld inHongKong(April27­28,2007)andinStanford,California(November12, 2007),bothontheoccasionofthetenthanniversaryoftheestablishmentofthe HongKongSpecialAdministrativeRegion(HKSAR).Thecollectedvolumehas contributionsbyscholarsfromdifferentdisciplines(economics,politics,media, sociology)andincludesprofessionals,alegislator,adiplomat,abusinessman,a governmentpolicyadvisor,andNGOexecutives.Theirvaryingbackgroundsand differentnationalitiesofferadiversityofperspectivesonthecrucialdevelopmental andsociopoliticalissuesthatHKSARencounteredinthefirstdecade. © 2012 by University of Hawai`i Press 318 ChinaReviewInternational:Vol.17,No.3,2010 Thefirstchapter,writtenbytheeditor,isasuccinctsummaryofthefirst decadeofHKSAR'ssociopoliticaldevelopment.Exceptfortwofactualmistakeson page6,thepaperisanexcellent,wide-rangingintroductiontothecrucialissuesin HongKong.Thefirstmistakeconcernsthedatesoftheinterpretationsofthe NationalPeople'sCongressStandingCommittee(NPCSC),withitsfirstinterpretationinJune1999ontheissueofrightsofabodeofmainland-bornchildren;the second,inApril2004onthepaceofdemocratization;andthethird,inApril2005 ontheremainingtenureoftheresigningchiefexecutive.However,thetextmentionsthatthesecondinterpretationoccurredinthespringof2005andthesecond inApril2006.AnothererroristhedateoftheNPC'sdecisiontoallowHKSARa blueprintfortheelectionofthechiefexecutivein2017onDecember29,2007.The numeral7ismissingin"2007"(p.12).Thepaperisafluentandanalyticalaccount ofthedevelopmentofHKSAR,butitlacksacoherenttheoreticalframeworkto comprehenddifferentaspectsofthemainlandandHKSARconvergence.Thistask remainstobecompleted.Thesecondchapter,bySin-porShiu,isafactualdescriptionofmajordevelopmentofHongKongwithoutanyrevealingorin-depth analysis. Thethirdchapter,bytheprodemocracylegislatorMargaretNgonthe democratizationofHongKong,offersthemostcomprehensiveanalysisthatI have readsofarontheargumentsofdemocratization,theprogressmadetoward democratization,theargumentsoftheproestablishmentcamp,Beijing'sstand, key issuesatstake,thewayforward,andsoforth.Thepiececouldservean e ssentialreferenceforundergraduateswhotakeacourseonHongKong politics. Thefourthchapter,byRonnieChan,iswrittenbyarealestatebusinessman andrevealsnothingnewaboutsomeofconspiratoryaspectsofBritishpoliciesin HongKong.TheauthorharborsextremelybiasedviewtowardtheBritish.The questionhedidnotaskiswhy,despitewhathehassaidabouttheBritishgovernment,HongKongerschoosetostayinHongKonganddonotgobacktothe motherland.Thepiececontainsfrequentabusiveandunsupportedstatements againstthepan-democrats:"[T]hepan-democratshavebeenlyingtothewestthat HKhasregressed"(p.102);"[A]lluniversitieswerethencontrolledbythecolonial master"(p.101);"[T]hosepan-democratsnevercomplainedaboutthelackof legitimacybefore"(p.106);"Inthenameofdemocracy,liesanddirtytacticshave allbecomeacceptable....SuchisHKtoday,thankstothepan-democrats" (p. 109).Thispieceandthefourteenthchapter,byJamesCunningham,whoserved asU.S.consulgeneralfrom2005to2008,aretheonlyworksthatcitenoreferences.TheformeristhesubjectiveopinionofabusinessmanwhohasvastfinancialinterestsinmainlandChina,andthelatterisadiplomat'srepresentationofhis country'spointofviewontheconceptofonecountry,twosystems.Thetwo papersshouldnothaveappearedinthisotherwiseexcellenteditiononHong Kong. Reviews 319 Thefifthchapter,bySusanPepper,examinestheevolvingpoliticalrelations betweenHKSARandBeijing.Ofthefourteenchapters,thischaptermostnearly approximatesanexpositionofatheoreticalframeworkthatcouldcapturethe essenceofpoliticaldevelopmentsince1997.UnderstandingthenatureofChinese authoritarianism,PepperintegratesHongKong'spoliticalprocesswiththenature oftheCommunistregimeinChinaandtherebyaccuratelygraspstheessenceof post-handoverpoliticsinHongKong. Thesixthchapter,byZhenminWangfromTsinghuaUniversity,givesafairly objectivedevelopmentofbasiclawimplementationafterthehandover,though fromapro-Beijingview.WanghasbeenlabeledbyHongKongmediaasoneofthe youngguardiansoftheBasicLaw.Asassociatedeanofthelawfacultyofoneofthe mostprestigiousuniversitiesinChina,hisorthodoxinterpretationcanbepredictedandhisconclusionthat"theinterpretationoftheBasicLawbytheNPCSC doesnotunderminejudicialindependenceinHongKong"(p.170)isunsurprising.However,thisviewiscertainlynotsharedbythelegalcommunityinHong Kongingeneral.Itisstillinterestingtoseehimtryingtoconvincepeoplebylegal argumentsratherthanbypoliticalstatements. Theseventhchapter,byDouglasArnerandBerryHsu,issupposedtoexaminetherelationshipbetweentheruleoflawandeconomicdevelopment,asthetitle "TheRuleofLawandEconomicDevelopmentintheHKSAR"suggests.Instead, theauthorsindulgeinananalysisoftheconceptofruleoflawandjudicialindependence.Theauthorsgiveafewstatementsontherelationshipsbetweenpolitics andtheeconomyingeneral,referringtoeconomistssuchasAdamSmith,Milton Friedman,JohnKeynes,RobertNorth,andothers,butwithoutapplyingthemto theHongKongcontext.Thisisadisappointingchapter. Theeighthchapter,byYun-wingSung,summarieswellthepathofeconomic developmentofHongKongsincereversion,focusingontherestructuringofthe economy.Asalaymanineconomics,Ifoundtheanalysisaccessibletoacommon audience,withoutanyacademicjargon.Theonlypointofcontentionis,Ithink, thefollowingstatement:"Therenminbiislikelytobeclosetofullyconvertibleina fewyears"(p.207).Thechapterwaswrittenin2008,atthelatest,anditnowseems thattherenminbiisnowhereneartobecomingfullyconvertible.Theprediction thatitcouldbecomeafullyconvertiblecurrencyinafewyearscomesprematurely. SomeeconomistsevenarguethatChinamayhavetowaitfifteenyearsmore. Theninthchapter,byYan-yanYipandChristineLoh,elaboratesonthe statementthat"HongKong'scivilsectorishighlydynamic,innovativeand resourceful"(p.213).Yet,despitethevibrancy,thedifficultiesencounteredbycivil groupsareenormous,whichincludelimitedresources,looseorganizations,lackof trustamongcivicgroups,andthegovernment'sdeliberatesideliningoftheroleof thecivilsocietyinthepartnershipingovernance. Thetenthchapter,byAlvinSo,attemptstodepictanemergent,newsocial movement(postmodernisttype)inHongKong.Theelementsofatraditional 320 ChinaReviewInternational:Vol.17,No.3,2010 socialmovementincludegoals,strategy,participants,organization,andmobilization.Infact,thenewlabel"postmodernist"isperhapscontrived.Thenewsocial movementmayhavenewtoolsofmobilization,foritdepended,toagreatextent, onthenewinformationtechnology(especiallytheInternet)formobilization. Morepeopleorprotestorsarenowconnectedbydifferentkindsofnetworking devices,whilepreviousmobilizationdependedmoreontraditionalmediasuch as television,radio,rallying,newspapers,posters,andothersources.Arguably, the natureofsocialmovementsremainsunchangedandanewlabelis u nwarranted. Theeleventhpiece,byTuen-yuLauandRaymondCheng,analyzesthedevelopmentofmassmediabyusingthefive-levelmediamodeldevelopedbyPamela ShoamkerandStephenReese.Thefiveincludeideological,extra-media,organizational,mediaroutine,andindividuallevels.Theauthorexaminesdifferentissues relatedtotheselevels,includingdifferentinterpretationsofonecountry,two systems;theriseoffreedailies;organizationalculturesofthemediaorganizations; mediacredibility;problemsofself-censorship;theroleofnewmedia;andsoforth. Overall,thepaperpresentsacomprehensivepictureofthedevelopmentofmass mediaaftertheretrocession. Thetwelfthchapter,bySonnyLo,isoneoftherarepiecesthatexplorethe impactofTaiwanonHongKong'spoliticaldevelopmentaswellasBeijing'spolicy onHongKong.Thisisaboldattempt,andtheauthorgivessomeinsightsintothe tripartiterelationshipsbetweenmainlandChina,Taiwan,andHongKong.Yetto arguethat"theattempttosilenceTaiwan'scriticsofonecountry,twosystemswas oneofthefactorsshapingtheNPCSCdecisiononatimetableforthedirectionof theHKSARchiefexecutiveandtheentireHKSARLegislativeCouncil"(p.309)is certainlytooverreach.Theclaimhasnosupportingevidenceandisarrivedat throughpurelyspeculativediscourse.Iwillargue,tothecontrary,thatBeijing has alwaysbeenonguardagainsttheliaisonestablishedbetweenHongKong's pan-democratsandTaiwan'spoliticalparties.IfthereisanyimpactofTaiwanon Hong Kong,itveryoftenisnegative. Thethirteenthchapter,byLarryDiamond,isdividedintotwoparts.Inthe firstpart,heprovesbeyondanydoubtthatHongKongiswellpreparedforthe introductionofuniversalsuffragefortheelectionofthechiefexecutiveandall legislativemembers.Byusingcross-nationalcomparativedataonthelevelof economicdevelopment,ruleoflaw,degreeofgoodgovernance,politicalculture, andstatecapacity,DiamondarguesthatHongKongisnotonlyreadyfordemocracybutcouldbecomeasustainabledemocracy.Thesecondpartdealswiththe issuesrelatingtothetransitiontodemocracy.Asiswellknown,theonlyobstacle onthepathtodemocracyinHongKongisBeijing.Diamondproposesanegotiatedtransitionbetweenpan-democratsandpro-Beijingforcesandhasdevised tacticsofcompromiseforthepro-democracycamp.Hisanalysisisfullofgoodwill. WhetherBeijingwouldacceptitisanotherissue. Reviews 321

Journal

China Review InternationalUniversity of Hawai'I Press

Published: Jun 15, 2010

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