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The influence of marketing on the sports betting attitudes and consumption behaviours of young men: implications for harm reduction and prevention strategies

The influence of marketing on the sports betting attitudes and consumption behaviours of young... Background: Gambling can cause significant health and social harms for individuals, their families, and communities. While many studies have explored the individual factors that may lead to and minimise harmful gambling, there is still limited knowledge about the broader range of factors that may contribute to gambling harm. There are significant regulations to prevent the marketing of some forms of gambling but comparatively limited regulations relating to the marketing of newer forms of online gambling such as sports betting. There is a need for better information about how marketing strategies may be shaping betting attitudes and behaviours and the range of policy and regulatory responses that may help to prevent the risky or harmful consumption of these products. Methods: We conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with 50 Australian men (aged 20–37 years) who gambled on sports. We explored their attitudes and opinions regarding sports betting marketing, the embedding of marketing within sports and other non-gambling community environments, and the implications this had for the normalisation of betting. Results: Our findings indicate that most of the environments in which participants reported seeing or hearing betting advertisements were not in environments specifically designed for betting. Participants described that the saturation of marketing for betting products, including through sports-based commentary and sports programming, normalised betting. Participants described that the inducements offered by the industry were effective marketing strategies in getting themselves and other young men to bet on sports. Inducements were also linked with feelings of greater control over betting outcomes and stimulated some individuals to sign up with more than one betting provider. Conclusions: This research suggests that marketing plays a strong role in the normalisation of gambling in sports. This has the potential to increase the risks and subsequent harms associated with these products. Legislators must begin to consider the cultural lag between an evolving gambling landscape, which supports sophisticated marketing strategies, and effective policies and practices which aim to reduce and prevent gambling harm. Keywords: Marketing, Young men, Sports, Normalisation, Betting, Harm reduction * Correspondence: [email protected] Centre for Population Health Research, School of Health and Social Development, Faculty of Health, Deakin University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia Full list of author information is available at the end of the article © The Author(s). 2017 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated. Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 2 of 12 Background but not limited to accessibility, the role of alcohol, and Gambling can cause significant health and social harms promotions) that may contribute to risky sports betting for individuals, their families, and communities [1, 2]. behaviours [9]. While academic research has traditionally focused on There has also been a significant increase in the the harms associated with problem or pathological levels amount of marketing for sports betting products in of gambling, research now suggests that gambling harm Australia [22], including significant increases in advertis- may also occur for those with low or moderate levels of ing spend by online bookmakers [23]. Marketing strat- gambling, with the burdens associated with gambling egies for sports betting extend beyond advertisements harms now comparable with those associated with alcohol on free to air television and also include more contem- misuse and major depression [3]. Each year, approximately porary social media platforms such as Twitter and Face- 400,000 Australian adults experience gambling-related book (which often transcend advertising regulations) [7], harm or are at moderate risk of experiencing harm [4]. as well as commercial sponsorship agreements with The “ripple effect” that gambling can have on families, sporting codes, stadiums, broadcasters, and individual friends, and employers is also represented by the fact that clubs [10, 24, 25]. For example, there are currently for each problem gambler, approximately five to ten multimillion dollar sponsorship deals between online others are negatively impacted by their gambling [4]. bookmakers and two of Australia’s major sporting Traditional research paradigms in gambling have codes—the National Rugby League (NRL) and the Aus- predominantly focused on individualised models to tralian Football League (AFL) [26], as well as other codes explain why some individuals develop problematic or such as Tennis Australia [27]. pathological levels of gambling, with personal respon- sibility approaches offered as key harm minimisation The influence of marketing on sports betting strategies [5]. However, newer research has sought to consumption behaviours understand the broader socio-cultural, environmental, Research suggests that young men are the target market and commercial determinants of gambling harm, and for sports betting companies, with a range of marketing the broader range of policy and regulatory strategies and promotional strategies used to both appeal to and that maybeusedtoprevent harm [6–9]. Despite in- reach this key audience segment [8]. Further, some creasing concern from academics, legislators, and young men have reported they feel targeted and bom- community groups about the increasing proliferation barded by sports betting advertising [28]. More broadly, of marketing for gambling products and services [10–14], research into the impact of gambling advertising indi- very limited research has explored how marketing strat- cates that it may trigger impulses to gamble, may in- egies may influence gambling attitudes and consumption crease already high levels of gambling and may make it intentions and the range of strategies that may be used to more difficult for problem gamblers in particular, to reduce the risks posed by marketing to different popula- gamble less or not gamble at all [29, 30]. Researchers tion subgroups. argue that sports betting has become closely aligned with young men’s sports fan rituals [31], with some re- Sports betting: the Australian context searchers highlighting the role that marketing strategies Australia arguably has one of the most liberalised and may play in stimulating the risky consumption of sports intensive gambling environments in the world [2], with betting products. For example, researchers have found sports betting via online bookmakers a rapidly expand- that sports betting advertising used during sporting ing segment of the Australian gambling market [15, 16]. matches stimulates a range of positive, negative, and Official statistics have reported an increase in sports bet- neutral affects in sports betters [32]. Researchers have ting expenditure in Australia [17, 18] and increasing also demonstrated that specific forms of marketing pro- profit margins for some online bookmakers [19]. How- motions such as inducements may be particularly influ- ever, this has also coincided with an increase in the ential in stimulating problematic betting behaviours [33]. number of individuals presenting to clinics for help with Marketing research also demonstrates how advertisers problems with this form of gambling, particularly young may seek to develop upon existing cultural symbols, be- men [20]. Recent research suggests that approximately haviours, and contexts, with an aim of embedding their three quarters (72.1%) of losses for sports betting come product within these behaviours and creating new subcul- from individuals with some level of gambling problems, tures and identities associated with that product [34–36]. representing the greatest proportion of losses derived Researchers have partly documented this process in rela- from people with problem gambling symptoms when tion to sports betting advertising. They have analysed the comparing across different gambling forms [21]. Further, extent to which gambling industry marketing seeks to recent research suggests that there exists a range of factors align sports betting with the culturally valued aspects of in both online and land-based environments (including being a sports fan—including mateship, support for your Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 3 of 12 team, fan loyalty, thrill, winning, and power [8]. Deans experiencing previous problems with sports betting. While et al. [8] suggest that these marketing tactics, which are so this participant no longer gambled on sports or any other closely aligned with such a valued cultural activity in product, the research team chose to include him given his sports, may have an influential impact on individual and personal experiences with sports betting and to ensure a peer group identities associated with gambling on sports. range of experiences were included in the study sample. However, few studies have sought to explore how market- We employed a number of strategies to recruit partici- ing strategies may influence the gambling attitudes and pants including posts on social media (Twitter and Face- consumption intentions of populations. book), advertisements on gambling forums, flyers in gyms (and in gym newsletters), and a newspaper article with Methods information about the study. As the study progressed, Utilising in-depth qualitative research with young male we relied on snowball techniques to recruit the remain- sports gamblers (20–37 years), the key target market of der of participants. Ethical approval was obtained from betting companies, we aimed to explore the role of mar- the University Human Research Ethics Committee. Po- keting in betting behaviours, as well as the range of tential participants were given information about the strategies that may be used to minimise the potential study and gave their verbal consent prior to completing harms associated with marketing. The research was the interview. Participants received a $30 iTunes, gro- guided by four research questions. cery, or petrol voucher for their participation. 