Impact of displacement on livelihood: a case study of Odisha

Impact of displacement on livelihood: a case study of Odisha Abstract Displacement by development projects jeopardizes welfare of people living at its periphery. The acquisition of land for large industries, mines, or special economic zones gives rise to the livelihood insecurity of the poor and less privileged people. Displacement from the original habitations often means not only the physical relocation but also the loss of livelihood derived from the subsistence resources offered by the local environment. Due to displacement, people lose common property resources like forests, rivers, fields, and grazing grounds. It is estimated that some 3–5 million people have been displaced since 1950 in Odisha on account of various development projects, of which more than 50 percent are tribals (Haan, A. D and Dubey, A. (2005) Poverty, Disparities, or the Development of Underdevelopment in Orissa, Economic and Political Weekly, XL(22–23), 2321–2329). The involuntary displacement has brought imbalances in possession of land in various districts of Odisha. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore further the impact of displacement on livelihood of tribal and non-tribal communities of Odisha. It may pinpoint key challenges faced by them due to development-induced displacement. “There is nothing more unsettling than the continual movement of something that seems fixed.” –Gilles Deleuze Introduction Displacement is such a phenomenon which has affected plethora of common people across the world. Development-caused displacement has had especially negative social consequences in countries characterized by a land-based economy and low employment flexibility, together with strongly rooted social stratification (Terminski, 2013). The last two decades have witnessed an enormous increase in the number of internally displaced people in the countries of South Asia, with eviction of indigenous people from their lands (Ahmad and Lahiri-dutt, 2006). Some of major displacement activities have been perceived in larger projects like dam construction, mining, and industrial set-ups. According to Kothari, displacement critically threatens the poor and the weak with even greater impoverishment. Displacement causes widespread traumatic psychological and socio-cultural consequences (Swain, 2014). Displacement-induced social stress and psychological trauma are sometimes accompanied by the outbreak of relocation-related illnesses, particularly parasitic and vector-borne diseases such as malaria (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). In a study by Walter Fernandes in 1994, it is estimated that nearly 2.13 crores of individuals have been displaced by these projects till 1990. As per records of Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 85 lakh tribes are displaced till 1990. The details of project affected displacement of both tribal and non-tribal people may be seen through Table 1. Table 1. Dams and the displacement of tribal people Name of project  State  Population facing displacement  Tribal people as percentage of displaced  Karjan  Gujarat  11,600  100  Sardar Sarovar  Gujarat  200,000  57.6  Maheshwar  M.P.  20,000  60  Bodhghat  M.P.  12,700  73.91  Icha  Bihar  30,800  80  Chandil  Bihar  37,600  87.92  Koel Karo  Bihar  66,000  88  Mahi Bajaj Sagar  Rajasthan  38,400  76.28  Polavaram  A.P.  150,000  52.90  Maithon and Panchet  Bihar  93,874  56.46  Upper Indravati  Orissa  18,500  89.20  Pong  H.P.  80,000  56.25  Inchampalli  A.P.-Maharashtra  38,100  76.28  Tultuli  Maharashtra  13,600  51.61  Daman Ganga  Gujarat  8,700  48.70  Bhakra  H.P.  36,000  34.76  Masan reservoir  Bihar  3,700  31.00  Ukai reservoir  Gujarat  52,000  18.92  Name of project  State  Population facing displacement  Tribal people as percentage of displaced  Karjan  Gujarat  11,600  100  Sardar Sarovar  Gujarat  200,000  57.6  Maheshwar  M.P.  20,000  60  Bodhghat  M.P.  12,700  73.91  Icha  Bihar  30,800  80  Chandil  Bihar  37,600  87.92  Koel Karo  Bihar  66,000  88  Mahi Bajaj Sagar  Rajasthan  38,400  76.28  Polavaram  A.P.  150,000  52.90  Maithon and Panchet  Bihar  93,874  56.46  Upper Indravati  Orissa  18,500  89.20  Pong  H.P.  80,000  56.25  Inchampalli  A.P.-Maharashtra  38,100  76.28  Tultuli  Maharashtra  13,600  51.61  Daman Ganga  Gujarat  8,700  48.70  Bhakra  H.P.  36,000  34.76  Masan reservoir  Bihar  3,700  31.00  Ukai reservoir  Gujarat  52,000  18.92  Source: Satyajit Singh, Taming the Waters, OUP, 1997 and Government figures. Out of total number of displacements, dam-initiated displacement has overthrown a large chunk of population from their habitat. According to N.C. Saxena (former Secretary, Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India), total number of persons displaced due to large dams is pegged at 40 million (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). Therefore, a vast number of displacements by these projects pose a challenge before policy makers in tackling this menace. Objectives of the study To examine the socio-economic effects of development-induced displacement. To understand various facets of displacement under neo-liberal economy and its impact on affected communities through case study of Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO) in Odisha. To gain an insight into people's response towards state-driven displacement process. Methodology The article is based on the descriptive research design. The data have been collected from both primary and secondary sources. As part of primary sources, the data have been gathered from purposively selected two villages namely Dhinkia and Gobindapur in