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444 Southwestern Historical Quarterly April larly those of the Deep South. It highlights the profound connection between race and politics apparent throughout the history of the South. It moves beyond reporting political events as just one election after another and ties politics to larger societal ends. It connects politics on the local level with politics on the national level. Viewed from Texas, however, the book’s weaknesses outweigh its strengths. Indeed Texas and political events in the state go largely unmentioned. You could not tell from this book that many scholars look first to Texas to understand popu- lism. Texans key to the development of the New Deal go unnoticed or at best little noticed. Jesse Jones, for example, who headed up the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and was a power in the Democratic Party from World War I to the 1950s, rates not one word. George Wallace gets more space than Lyndon Johnson. Not surprisingly the work presents almost a stereotype of the South, and remains focused on southern conservatives and reactionaries with little on southerners with a more progressive or liberal streak such as Wright Patman or Ralph Yarbor- ough. No black or Latino politicians make it into the
Southwestern Historical Quarterly – Texas State Historical Association
Published: May 14, 2011
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