1. How do marketing mechanisms seek to create a Data collection cultural alignment between betting and sports? Semi-structured, audio-taped interviews lasting between 2. Is there evidence that marketing strategies may be 30 and 60 min were conducted with each participant. The influencing new betting “identities” associated with majority of interviews were conducted by author 1, with sports? some conducted by author 2. Demographic information, 3. Do specific forms of promotions encourage young including age, occupation, highest level of education, and men to gamble more frequently and on events that postcode were collected. Participants’ postcodes were used they would not otherwise bet on? as a guide to assess their socio-economic status, as deter- 4. Are there specific strategies that may have the mined by their Socio-Economic Index for Areas Score potential to reduce or prevent the risks or harms (SEIFA) [42]. We used an adapted version of the nine- posed by the marketing for these products? item Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) developed by Ferris and Wynne, [43] to measure participants’ gam- Approach bling behaviours, with PGSI scores used to broadly group The results presented in this paper were part of a participants according to their gambling risk characteris- broader study investigating the sports betting attitudes tics, with a score or 1–2 indicating low levels of problems, and behaviours of young men [9, 31]. The research used 3–7 moderate levels of problems, and 8 and over patho- a constructivist grounded theory (CGT) approach [37], logical levels of problems with gambling. However, we also acknowledging the active co-creation of knowledge that asked more detailed questions about participants’ experi- exists between researchers and research participants. In- ences with gambling and the types of products that they dividuals each have their own socially constructed real- gambled on (including electronic gambling machines ity, and the research findings therefore represent a (EGMs), greyhound and horse wagering, table games, collation of interpretations of multiple lived realities, keno, lotto, and sports betting), as well as the estimated mutually constructed by the researchers and participants amount spent on a weekly, fortnightly, or monthly basis in this study [38]. Such an approach considers (and (depending on the frequency of each participant’sgam- values) the opinions and experiences of all participants, bling behaviours). Qualitative themes of inquiry included while attempting to reconstruct their experiences in the participants’ participation in sports, their early experiences most faithful way possible [39]. with gambling, and how their gambling behaviours had evolved over time, the role of betting in their peer group Sampling and recruitment strategies rituals related to sports, the changing gambling landscape Participants were recruited using purposive [40] and the- including the accessibility of online betting products, their oretical [41] sampling techniques. We sought to recruit attitudes regarding sports betting marketing, and their young men who were fans of the National Rugby League regulatory suggestions to protect individuals from gam- (NRL) and/or the Australian Football League (AFL) and bling harm. This paper specifically focuses on participants’ who had engaged in betting on these codes. All partici- responses to the extent and content of sports betting mar- pants were either current or recent sports bettors, with keting. Recruitment for the study was stopped when the the exception of one participant who identified as researchers were confident of a diversity of experiences Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 4 of 12 and opinions to illustrate a number of constructs associ- Table 1 General characteristics ated with our research questions and theoretical lens [44]. Characteristics N (%) Age Range 20–37 years (mean 28 years, SD 4) Data analysis and interpretation Data, including participants’ age, occupation, highest level Occupation of education, postcode, and SEIFA index, as well as PGSI Technicians and trade workers 15 (30%) scores, were entered into SPSS and analysed using basic Professionals 14 (28%) descriptive statistics. Transcripts were uploaded to QSR Community and personal service workers 7 (14%) NVivo 10 which was used to manage the data. Qualitative Sales workers 5 (10%) data interpretation occurred throughout the interviews Managers 4 (8%) and was led by the first two authors who constantly met to discuss the data, and to add new questions to the inter- Labourers 2 (4%) view schedule as new ideas, experiences, and opinions Clerical and administrative workers 2 (4%) emerged from participants’ interviews. Initial data coding, Unemployed 1 (2%) analyses, and interpretation was conducted by authors 1 Highest level of education and 2. We used open-coding techniques to identify narra- University 29 (58%) tives that specifically related to the extent and content of Secondary 11 (22%) sports betting marketing in each of the transcripts. We read and re-read each transcript (and listened to the audio TAFE 10 (20%) of each interview), employing a constant comparative SEIFA DECILE method [41] to identify the similarities and differences be- 8–10 22 (44%) tween each interview and to inductively categorise the 4–7 24 (48%) data [45]. Preliminary findings were discussed amongst 1–3 4 (8%) the research team for interpretation early on in the data PGSI collection/analysis phase. This allowed for emerging themes of inquiry to be identified and guided how best to 0 (non-problem gambling) 12 (24%) explore these in subsequent interviews. As noted, we ini- 1–2 (low level of problems) 17 (34%) tially explored participants’ attitudes and opinions towards 3–7 (moderate level of problems) 17 (34%) the extent and content of sports betting marketing and 8+ (problem gambling) 4 (8%) then selectively coded the data into distinct subthemes. Attempting to move beyond a descriptive level of analysis, we drew upon relevant literature and theory to help Four qualitative themes emerged from the data. understand and explain further, participants’ experiences. Results Prompting and nudging: the role of marketing and Sample characteristics promotions in the normalisation of gambling The general characteristics of the sample are presented in The first theme to emerge from participants’ narratives Table 1. In total, 50 young men participated in the study, related to the changing marketing environment for aged between 20 and 37 (mean = 28 years, SD = 4). sports betting products. Table 2 documents the range of Participants had a range of occupational backgrounds marketing channels for sports betting that emerged from including trade or technician work (n = 15), profes- participants’ narratives. Most of the marketing strategies sional work (n = 14), community service work (n =7), for sports betting mentioned by participants were not in retail (n = 5), management (n =4), labour (n =2), and environments specifically designed for gambling. Rather, administrative work (n = 2). Just over half (n =29) of they included television advertising during both regular the sample had completed an undergraduate or post- programming and during sports; at sporting matches; on graduate University degree, 11 participants had completed radio; billboards; public transport, and as pop-ups on so- secondary schooling, and 10 participants had completed a cial media sites. In gambling environments, participants diploma or advanced diploma at Technical and Further mentioned that they had seen advertising on mobile Education (TAFE). More than half of the sample were sports betting apps, and within clubs and pubs, which from moderate (n = 24) to high (n = 22) socio-economic included sports bars, and specific betting facilities. Some areas of advantage. PGSI scores ranged from 0 to 11, with participants described how the marketing for sports bet- over two thirds (n = 34) experiencing low or moderate ting in everyday community spaces created a perception problems with gambling and four receiving a PGSI score that sports betting was “accepted” and “normal”. Some indicative of a gambling problem. also specifically described how constant exposure to Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 5 of 12 Table 2 Reported marketing channels for sports betting However, others, including some at higher risk levels of gambling harm, described the impact of constantly seeing Marketing channels (non-gambling environments) N (%) promotions for inducements and incentives to gamble. TV (during sports broadcasts, Footy Show) 50 (100%) The following moderate risk gambler directly attributed Online (pop-up banners) 25 (50%) the embedding of gambling within sporting cultures to the Social media (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) 18 (36%) constant push of gambling products and services through- Radio 15 (30%) out sporting matches: Sports stadiums/infield 11 (22%) That’s the reason it’s become so dominant in our Newspaper 11 (22%) culture, because it’s so overly pushed in everything Billboards 10 (20%) that we see and we do to do with sport. Just coming Team Jerseys 7 (14%) down to the commercial breaks, the half time breaks, Magazines 2 (4%) it’s focused around betting companies, and what you Public transport 2 (4%) can bet on. –25 years., PGSI 4. Marketing channels (gambling environments) N (%) Similarly, the following participant described the famil- Pub/sports bar 11 (22%) iarity of seeing very specific promotions for sports bet- Mobile (push notifications/apps) 8 (16%) ting products when viewing sports events. In particular, TAB 4 (8%) he described the specific informational campaigns run RSL/club 3 (6%) by betting companies which were designed to teach indi- viduals about the range of different ways to engage in marketing for these products was so common that they betting via mobile technologies: had become “desensitised” to it, and the more they im- plicitly accepted (or did not question) the presence of There’s just so much. Particularly in ad breaks, where gambling marketing in these spaces, “the more you see it they’re just jam filled with ads for new odds, ways you the more you think that’s okay”. Others stated that the can increase your bet, ways that you can change, tap constant exposure to marketing for sports betting prod- out. All that stuff is in the marketing. –27 years., ucts also removed the stigma traditionally associated PGSI 4. with betting by creating a perception that gambling on sports was a normal activity: A symbolic alignment with sports: the role of sponsorship- and commentary-based marketing I think subconsciously people start thinking it’s okay Participants described the role of sponsorship deals be- because they see it all the time…you start seeing it tween industry and sporting codes as creating a symbolic again and again and you think that’s the norm. – alignment between gambling and sports. In particular, 26 years., PGSI 1. participants described the reliance of two of Australia’s major sporting codes—the AFL and NRL—on gambling A key subtheme within participants’ narratives related revenue via sponsorship relationships. Some commented to the saturation of advertising for sports betting within that this made gambling “even more integrated” into sporting environments. Participants used words and matches, with sporting codes and teams playing an ac- phrases such as “constant”, “over saturated”, and “it’s ab- tive role in the promotion of betting. Several participants solutely everywhere, it’s impossible to miss” to describe described the way in which implicit endorsement of bet- the push of marketing for sports betting into sports. The ting by teams and codes contributed to the normalisa- perception that it was almost impossible to avoid mar- tion of gambling: keting for gambling was a recurring theme throughout participants’ narratives, with many of the narratives im- Every team is sponsored by a gambling agency. It’son plying that some young men felt trapped by the amount every ad break on TV. I mostly watch the NRL and of marketing for sports betting products. For example, it’s very much promoted by the NRL. – 29 years., one participant stated that as a sports fan “you can’tes- PGSI 2. cape it”, with another stating that “it’s the single most marketed thing out there”. Participants described the Participants described the subtle ways in which mar- impact of saturated marketing on the normalisation of keting for sports betting had also become embedded betting in sports. Some described this in more general within sports-based commentary before and during and generic terms stating that because betting advertise- sporting matches, as well as in sports-based entertain- ments were “in everything now, it just seems normal”. ment shows. For example, some participants described Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 6 of 12 how commentators spoke about the performance of team. Not only [do you] back them with your emotions, players and teams through an “odds lens”. Others stated you back them financially. –29 years., PGSI 0. that betting “language” was now included in the general sports commentary surrounding the match, with com- Targeted and vulnerable: the role of marketing in mentary during breaks in play overwhelmingly focused shaping the gambling identities of young men on gambling—“at half time they don’t talk about the The majority of participants believed that young men game, they just talk about the odds”. were the key target market for gambling companies and Others described how