Jagatsinghpur district, Odisha. A sample of 70 individuals (inclusive of both villages) has been selected for empirical study. The primary data have been collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussion (FGD). The secondary data have been compiled through review of Government Reports, Journal Articles, and Books. Displacement – an overview Displacement has been acknowledged as one of the most significant negative aftermaths of development. It is a multi-dimensional phenomenon, which alienates individuals and community from their indigenous living. A study conducted by Michael Cernea, a sociologist based at the World Bank finds out that displacement carries with it, the risk of rendering people poorer than before displacement (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). He has categorically described those risks driven by displacement as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, food insecurity, increase in morbidity and mortality, social disintegration, violation of human rights, and inaccessibility to community services (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). Theoretical framework on displacement The property rights keep a very pivotal position in contemporary development discourse. According to North, inefficient property rights persist because rulers would not antagonize powerful constituents by enacting efficient rules that were opposed to their interest (Rudi et al., 2014). In his view, people-centered institutions are kept weak and inefficient because these institutions pose challenges before the elites. Under neo-liberal development phase, involuntary dispossession has been rampant in multiple sectors ranging from industry, mining, dams to agriculture. According to an estimate, mega projects like Sardar Sarovar dam on Narmada river are supposed to displace nearly 1 lakh people in India. The development projects, because of their very nature, have not been able to create alternative sources of livelihood for the majority of those who were displaced (Mishra, 2011). Therefore, displacement has dual effect. On one hand, it leads to conflict over land, on the other hand, it signifies a radical shift in public policy towards market-oriented approach. The process of displacement affects not only immediate displaced persons but even host communities. On the issues of displacement, the academicians are divided into two different schools of thought. One school of thought represents Reformist-Managerial perspective while another school is represented by Radical-Movementist perspective. Where the ‘reformist-managerial’ camp does not investigate or question the assumptions of the dominant development paradigm, the ‘radical-movementist’ camp is openly critical of it, and advocates alternative development paradigms (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The first perspective discusses about displacement as an inevitable outcome of economic development. It opines that some people should necessarily been displaced in order to initiate development activities. On the ‘reformist’ end of the spectrum, Cernea (2003) has been developing a model for appropriate resettlement of the displaced that acknowledges the challenges faced by people in re-establishing themselves economically (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). He views displacement as a ‘pathology of induced development’, but also recognizes the indispensible nature of projects that produce great public benefits, and that these will inevitably, in some instances, involve the displacement of people (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The second approach discusses about legitimization of forced displacement. In their words, large-scale development projects are designed to enhance the power of the state and private capital, which is incapable of representing or serving the interests of majority of people. Under neo-liberal phase, the displacement has become more intense. It is no more state-driven usurpation of land rather, it is regulated by market forces. Under the era of market liberalization, displacement has taken a U-turn. Trends of displacement in India since independence The Independence of India from centuries of foreign rule had emanated lots of hopes among poor people. Even Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, insisted on development of several institutions of development in the form of dams, industrial projects for strengthening of economy. Since independence, land has been acquired from people particularly from farmers for the purpose of expanding towns/cities by converting agricultural land into non-agricultural land (Liya, 2014). Since Independence of India, the focus of development has been cornered around construction of dams, which has displaced nearly 44,182 people (Lama, 2000). This figure reaches up to 21,300,000 between 1951 and 1990 in terms of overall displacement (https://www.scribd.com/doc/252400377/Development-and-Displacement-in-India-A-Historical-Perspective-pdf). The first displacement in India since Independence has been reported from Durgapur Steel Plant in West Bengal in 1960s. It is estimated to have displaced nearly 33,000 people (Liya, 2014). This first displacement caused by industry has been followed by displacement in Odisha caused by mining of Bolani Iron ores. In terms of dams, the displacement in India has affected nearly 40 million individuals till 2000. At the initial phase, the displacement activity was operational in the name of public sector-oriented development. With emergence of liberalization phase, this quest for displacement got inclined towards private demand for land. The development agenda of