The Belarusian Genitive plural: a case for reanalysis

The Belarusian Genitive plural: a case for reanalysis The paper presents new data from ongoing morphological change in the Standard Belarusian nominal declension that potentially bear on the nature of phonology-morphology interactions. It is generally accepted that the allomorphs in the Genitive plural case are /-Ø/, /-ow/, and /-ej/, and that some version of the /-ow/ allomorph is now being extended from Declension Ia to other declension classes. The spread of this change in some classes is sensitive to a phonotactic condition that does not normally interact with morphology elsewhere. Thus Belarusian suppletive allomorphy shows some output optimization, or Phonology > Morphology effects. The allomorph being extended to feminine nouns is the unstressed pronunciation of /-ow/, the neutralized [-aw] (< /-ow/). I suggest that this phonologically predictable [-aw] has at some point been reanalyzed as an independent lexical allomorph /-aw/ which must be “unstressed”. In a model of the grammar where phonology and morphology are interleaved, I show that the /-aw/ is implemented by a constraint GenPl: /-aw/ which is ranked with respect to a phonological constraint (YerDep) and the other GenPl Decl constraints implementing /-Ø/, /-ow/, and /-ej/. The “unstressability” of /-aw/ is said to be due to Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1999a, 1999b); there are no instances of Gen plural [-áw] in Belarusian. The nature of this innovation raises questions about the architecture of phonology-morphology interactions and the representation of lexical allomorphy in the grammar. http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Morphology Springer Journals

The Belarusian Genitive plural: a case for reanalysis

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Publisher
Springer Netherlands
Copyright
Copyright © 2017 by Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht
Subject
Linguistics; Linguistics, general; Comparative Linguistics; Phonology; Sign Language
ISSN
1871-5621
eISSN
1871-5656
D.O.I.
10.1007/s11525-017-9302-2
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

The paper presents new data from ongoing morphological change in the Standard Belarusian nominal declension that potentially bear on the nature of phonology-morphology interactions. It is generally accepted that the allomorphs in the Genitive plural case are /-Ø/, /-ow/, and /-ej/, and that some version of the /-ow/ allomorph is now being extended from Declension Ia to other declension classes. The spread of this change in some classes is sensitive to a phonotactic condition that does not normally interact with morphology elsewhere. Thus Belarusian suppletive allomorphy shows some output optimization, or Phonology > Morphology effects. The allomorph being extended to feminine nouns is the unstressed pronunciation of /-ow/, the neutralized [-aw] (< /-ow/). I suggest that this phonologically predictable [-aw] has at some point been reanalyzed as an independent lexical allomorph /-aw/ which must be “unstressed”. In a model of the grammar where phonology and morphology are interleaved, I show that the /-aw/ is implemented by a constraint GenPl: /-aw/ which is ranked with respect to a phonological constraint (YerDep) and the other GenPl Decl constraints implementing /-Ø/, /-ow/, and /-ej/. The “unstressability” of /-aw/ is said to be due to Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1999a, 1999b); there are no instances of Gen plural [-áw] in Belarusian. The nature of this innovation raises questions about the architecture of phonology-morphology interactions and the representation of lexical allomorphy in the grammar.

Journal

MorphologySpringer Journals

Published: Jun 7, 2017

References

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