broadcasters would cross to a that marketing had played an important role in shaping bookmaker for the odds of the game—not only on the the gambling identities of young men. Many participants match outcome but also on individual players and spe- also believed that young men were especially vulnerable cific statistics associated with the game. Some stated that to gambling harm, with some perceiving that marketing this changed the terminology and discourse associated amplified the risks associated with sports betting: “the with the match, with bookmakers and sports commenta- marketing targets young men, I think that’s why they’re tors encouraging fans to view the match through a gam- most at risk”. Participants described a range of market- bling lens: ing appeal strategies that they believed were particularly influential in shaping gambling as a part of sports fan You watch a game of footy and they generally will behaviour. The most common was the use of appeals and cross to the [bookmakers] and ‘these are the odds’. imagery that centred upon peer belonging and mateship. When they bring up the teams on Fox Footy, they say Participants described advertising creatives which linked ‘well it’s the Crows and the Power’. And how they betting as something that “you and your mates” partici- determine the favourite isn’t by saying ‘these guys are pated in. A number of participants spoke about how ad- the favourites’, they show the odds. –24 years., PGSI 3. vertisements sought to align what they already valued and appreciated in sports, with that of betting. For example, Most participants stated that crossing to bookmakers the following participant described how effective he throughout the match had become such a normal part thought sports betting marketing strategies were in linking of the game that they rarely thought to challenge the gambling to friendship and comradery. presence of these forms of promotions: I think more so than a lot of other advertising, sports You have your commentators reviewing games and gambling advertising really is holding that mirror up they talk about the odds and who is favourite to the to what is good and fun about sport, which is extent whereby they sometimes cross over to friendship, and comradery, and hanging with your someone who gives you the odds on who is trending mates, and having a punt while you’re doing that. I well. I think it becomes so in your face that we just think it’s that connection that they are looking for accept it as normal now. –24 years., PGSI 3. between mateship and having a bet. –29 years., PGSI 0. The “integration” of odds promotions outside of live Some participants related to the symbolism within broadcasts and into sporting programmes was also iden- sports betting marketing, with one participant stating tified by several participants. In particular, evening panel that the creatives and appeal strategies used within gam- discussion shows relating to the AFL and the NRL were bling advertising were a “mirror image of the clients they now considered a platform for the promotion of betting: are trying to get”. Some participants stated that they “when you watch the footy show for the NRL, every time could relate and identify their own relationships and bet- they preview a team for the weekend coming up, the ting behaviours to those portrayed in advertisements: thing that they talk about is the odds”. Some participants perceived that the integration between gambling com- They make you identify with yourself and your mates panies and sporting codes conveyed a message that gam- as well, and they’re very relatable. They put you in a bling was an integral part of sports fans’ identities and a position of ‘yeah that’s actually happened to me’,it precondition to enjoying the match and supporting their attracts young men definitely. –32 years., PGSI 2. team. For example, one participant described how watching sports and following a team was no longer Others commented that sports betting advertising in- solely about emotion and passion but was also about corporated existing rituals associated with young men’s backing their team through betting: sports fan behaviours (e.g. watching sports with peers at a pub) and sought to add gambling to these behaviours. They’re trying to create an atmosphere where it’sno The following comment suggests that these marketing longer good enough to just passionately follow your tactics created a strong positive cultural narrative for Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 7 of 12 young men about the role of gambling in their peer mechanism in stimulating the opening of betting ac- groups and their collective identities surrounding sport: counts. Many described that while they initially thought they would open accounts, use the bets, and then walk They make it look like it’s a boys club, as if it’s part of away, this was the first step into long-term patterns of what you should be doing, watching the footy and gambling: betting, watching the races and gambling, and showing off because you’ve won. There’s that aspect which a lot When all the bookies started to promote the ‘sign up of the ads are doing now. They’re targeting those with us with twenty dollars and we’ll give you a younger boys. Like you can be the cool guy that won hundred dollar bonus bet’, that was enough for me to money and this is what you should be doing - you go ‘oh yeah, fuck it, I’ll just have one big bet, and use should be gambling, you should be doing this. – their special, their promotional offer. If I win, great, 30 year., PGSI 5. I’ve got some extra money, if I don’tI’ll walk away’. But obviously I never walked away. –34 years., PGSI 3. Despite their engagement in betting, some participants remained negative about how embedded gambling mar- Participants noted that inducements led them to open keting had become within sports, with some using words multiple accounts: “I have accounts with everyone, when such as “overbearing” and “ridiculous”. Participants ar- you sign up you get a bonus bet, so I’ve signed up to all gued that it was extremely problematic that individuals of them”. One participant who was a former prob- could not watch sports without being exposed to the lem sports gambler explained that incentives were “dan- marketing for sports betting and felt frustrated that gling carrots” that “hook” you into opening multiple sports broadcasts were overloaded with betting promo- online betting accounts. However, other participants be- tions. A few described switching off the television when lieved that bonus bets and a competitive gambling envir- they felt too pressured to gamble because of betting onment meant that they could take advantage of deals promotions: between bookmakers. While several participants consid- ered this to be a risky gambling behaviour—“they give They’ll be games where I probably won’t bet because you points, they give you credits, and sometimes they I’ve seen the ads and I just get annoyed with it. It’s give you money back…that’s risky”—they still actively like, no it’s too much saturating, and it’s almost like pursued deals, with many participants ignoring any po- pressure. –31 year., PGSI 3. tential risk—“if they’re giving me $100 bucks to do it, I might as well do it!”. There was evidence that induce- Reducing risk and creating feelings of control: the role of ments stimulated some participants to continue gam- inducements and incentives in nudging consumption bling and to gamble when they otherwise would not Many (n = 34) participants considered that the incentives have gambled. For example, one participant stated: “I offered by the betting industry were amongst the most gamble again if they’ve given me something for free”. effective marketing strategies in getting themselves and Even when participants viewed these offers critically, stating others to bet on sports. Described as “the big ones”, in- that it was important to “see what these companies are ducements and incentives such as “cash back offers” and doing in the way that they advertise”, this did not always “bonus bets” were considered to be “safety nets” and prevent the uptake of betting promotions. For example, softened participants’ perception about the level of risk even though the following participant knew that induce- associated with gambling. Most participants who took ments were a clever marketing tactic, they still influenced up these offers believed that they provided benefit to the his decisions to place bets and how much he would gamble: consumer, with some perceiving that it would be “silly” not to take advantage of these offers: You’re not concerned about the $50 you put on a bet because you’ve got two different ways you can win it I see it as an insurance type of bet really, it’s like if back, or potentially get $100. They’re clever in what you’re flipping a coin three times, but if you get it they do by making things that are actually harmful or wrong twice you get your money back. If you actually addictive and they minimise it to a point where you analyse it, the value is there. I consider it a smart and don’t consider it. –27 years., PGSI 4. reasonably safe, more safe bet. –29 years., PGSI 6. Some specific incentives created a perception amongst Participants also believed that they could maximise participants that they were more in control of their gam- their winnings through large sign-up bonus bets. Many bling. For example, they described “tap out” promotions conceptualised these incentives as free money, with which resulted in them believing they could “curb your these types of inducements being the most influential losses” and “increase your chances of winning”. Others Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 8 of 12 perceived that inducements were generally linked with gambling and sports, as well as the distinct promotional specific athletes who were “safe” options for betting, for factors that may influence gambling consumption behav- example, those who could perform under pressure or iours. It is clear from this study that most participants who were regular try or goal scorers. A number of par- recall the marketing for sports betting in environments ticipants stated that these types of inducements were which are not specifically designed for gambling, and particularly influential in encouraging their decisions to this was most notably the case during live broadcasts of place a bet: “If they say something about a particular Australian sports. This is the phase of cultural alignment player that I like, I will go for it”. Some believed that pla- that McCracken [34] described as taking cultural mean- cing bets on these players gave them a greater degree of ings within the social world, and applying them to prod- control over the outcome of the markets that they gam- ucts. Marketing for sports betting products is no longer bled on and that incentives would protect their money confined to specific gambling environments (such as even if the bet was unsuccessful: bookmaker websites or mobile applications and gam- bling venues). Rather, the marketing for these products Probably the cash back ones. I had a bet on the has entered everyday community and media spaces, Origin [NRL interstate competition], and I had a bet which have not traditionally been aligned with gambling. on the first try scorer. I put it on Greg Inglis, knowing Participants’ narratives suggest that the embedding of that he is more than likely going to score a try during sports betting marketing in sports, termed by McMullen the game, but they give you your money back even if & Miller [11] as the “gamblification” of sports, has created he doesn’t score first, but scores during the game. a new cultural meaning that betting is core to the sporting You get your money back. –34 years., PGSI 2. experience. We would argue this is increasingly similar to betting being core to the experience of horse racing. Others described the impact of inducements tied to However, it is not only the placement of sports betting the emotion associated with large sporting events. For advertisements within sports but the saturated nature of example, some explained that inducements and incen- these promotions that has exacerbated a cultural align- tives had a significant impact when you were “fired up ment between betting and sports and the subsequent risks about watching your team”, with some evidence that associated with betting. Constant saturation marketing, they stimulated participants to bet more than they nor- particularly during sporting matches and programmes, in- mally would during these events. This was particularly fluenced participants’ beliefs that gambling had become a the case for individuals with moderate- or high-risk normal or common part of sports. This finding is similar levels of gambling. For example, the following partici- to research conducted with children and adolescents pant stated that when inducements were offered, it was reflecting that 75% of young people believed that gambling “easy to have the urge and bet above what you normally is a normal or common part of sports, based on the mar- do”. Another stated that push notifications via his mo- keting for gambling products during sporting matches bile phone, which offered a range of promotions, led [13]. This raises an important issue for policy makers and him to bet more than he normally would have done dur- regulators in relation to the prevention of harm. While ing the State of Origin NRL match: marketing for some forms of gambling (e.g. EGMs or “pokies”) is prohibited in Australia, marketing for sports The Origin a couple of weeks ago is a good example. betting continues with limited regulatory frameworks. Most major online companies, they do pretty Recognising the potential for harm, some countries, such substantial offers, so if you lose by eight points or less as the UK, are now considering the prohibition of gam- money back, or if you’re losing any time money back. bling promotions before the watershed (the point in time And with those particular games I certainly bet a lot after which programmes with adult content may be broad- more then what I normally would, based on those cast), as part of a comprehensive suite of harm reduction specials and promotions. –29 years., PGSI 6. strategies associated with sports betting products [46]. In Australia, the state of Victoria is considering the restric- Discussion tion of betting promotions on public transport and infra- This study sought to investigate how the marketing of structure near schools [47]. This study suggests that sports betting products may influence betting attitudes policies aiming to denormalise gambling as an inherent and consumption behaviours which ultimately may lead part of sports must consider significant restrictions on the to harm. The study also sought to consider potential volume of advertising during sports programmes, sporting strategies to reduce the risks posed by these marketing matches, and within non-gambling environments at any strategies for young male sports fans. Figure 1 provides a time of the day. theoretical model of how marketing strategies may influ- The study indicates that there are specific marketing ence a shift in the cultural meanings associated with mechanisms that intensify the symbolic relationship Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 9 of 12 Fig. 1 Marketing strategies that may shift the cultural meanings associated with gambling and sports. Legend: Theoretical model of how marketing strategies may influence a shift in the cultural meanings associated with gambling and sports, as well as the distinct promotional factors that may influence gambling consumption behaviours between gambling and sports. We would argue that the powerful positive endorsements of gambling which may in endorsement of betting by sporting codes (particularly turn (a) lead to harm and (b) help to facilitate the transfer via sponsorship relationships) and broadcasters has a of cultural meanings associated with betting products to significant influence in betting becoming a meaningful the participants themselves. The endorsement by sports part of the life of sports fans. In part, this is because en- codes and commentators appeared to have the strongest dorsement by these agencies contributes to the removal influence on encouraging individuals to see sports through of the negative social stigma once associated with bet- a “gambling lens”. Given the reported influence of these ting, embedding it as a valuable social norm for the fans types of marketing by young men in our sample, and also of sporting codes. Norms are regulated, in part, by the from studies with children [13], we would argue that the images and narratives created about sports betting by embedding of commentary-based marketing in sports is sporting codes and sporting commentary panels (often clearly an issue that requires urgent consideration by gov- comprised of sporting heroes). McCracken [36] argues ernments and sporting authorities to prevent risk and the that celebrity endorsement has a powerful impact on potential for harm. products because, as compared to anonymous models, ce- The results also suggest that very specific forms of lebrities “deliver meanings of extra subtlety, depth, and promotions, such as inducements and incentives, play a power”. We would expand McCracken’sdefinitions of “ce- significant role in establishing betting on sports as part lebrity” to sporting codes, which are able to provide of consumer behaviour. These strategies must be of Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 10 of 12 central focus in any regulatory efforts to prevent and re- Second, the sample was skewed towards young men duce harm. Inducements and incentives minimised the who were educated and living in more affluent socio- perceptions of risk associated with sports betting, pro- economic neighbourhoods. Finally, in this study, we did moted feelings of control over the betting outcomes, and not aim to diversify the sample with regard to ethnicity. encouraged individuals to open more accounts with gambling companies and gamble more than they nor- Conclusions mally would, including on events on which they might This research suggests that marketing plays a strong role not otherwise gamble. Even when participants acknowl- in the normalisation of gambling in sports and in en- edged that these types of promotions were a clever mar- couraging gambling consumption intentions and behav- keting tactic that could increase the risks associated with iours. For the young men in our study, the emotional gambling, they still had a strong influence over gambling investment in the game, and the ways in which they consumption intentions. Inducements are not a new 'consume sport', for the most part, now included betting marketing phenomenon for the gambling industry and on the match. In aligning gambling with culturally val- are used on a range of different gambling products to ued entities, and pushing numerous incentivisation strat- stimulate consumption [48]. However, our research con- egies through ubiquitous marketing channels, the tributes to growing evidence about the significant influ- gambling industry is influencing not only individuals’ ence that these types of marketing promotions may have gambling risk perception but also the level to which they in encouraging risky gambling behaviours. While other engage in gambling. This is problematic as there is an researchers have shown that advertising may be particu- absence of overarching cultural and organisational struc- larly influential in “impulse” gambling behaviours of tures to restrict sports betting promotions. There is now problem gamblers [29], our study suggests that these in- a clear industry presence in non-gambling and commu- ducements may also be influential in stimulating the nity settings. Policy makers must begin to consider the gambling consumption patterns of young male sports lag between evolving gambling landscapes and sophisti- gamblers with low and moderate levels of gambling cated marketing strategies used by the gambling industry problems. Given that research also suggests that promo- (and sporting codes) to promote gambling products, and tions for inducements may have high recall amongst effective harm reduction measures in order to protect young people and may be influencing young people’s populations from gambling harm. perceptions that gambling is a “risk free” activity [13], regulation is urgently needed to prohibit the marketing Abbreviations AFL: Australian Football League; CGT: Constructivist grounded theory; for these particularly influential types of promotions. EGM: Electronic gambling machines; NRL: National Rugby League; We would also support the development of sustained PGSI: Problem Gambling Severity Index; SEIFA: Socio-Economic Index for and adequately funded public education programmes to Areas Score; TAFE: Technical and Further Education complement the legislative approaches already suggested Acknowledgements for policy makers. These programmes should be devel- No other researchers contributed towards the research. oped independent of the gambling industry and related interests, emphasise the harms associated with their Funding products, and expose approaches used by the industry. This study is part of a grant funded by the Australian Research Council DP140102210. There is encouraging evidence on the value of mass media campaigns in addressing a range of public health Availability of data and materials problems [49], and the findings from this study should The data analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to assist in providing formative research for the develop- the confidentiality rights of participants. ment of such campaigns related to gambling. In addition Authors’ contributions to this, further research should also seek to explore the ED conceptualised the study, collected and analysed the data, drafted the influence of marketing on the betting attitudes and be- paper, and critically revised the paper. ST conceptualised the study, analysed haviours of other population subgroups, including fe- the data, drafted the paper, and critically revised the paper. MD contributed to the data interpretation, drafted the paper, and critically revised the paper. male sports fans, and younger populations, such as JD contributed to the data interpretation, drafted the paper, and critically children and adolescents. revised the paper. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Finally, it is important to consider the study limita- tions. First, a recruitment criterion for the study was that Competing interests participants wagered on two of Australia’s major football The authors do not have any competing interests to declare. codes (NRL or AFL). Despite participants having gam- Consent for publication bled on a range of products, the results of our study All participants in this study gave their verbal consent (which was audio may not be generalisable to young men who bet on taped for our records) to participate in the study and for the data from their other sports, horses, or sporting events (e.g. Tennis). interviews to be used in publications. Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 11 of 12 Ethics approval and consent to participate 18. Hare S. Study of gambling and health in Victoria. Victoria: Victorian Ethics approval was granted by The University of Wollongong/Illawarra Responsible Gambling Foundation and Victorian Department of Justice and Shoalhaven Local Health District Social Sciences HREC (HE15/084). Given the Regulation; 2015. chief investigators had transferred to Deakin University, the project has now 19. Stensholt, J. 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The influence of marketing on the sports betting attitudes and consumption behaviours of young men: implications for harm reduction and prevention strategies

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Springer Journals
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Copyright © 2017 by The Author(s).
Subject
Medicine & Public Health; Health Promotion and Disease Prevention; Social Policy; Social Work; Health Psychology
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1477-7517
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10.1186/s12954-017-0131-8
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Abstract

Background: Gambling can cause significant health and social harms for individuals, their families, and communities. While many studies have explored the individual factors that may lead to and minimise harmful gambling, there is still limited knowledge about the broader range of factors that may contribute to gambling harm. There are significant regulations to prevent the marketing of some forms of gambling but comparatively limited regulations relating to the marketing of newer forms of online gambling such as sports betting. There is a need for better information about how marketing strategies may be shaping betting attitudes and behaviours and the range of policy and regulatory responses that may help to prevent the risky or harmful consumption of these products. Methods: We conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with 50 Australian men (aged 20–37 years) who gambled on sports. We explored their attitudes and opinions regarding sports betting marketing, the embedding of marketing within sports and other non-gambling community environments, and the implications this had for the normalisation of betting. Results: Our findings indicate that most of the environments in which participants reported seeing or hearing betting advertisements were not in environments specifically designed for betting. Participants described that the saturation of marketing for betting products, including through sports-based commentary and sports programming, normalised betting. Participants described that the inducements offered by the industry were effective marketing strategies in getting themselves and other young men to bet on sports. Inducements were also linked with feelings of greater control over betting outcomes and stimulated some individuals to sign up with more than one betting provider. Conclusions: This research suggests that marketing plays a strong role in the normalisation of gambling in sports. This has the potential to increase the risks and subsequent harms associated with these products. Legislators must begin to consider the cultural lag between an evolving gambling landscape, which supports sophisticated marketing strategies, and effective policies and practices which aim to reduce and prevent gambling harm. Keywords: Marketing, Young men, Sports, Normalisation, Betting, Harm reduction * Correspondence: [email protected] Centre for Population Health Research, School of Health and Social Development, Faculty of Health, Deakin University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia Full list of author information is available at the end of the article © The Author(s). 2017 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated. Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 2 of 12 Background but not limited to accessibility, the role of alcohol, and Gambling can cause significant health and social harms promotions) that may contribute to risky sports betting for individuals, their families, and communities [1, 2]. behaviours [9]. While academic research has traditionally focused on There has also been a significant increase in the the harms associated with problem or pathological levels amount of marketing for sports betting products in of gambling, research now suggests that gambling harm Australia [22], including significant increases in advertis- may also occur for those with low or moderate levels of ing spend by online bookmakers [23]. Marketing strat- gambling, with the burdens associated with gambling egies for sports betting extend beyond advertisements harms now comparable with those associated with alcohol on free to air television and also include more contem- misuse and major depression [3]. Each year, approximately porary social media platforms such as Twitter and Face- 400,000 Australian adults experience gambling-related book (which often transcend advertising regulations) [7], harm or are at moderate risk of experiencing harm [4]. as well as commercial sponsorship agreements with The “ripple effect” that gambling can have on families, sporting codes, stadiums, broadcasters, and individual friends, and employers is also represented by the fact that clubs [10, 24, 25]. For example, there are currently for each problem gambler, approximately five to ten multimillion dollar sponsorship deals between online others are negatively impacted by their gambling [4]. bookmakers and two of Australia’s major sporting Traditional research paradigms in gambling have codes—the National Rugby League (NRL) and the Aus- predominantly focused on individualised models to tralian Football League (AFL) [26], as well as other codes explain why some individuals develop problematic or such as Tennis Australia [27]. pathological levels of gambling, with personal respon- sibility approaches offered as key harm minimisation The influence of marketing on sports betting strategies [5]. However, newer research has sought to consumption behaviours understand the broader socio-cultural, environmental, Research suggests that young men are the target market and commercial determinants of gambling harm, and for sports betting companies, with a range of marketing the broader range of policy and regulatory strategies and promotional strategies used to both appeal to and that maybeusedtoprevent harm [6–9]. Despite in- reach this key audience segment [8]. Further, some creasing concern from academics, legislators, and young men have reported they feel targeted and bom- community groups about the increasing proliferation barded by sports betting advertising [28]. More broadly, of marketing for gambling products and services [10–14], research into the impact of gambling advertising indi- very limited research has explored how marketing strat- cates that it may trigger impulses to gamble, may in- egies may influence gambling attitudes and consumption crease already high levels of gambling and may make it intentions and the range of strategies that may be used to more difficult for problem gamblers in particular, to reduce the risks posed by marketing to different popula- gamble less or not gamble at all [29, 30]. Researchers tion subgroups. argue that sports betting has become closely aligned with young men’s sports fan rituals [31], with some re- Sports betting: the Australian context searchers highlighting the role that marketing strategies Australia arguably has one of the most liberalised and may play in stimulating the risky consumption of sports intensive gambling environments in the world [2], with betting products. For example, researchers have found sports betting via online bookmakers a rapidly expand- that sports betting advertising used during sporting ing segment of the Australian gambling market [15, 16]. matches stimulates a range of positive, negative, and Official statistics have reported an increase in sports bet- neutral affects in sports betters [32]. Researchers have ting expenditure in Australia [17, 18] and increasing also demonstrated that specific forms of marketing pro- profit margins for some online bookmakers [19]. How- motions such as inducements may be particularly influ- ever, this has also coincided with an increase in the ential in stimulating problematic betting behaviours [33]. number of individuals presenting to clinics for help with Marketing research also demonstrates how advertisers problems with this form of gambling, particularly young may seek to develop upon existing cultural symbols, be- men [20]. Recent research suggests that approximately haviours, and contexts, with an aim of embedding their three quarters (72.1%) of losses for sports betting come product within these behaviours and creating new subcul- from individuals with some level of gambling problems, tures and identities associated with that product [34–36]. representing the greatest proportion of losses derived Researchers have partly documented this process in rela- from people with problem gambling symptoms when tion to sports betting advertising. They have analysed the comparing across different gambling forms [21]. Further, extent to which gambling industry marketing seeks to recent research suggests that there exists a range of factors align sports betting with the culturally valued aspects of in both online and land-based environments (including being a sports fan—including mateship, support for your Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 3 of 12 team, fan loyalty, thrill, winning, and power [8]. Deans experiencing previous problems with sports betting. While et al. [8] suggest that these marketing tactics, which are so this participant no longer gambled on sports or any other closely aligned with such a valued cultural activity in product, the research team chose to include him given his sports, may have an influential impact on individual and personal experiences with sports betting and to ensure a peer group identities associated with gambling on sports. range of experiences were included in the study sample. However, few studies have sought to explore how market- We employed a number of strategies to recruit partici- ing strategies may influence the gambling attitudes and pants including posts on social media (Twitter and Face- consumption intentions of populations. book), advertisements on gambling forums, flyers in gyms (and in gym newsletters), and a newspaper article with Methods information about the study. As the study progressed, Utilising in-depth qualitative research with young male we relied on snowball techniques to recruit the remain- sports gamblers (20–37 years), the key target market of der of participants. Ethical approval was obtained from betting companies, we aimed to explore the role of mar- the University Human Research Ethics Committee. Po- keting in betting behaviours, as well as the range of tential participants were given information about the strategies that may be used to minimise the potential study and gave their verbal consent prior to completing harms associated with marketing. The research was the interview. Participants received a $30 iTunes, gro- guided by four research questions. cery, or petrol voucher for their participation. 1. How do marketing mechanisms seek to create a Data collection cultural alignment between betting and sports? Semi-structured, audio-taped interviews lasting between 2. Is there evidence that marketing strategies may be 30 and 60 min were conducted with each participant. The influencing new betting “identities” associated with majority of interviews were conducted by author 1, with sports? some conducted by author 2. Demographic information, 3. Do specific forms of promotions encourage young including age, occupation, highest level of education, and men to gamble more frequently and on events that postcode were collected. Participants’ postcodes were used they would not otherwise bet on? as a guide to assess their socio-economic status, as deter- 4. Are there specific strategies that may have the mined by their Socio-Economic Index for Areas Score potential to reduce or prevent the risks or harms (SEIFA) [42]. We used an adapted version of the nine- posed by the marketing for these products? item Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) developed by Ferris and Wynne, [43] to measure participants’ gam- Approach bling behaviours, with PGSI scores used to broadly group The results presented in this paper were part of a participants according to their gambling risk characteris- broader study investigating the sports betting attitudes tics, with a score or 1–2 indicating low levels of problems, and behaviours of young men [9, 31]. The research used 3–7 moderate levels of problems, and 8 and over patho- a constructivist grounded theory (CGT) approach [37], logical levels of problems with gambling. However, we also acknowledging the active co-creation of knowledge that asked more detailed questions about participants’ experi- exists between researchers and research participants. In- ences with gambling and the types of products that they dividuals each have their own socially constructed real- gambled on (including electronic gambling machines ity, and the research findings therefore represent a (EGMs), greyhound and horse wagering, table games, collation of interpretations of multiple lived realities, keno, lotto, and sports betting), as well as the estimated mutually constructed by the researchers and participants amount spent on a weekly, fortnightly, or monthly basis in this study [38]. Such an approach considers (and (depending on the frequency of each participant’sgam- values) the opinions and experiences of all participants, bling behaviours). Qualitative themes of inquiry included while attempting to reconstruct their experiences in the participants’ participation in sports, their early experiences most faithful way possible [39]. with gambling, and how their gambling behaviours had evolved over time, the role of betting in their peer group Sampling and recruitment strategies rituals related to sports, the changing gambling landscape Participants were recruited using purposive [40] and the- including the accessibility of online betting products, their oretical [41] sampling techniques. We sought to recruit attitudes regarding sports betting marketing, and their young men who were fans of the National Rugby League regulatory suggestions to protect individuals from gam- (NRL) and/or the Australian Football League (AFL) and bling harm. This paper specifically focuses on participants’ who had engaged in betting on these codes. All partici- responses to the extent and content of sports betting mar- pants were either current or recent sports bettors, with keting. Recruitment for the study was stopped when the the exception of one participant who identified as researchers were confident of a diversity of experiences Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 4 of 12 and opinions to illustrate a number of constructs associ- Table 1 General characteristics ated with our research questions and theoretical lens [44]. Characteristics N (%) Age Range 20–37 years (mean 28 years, SD 4) Data analysis and interpretation Data, including participants’ age, occupation, highest level Occupation of education, postcode, and SEIFA index, as well as PGSI Technicians and trade workers 15 (30%) scores, were entered into SPSS and analysed using basic Professionals 14 (28%) descriptive statistics. Transcripts were uploaded to QSR Community and personal service workers 7 (14%) NVivo 10 which was used to manage the data. Qualitative Sales workers 5 (10%) data interpretation occurred throughout the interviews Managers 4 (8%) and was led by the first two authors who constantly met to discuss the data, and to add new questions to the inter- Labourers 2 (4%) view schedule as new ideas, experiences, and opinions Clerical and administrative workers 2 (4%) emerged from participants’ interviews. Initial data coding, Unemployed 1 (2%) analyses, and interpretation was conducted by authors 1 Highest level of education and 2. We used open-coding techniques to identify narra- University 29 (58%) tives that specifically related to the extent and content of Secondary 11 (22%) sports betting marketing in each of the transcripts. We read and re-read each transcript (and listened to the audio TAFE 10 (20%) of each interview), employing a constant comparative SEIFA DECILE method [41] to identify the similarities and differences be- 8–10 22 (44%) tween each interview and to inductively categorise the 4–7 24 (48%) data [45]. Preliminary findings were discussed amongst 1–3 4 (8%) the research team for interpretation early on in the data PGSI collection/analysis phase. This allowed for emerging themes of inquiry to be identified and guided how best to 0 (non-problem gambling) 12 (24%) explore these in subsequent interviews. As noted, we ini- 1–2 (low level of problems) 17 (34%) tially explored participants’ attitudes and opinions towards 3–7 (moderate level of problems) 17 (34%) the extent and content of sports betting marketing and 8+ (problem gambling) 4 (8%) then selectively coded the data into distinct subthemes. Attempting to move beyond a descriptive level of analysis, we drew upon relevant literature and theory to help Four qualitative themes emerged from the data. understand and explain further, participants’ experiences. Results Prompting and nudging: the role of marketing and Sample characteristics promotions in the normalisation of gambling The general characteristics of the sample are presented in The first theme to emerge from participants’ narratives Table 1. In total, 50 young men participated in the study, related to the changing marketing environment for aged between 20 and 37 (mean = 28 years, SD = 4). sports betting products. Table 2 documents the range of Participants had a range of occupational backgrounds marketing channels for sports betting that emerged from including trade or technician work (n = 15), profes- participants’ narratives. Most of the marketing strategies sional work (n = 14), community service work (n =7), for sports betting mentioned by participants were not in retail (n = 5), management (n =4), labour (n =2), and environments specifically designed for gambling. Rather, administrative work (n = 2). Just over half (n =29) of they included television advertising during both regular the sample had completed an undergraduate or post- programming and during sports; at sporting matches; on graduate University degree, 11 participants had completed radio; billboards; public transport, and as pop-ups on so- secondary schooling, and 10 participants had completed a cial media sites. In gambling environments, participants diploma or advanced diploma at Technical and Further mentioned that they had seen advertising on mobile Education (TAFE). More than half of the sample were sports betting apps, and within clubs and pubs, which from moderate (n = 24) to high (n = 22) socio-economic included sports bars, and specific betting facilities. Some areas of advantage. PGSI scores ranged from 0 to 11, with participants described how the marketing for sports bet- over two thirds (n = 34) experiencing low or moderate ting in everyday community spaces created a perception problems with gambling and four receiving a PGSI score that sports betting was “accepted” and “normal”. Some indicative of a gambling problem. also specifically described how constant exposure to Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 5 of 12 Table 2 Reported marketing channels for sports betting However, others, including some at higher risk levels of gambling harm, described the impact of constantly seeing Marketing channels (non-gambling environments) N (%) promotions for inducements and incentives to gamble. TV (during sports broadcasts, Footy Show) 50 (100%) The following moderate risk gambler directly attributed Online (pop-up banners) 25 (50%) the embedding of gambling within sporting cultures to the Social media (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) 18 (36%) constant push of gambling products and services through- Radio 15 (30%) out sporting matches: Sports stadiums/infield 11 (22%) That’s the reason it’s become so dominant in our Newspaper 11 (22%) culture, because it’s so overly pushed in everything Billboards 10 (20%) that we see and we do to do with sport. Just coming Team Jerseys 7 (14%) down to the commercial breaks, the half time breaks, Magazines 2 (4%) it’s focused around betting companies, and what you Public transport 2 (4%) can bet on. –25 years., PGSI 4. Marketing channels (gambling environments) N (%) Similarly, the following participant described the famil- Pub/sports bar 11 (22%) iarity of seeing very specific promotions for sports bet- Mobile (push notifications/apps) 8 (16%) ting products when viewing sports events. In particular, TAB 4 (8%) he described the specific informational campaigns run RSL/club 3 (6%) by betting companies which were designed to teach indi- viduals about the range of different ways to engage in marketing for these products was so common that they betting via mobile technologies: had become “desensitised” to it, and the more they im- plicitly accepted (or did not question) the presence of There’s just so much. Particularly in ad breaks, where gambling marketing in these spaces, “the more you see it they’re just jam filled with ads for new odds, ways you the more you think that’s okay”. Others stated that the can increase your bet, ways that you can change, tap constant exposure to marketing for sports betting prod- out. All that stuff is in the marketing. –27 years., ucts also removed the stigma traditionally associated PGSI 4. with betting by creating a perception that gambling on sports was a normal activity: A symbolic alignment with sports: the role of sponsorship- and commentary-based marketing I think subconsciously people start thinking it’s okay Participants described the role of sponsorship deals be- because they see it all the time…you start seeing it tween industry and sporting codes as creating a symbolic again and again and you think that’s the norm. – alignment between gambling and sports. In particular, 26 years., PGSI 1. participants described the reliance of two of Australia’s major sporting codes—the AFL and NRL—on gambling A key subtheme within participants’ narratives related revenue via sponsorship relationships. Some commented to the saturation of advertising for sports betting within that this made gambling “even more integrated” into sporting environments. Participants used words and matches, with sporting codes and teams playing an ac- phrases such as “constant”, “over saturated”, and “it’s ab- tive role in the promotion of betting. Several participants solutely everywhere, it’s impossible to miss” to describe described the way in which implicit endorsement of bet- the push of marketing for sports betting into sports. The ting by teams and codes contributed to the normalisa- perception that it was almost impossible to avoid mar- tion of gambling: keting for gambling was a recurring theme throughout participants’ narratives, with many of the narratives im- Every team is sponsored by a gambling agency. It’son plying that some young men felt trapped by the amount every ad break on TV. I mostly watch the NRL and of marketing for sports betting products. For example, it’s very much promoted by the NRL. – 29 years., one participant stated that as a sports fan “you can’tes- PGSI 2. cape it”, with another stating that “it’s the single most marketed thing out there”. Participants described the Participants described the subtle ways in which mar- impact of saturated marketing on the normalisation of keting for sports betting had also become embedded betting in sports. Some described this in more general within sports-based commentary before and during and generic terms stating that because betting advertise- sporting matches, as well as in sports-based entertain- ments were “in everything now, it just seems normal”. ment shows. For example, some participants described Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 6 of 12 how commentators spoke about the performance of team. Not only [do you] back them with your emotions, players and teams through an “odds lens”. Others stated you back them financially. –29 years., PGSI 0. that betting “language” was now included in the general sports commentary surrounding the match, with com- Targeted and vulnerable: the role of marketing in mentary during breaks in play overwhelmingly focused shaping the gambling identities of young men on gambling—“at half time they don’t talk about the The majority of participants believed that young men game, they just talk about the odds”. were the key target market for gambling companies and Others described how broadcasters would cross to a that marketing had played an important role in shaping bookmaker for the odds of the game—not only on the the gambling identities of young men. Many participants match outcome but also on individual players and spe- also believed that young men were especially vulnerable cific statistics associated with the game. Some stated that to gambling harm, with some perceiving that marketing this changed the terminology and discourse associated amplified the risks associated with sports betting: “the with the match, with bookmakers and sports commenta- marketing targets young men, I think that’s why they’re tors encouraging fans to view the match through a gam- most at risk”. Participants described a range of market- bling lens: ing appeal strategies that they believed were particularly influential in shaping gambling as a part of sports fan You watch a game of footy and they generally will behaviour. The most common was the use of appeals and cross to the [bookmakers] and ‘these are the odds’. imagery that centred upon peer belonging and mateship. When they bring up the teams on Fox Footy, they say Participants described advertising creatives which linked ‘well it’s the Crows and the Power’. And how they betting as something that “you and your mates” partici- determine the favourite isn’t by saying ‘these guys are pated in. A number of participants spoke about how ad- the favourites’, they show the odds. –24 years., PGSI 3. vertisements sought to align what they already valued and appreciated in sports, with that of betting. For example, Most participants stated that crossing to bookmakers the following participant described how effective he throughout the match had become such a normal part thought sports betting marketing strategies were in linking of the game that they rarely thought to challenge the gambling to friendship and comradery. presence of these forms of promotions: I think more so than a lot of other advertising, sports You have your commentators reviewing games and gambling advertising really is holding that mirror up they talk about the odds and who is favourite to the to what is good and fun about sport, which is extent whereby they sometimes cross over to friendship, and comradery, and hanging with your someone who gives you the odds on who is trending mates, and having a punt while you’re doing that. I well. I think it becomes so in your face that we just think it’s that connection that they are looking for accept it as normal now. –24 years., PGSI 3. between mateship and having a bet. –29 years., PGSI 0. The “integration” of odds promotions outside of live Some participants related to the symbolism within broadcasts and into sporting programmes was also iden- sports betting marketing, with one participant stating tified by several participants. In particular, evening panel that the creatives and appeal strategies used within gam- discussion shows relating to the AFL and the NRL were bling advertising were a “mirror image of the clients they now considered a platform for the promotion of betting: are trying to get”. Some participants stated that they “when you watch the footy show for the NRL, every time could relate and identify their own relationships and bet- they preview a team for the weekend coming up, the ting behaviours to those portrayed in advertisements: thing that they talk about is the odds”. Some participants perceived that the integration between gambling com- They make you identify with yourself and your mates panies and sporting codes conveyed a message that gam- as well, and they’re very relatable. They put you in a bling was an integral part of sports fans’ identities and a position of ‘yeah that’s actually happened to me’,it precondition to enjoying the match and supporting their attracts young men definitely. –32 years., PGSI 2. team. For example, one participant described how watching sports and following a team was no longer Others commented that sports betting advertising in- solely about emotion and passion but was also about corporated existing rituals associated with young men’s backing their team through betting: sports fan behaviours (e.g. watching sports with peers at a pub) and sought to add gambling to these behaviours. They’re trying to create an atmosphere where it’sno The following comment suggests that these marketing longer good enough to just passionately follow your tactics created a strong positive cultural narrative for Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 7 of 12 young men about the role of gambling in their peer mechanism in stimulating the opening of betting ac- groups and their collective identities surrounding sport: counts. Many described that while they initially thought they would open accounts, use the bets, and then walk They make it look like it’s a boys club, as if it’s part of away, this was the first step into long-term patterns of what you should be doing, watching the footy and gambling: betting, watching the races and gambling, and showing off because you’ve won. There’s that aspect which a lot When all the bookies started to promote the ‘sign up of the ads are doing now. They’re targeting those with us with twenty dollars and we’ll give you a younger boys. Like you can be the cool guy that won hundred dollar bonus bet’, that was enough for me to money and this is what you should be doing - you go ‘oh yeah, fuck it, I’ll just have one big bet, and use should be gambling, you should be doing this. – their special, their promotional offer. If I win, great, 30 year., PGSI 5. I’ve got some extra money, if I don’tI’ll walk away’. But obviously I never walked away. –34 years., PGSI 3. Despite their engagement in betting, some participants remained negative about how embedded gambling mar- Participants noted that inducements led them to open keting had become within sports, with some using words multiple accounts: “I have accounts with everyone, when such as “overbearing” and “ridiculous”. Participants ar- you sign up you get a bonus bet, so I’ve signed up to all gued that it was extremely problematic that individuals of them”. One participant who was a former prob- could not watch sports without being exposed to the lem sports gambler explained that incentives were “dan- marketing for sports betting and felt frustrated that gling carrots” that “hook” you into opening multiple sports broadcasts were overloaded with betting promo- online betting accounts. However, other participants be- tions. A few described switching off the television when lieved that bonus bets and a competitive gambling envir- they felt too pressured to gamble because of betting onment meant that they could take advantage of deals promotions: between bookmakers. While several participants consid- ered this to be a risky gambling behaviour—“they give They’ll be games where I probably won’t bet because you points, they give you credits, and sometimes they I’ve seen the ads and I just get annoyed with it. It’s give you money back…that’s risky”—they still actively like, no it’s too much saturating, and it’s almost like pursued deals, with many participants ignoring any po- pressure. –31 year., PGSI 3. tential risk—“if they’re giving me $100 bucks to do it, I might as well do it!”. There was evidence that induce- Reducing risk and creating feelings of control: the role of ments stimulated some participants to continue gam- inducements and incentives in nudging consumption bling and to gamble when they otherwise would not Many (n = 34) participants considered that the incentives have gambled. For example, one participant stated: “I offered by the betting industry were amongst the most gamble again if they’ve given me something for free”. effective marketing strategies in getting themselves and Even when participants viewed these offers critically, stating others to bet on sports. Described as “the big ones”, in- that it was important to “see what these companies are ducements and incentives such as “cash back offers” and doing in the way that they advertise”, this did not always “bonus bets” were considered to be “safety nets” and prevent the uptake of betting promotions. For example, softened participants’ perception about the level of risk even though the following participant knew that induce- associated with gambling. Most participants who took ments were a clever marketing tactic, they still influenced up these offers believed that they provided benefit to the his decisions to place bets and how much he would gamble: consumer, with some perceiving that it would be “silly” not to take advantage of these offers: You’re not concerned about the $50 you put on a bet because you’ve got two different ways you can win it I see it as an insurance type of bet really, it’s like if back, or potentially get $100. They’re clever in what you’re flipping a coin three times, but if you get it they do by making things that are actually harmful or wrong twice you get your money back. If you actually addictive and they minimise it to a point where you analyse it, the value is there. I consider it a smart and don’t consider it. –27 years., PGSI 4. reasonably safe, more safe bet. –29 years., PGSI 6. Some specific incentives created a perception amongst Participants also believed that they could maximise participants that they were more in control of their gam- their winnings through large sign-up bonus bets. Many bling. For example, they described “tap out” promotions conceptualised these incentives as free money, with which resulted in them believing they could “curb your these types of inducements being the most influential losses” and “increase your chances of winning”. Others Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 8 of 12 perceived that inducements were generally linked with gambling and sports, as well as the distinct promotional specific athletes who were “safe” options for betting, for factors that may influence gambling consumption behav- example, those who could perform under pressure or iours. It is clear from this study that most participants who were regular try or goal scorers. A number of par- recall the marketing for sports betting in environments ticipants stated that these types of inducements were which are not specifically designed for gambling, and particularly influential in encouraging their decisions to this was most notably the case during live broadcasts of place a bet: “If they say something about a particular Australian sports. This is the phase of cultural alignment player that I like, I will go for it”. Some believed that pla- that McCracken [34] described as taking cultural mean- cing bets on these players gave them a greater degree of ings within the social world, and applying them to prod- control over the outcome of the markets that they gam- ucts. Marketing for sports betting products is no longer bled on and that incentives would protect their money confined to specific gambling environments (such as even if the bet was unsuccessful: bookmaker websites or mobile applications and gam- bling venues). Rather, the marketing for these products Probably the cash back ones. I had a bet on the has entered everyday community and media spaces, Origin [NRL interstate competition], and I had a bet which have not traditionally been aligned with gambling. on the first try scorer. I put it on Greg Inglis, knowing Participants’ narratives suggest that the embedding of that he is more than likely going to score a try during sports betting marketing in sports, termed by McMullen the game, but they give you your money back even if & Miller [11] as the “gamblification” of sports, has created he doesn’t score first, but scores during the game. a new cultural meaning that betting is core to the sporting You get your money back. –34 years., PGSI 2. experience. We would argue this is increasingly similar to betting being core to the experience of horse racing. Others described the impact of inducements tied to However, it is not only the placement of sports betting the emotion associated with large sporting events. For advertisements within sports but the saturated nature of example, some explained that inducements and incen- these promotions that has exacerbated a cultural align- tives had a significant impact when you were “fired up ment between betting and sports and the subsequent risks about watching your team”, with some evidence that associated with betting. Constant saturation marketing, they stimulated participants to bet more than they nor- particularly during sporting matches and programmes, in- mally would during these events. This was particularly fluenced participants’ beliefs that gambling had become a the case for individuals with moderate- or high-risk normal or common part of sports. This finding is similar levels of gambling. For example, the following partici- to research conducted with children and adolescents pant stated that when inducements were offered, it was reflecting that 75% of young people believed that gambling “easy to have the urge and bet above what you normally is a normal or common part of sports, based on the mar- do”. Another stated that push notifications via his mo- keting for gambling products during sporting matches bile phone, which offered a range of promotions, led [13]. This raises an important issue for policy makers and him to bet more than he normally would have done dur- regulators in relation to the prevention of harm. While ing the State of Origin NRL match: marketing for some forms of gambling (e.g. EGMs or “pokies”) is prohibited in Australia, marketing for sports The Origin a couple of weeks ago is a good example. betting continues with limited regulatory frameworks. Most major online companies, they do pretty Recognising the potential for harm, some countries, such substantial offers, so if you lose by eight points or less as the UK, are now considering the prohibition of gam- money back, or if you’re losing any time money back. bling promotions before the watershed (the point in time And with those particular games I certainly bet a lot after which programmes with adult content may be broad- more then what I normally would, based on those cast), as part of a comprehensive suite of harm reduction specials and promotions. –29 years., PGSI 6. strategies associated with sports betting products [46]. In Australia, the state of Victoria is considering the restric- Discussion tion of betting promotions on public transport and infra- This study sought to investigate how the marketing of structure near schools [47]. This study suggests that sports betting products may influence betting attitudes policies aiming to denormalise gambling as an inherent and consumption behaviours which ultimately may lead part of sports must consider significant restrictions on the to harm. The study also sought to consider potential volume of advertising during sports programmes, sporting strategies to reduce the risks posed by these marketing matches, and within non-gambling environments at any strategies for young male sports fans. Figure 1 provides a time of the day. theoretical model of how marketing strategies may influ- The study indicates that there are specific marketing ence a shift in the cultural meanings associated with mechanisms that intensify the symbolic relationship Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 9 of 12 Fig. 1 Marketing strategies that may shift the cultural meanings associated with gambling and sports. Legend: Theoretical model of how marketing strategies may influence a shift in the cultural meanings associated with gambling and sports, as well as the distinct promotional factors that may influence gambling consumption behaviours between gambling and sports. We would argue that the powerful positive endorsements of gambling which may in endorsement of betting by sporting codes (particularly turn (a) lead to harm and (b) help to facilitate the transfer via sponsorship relationships) and broadcasters has a of cultural meanings associated with betting products to significant influence in betting becoming a meaningful the participants themselves. The endorsement by sports part of the life of sports fans. In part, this is because en- codes and commentators appeared to have the strongest dorsement by these agencies contributes to the removal influence on encouraging individuals to see sports through of the negative social stigma once associated with bet- a “gambling lens”. Given the reported influence of these ting, embedding it as a valuable social norm for the fans types of marketing by young men in our sample, and also of sporting codes. Norms are regulated, in part, by the from studies with children [13], we would argue that the images and narratives created about sports betting by embedding of commentary-based marketing in sports is sporting codes and sporting commentary panels (often clearly an issue that requires urgent consideration by gov- comprised of sporting heroes). McCracken [36] argues ernments and sporting authorities to prevent risk and the that celebrity endorsement has a powerful impact on potential for harm. products because, as compared to anonymous models, ce- The results also suggest that very specific forms of lebrities “deliver meanings of extra subtlety, depth, and promotions, such as inducements and incentives, play a power”. We would expand McCracken’sdefinitions of “ce- significant role in establishing betting on sports as part lebrity” to sporting codes, which are able to provide of consumer behaviour. These strategies must be of Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 10 of 12 central focus in any regulatory efforts to prevent and re- Second, the sample was skewed towards young men duce harm. Inducements and incentives minimised the who were educated and living in more affluent socio- perceptions of risk associated with sports betting, pro- economic neighbourhoods. Finally, in this study, we did moted feelings of control over the betting outcomes, and not aim to diversify the sample with regard to ethnicity. encouraged individuals to open more accounts with gambling companies and gamble more than they nor- Conclusions mally would, including on events on which they might This research suggests that marketing plays a strong role not otherwise gamble. Even when participants acknowl- in the normalisation of gambling in sports and in en- edged that these types of promotions were a clever mar- couraging gambling consumption intentions and behav- keting tactic that could increase the risks associated with iours. For the young men in our study, the emotional gambling, they still had a strong influence over gambling investment in the game, and the ways in which they consumption intentions. Inducements are not a new 'consume sport', for the most part, now included betting marketing phenomenon for the gambling industry and on the match. In aligning gambling with culturally val- are used on a range of different gambling products to ued entities, and pushing numerous incentivisation strat- stimulate consumption [48]. However, our research con- egies through ubiquitous marketing channels, the tributes to growing evidence about the significant influ- gambling industry is influencing not only individuals’ ence that these types of marketing promotions may have gambling risk perception but also the level to which they in encouraging risky gambling behaviours. While other engage in gambling. This is problematic as there is an researchers have shown that advertising may be particu- absence of overarching cultural and organisational struc- larly influential in “impulse” gambling behaviours of tures to restrict sports betting promotions. There is now problem gamblers [29], our study suggests that these in- a clear industry presence in non-gambling and commu- ducements may also be influential in stimulating the nity settings. Policy makers must begin to consider the gambling consumption patterns of young male sports lag between evolving gambling landscapes and sophisti- gamblers with low and moderate levels of gambling cated marketing strategies used by the gambling industry problems. Given that research also suggests that promo- (and sporting codes) to promote gambling products, and tions for inducements may have high recall amongst effective harm reduction measures in order to protect young people and may be influencing young people’s populations from gambling harm. perceptions that gambling is a “risk free” activity [13], regulation is urgently needed to prohibit the marketing Abbreviations AFL: Australian Football League; CGT: Constructivist grounded theory; for these particularly influential types of promotions. EGM: Electronic gambling machines; NRL: National Rugby League; We would also support the development of sustained PGSI: Problem Gambling Severity Index; SEIFA: Socio-Economic Index for and adequately funded public education programmes to Areas Score; TAFE: Technical and Further Education complement the legislative approaches already suggested Acknowledgements for policy makers. These programmes should be devel- No other researchers contributed towards the research. oped independent of the gambling industry and related interests, emphasise the harms associated with their Funding products, and expose approaches used by the industry. This study is part of a grant funded by the Australian Research Council DP140102210. There is encouraging evidence on the value of mass media campaigns in addressing a range of public health Availability of data and materials problems [49], and the findings from this study should The data analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to assist in providing formative research for the develop- the confidentiality rights of participants. ment of such campaigns related to gambling. In addition Authors’ contributions to this, further research should also seek to explore the ED conceptualised the study, collected and analysed the data, drafted the influence of marketing on the betting attitudes and be- paper, and critically revised the paper. ST conceptualised the study, analysed haviours of other population subgroups, including fe- the data, drafted the paper, and critically revised the paper. MD contributed to the data interpretation, drafted the paper, and critically revised the paper. male sports fans, and younger populations, such as JD contributed to the data interpretation, drafted the paper, and critically children and adolescents. revised the paper. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Finally, it is important to consider the study limita- tions. First, a recruitment criterion for the study was that Competing interests participants wagered on two of Australia’s major football The authors do not have any competing interests to declare. codes (NRL or AFL). Despite participants having gam- Consent for publication bled on a range of products, the results of our study All participants in this study gave their verbal consent (which was audio may not be generalisable to young men who bet on taped for our records) to participate in the study and for the data from their other sports, horses, or sporting events (e.g. Tennis). interviews to be used in publications. Deans et al. Harm Reduction Journal (2017) 14:5 Page 11 of 12 Ethics approval and consent to participate 18. Hare S. Study of gambling and health in Victoria. Victoria: Victorian Ethics approval was granted by The University of Wollongong/Illawarra Responsible Gambling Foundation and Victorian Department of Justice and Shoalhaven Local Health District Social Sciences HREC (HE15/084). Given the Regulation; 2015. chief investigators had transferred to Deakin University, the project has now 19. Stensholt, J. 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Harm Reduction Journal – Springer Journals

Published: Jan 19, 2017

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