post-independence India combined elements of nationalist and socialist economic policies that deteriorated the living standards of tribal people (Terminski, 2013). At the beginning of twentieth century, there has been transition of rural life into city life at a fast pace which gets characterized by multigenerational marginalization and social disarticulation. At the time of Independence of India, the displacement was restricted towards indigenous economic development which has now got transformed into transnational economic development-stricken displacement. Impact of displacement on livelihood Displacement is primarily a phenomenon associated with the loss of land, which is a fundamental point of economic, social, and cultural reference (Terminski, 2013). Displacement has long-lasting impact on people's livelihood. It overturns immediate source of livelihood of people and render them destitute for the sake of fulfillment of basic necessities. The average per-capita income after displacement declines to less than 50 percent as compared with pre-displacement income. The displacement has affected the livelihood of common masses from multi-dimensional points of view. Therefore, it is imperative for us to know the impact of displacement on livelihood. Social imbalances The continued land displacement creates a rift between the mainstream people and the marginalized communities. It further widens inequality between dalit, tribal communities, and general upper-caste communities. Commenting on it, John Gaventa writes, no unequal social system can be maintained unless the subalterns internalize the dominant values (Fernandes, 2009). In other words, inequality gets developed inside society in such a way that even rehabilitation process becomes flawed in nature. Apart from social discrimination, the cultural harmony in the society also gets uprooted due to displacement. They find it difficult and often impossible to begin a new society where they can live with their old values, old relations, and old meaning of life and women are the worst hit (Pandey, 2009). Homelessness Homelessness is one of the major characteristics of displacement. Uprooted from ancestral places, the indigenous community does not get space for immediate settlement. As the displaced families become scattered in different rehabilitation colonies, seek refuge in relatives’ homes. It results into alienation and status deprivation. The families remain at the highest risk of being flushed out of their homes and forced into the streets. In Kalinganagar (Orissa), only 238 families out of 815 displaced families have received homestead land (Dash and Samal, 2008). Individualism in ownership Another significant impact of displacement on livelihood is individual ownership of land and transfer of power into individual hands. The tribal community loses collective ownership over land and privilege goes to hereditary owners. Therefore, it results into paucity of access of livelihood to common masses. As per fifth schedule of the constitution of India, the alienation of tribal land is strictly prohibited. Even in sixth schedule, the state favours collective ownership and class formation (Fernandes, 2009). Now-a-days state provides loans and subsidies to individual holders of Patta only. Such land transfer to individuals is encouraged with a distinct preferential slant towards males who largely manage the cash crop production (Fernandes, 2009). This existence of individualism in ownership leads to bifurcation of gendered status in ownership. Shortage of livestock The negative impact of displacement on livelihood may be witnessed through deficiency in livestock also. The fast reduction of livestock is also one of the major impacts of displacement over livelihood. It has, on one hand, deprived the farmers of adequate land for rearing of livestock, on the other hand, pushed them to migrate from their existing village. The inadequacy of space and shifting of habitat has led to non-maintenance of livestock. Displacement also appears to have reduced the diversity of livestock holdings; the fraction of households with only one type of livestock holdings has increased from around 25 percent in non-displaced villages to around 33 percent in the displaced villages (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in:8080/jspui/bitstream/10603/14393/15/14_chapter%208.pdf). The notion of sharing each other's animals for livestock remains eroded. Absence of food security The outgrowth of displacement reduces the chances for achieving food security. The increasing cost of food and reduction in agricultural productivity due to land displacement has ushered in food insecurity in the household. Maxwell and Wiebe state that lack of access of land leads directly to a reduction in income and access to food. According to them, access to resources is a very essential element for access to food. Displacement from land brings small and marginal farmers at the recipient's end. Another dangerous element of displacement is shift of ownership from domestic to foreign actors over food resources. Indiscriminate extraction of natural resources The displacement of land has severely affected the natural resources also. The forest-based resources are on the verge of extinction due to indiscriminate extraction. Most of these trees have been lost in the areas of scheduled tribe population. In a study by Mahapatra et al, households in Orissa reported a total of 27 NTFPs (Non-Timber Forest Produces) that were extracted from surrounding forests (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in:8080/jspui/bitstream/.../13_chapter%207.pdf). Orissa contains 24.5 percent of India's manganese reserves (Pandey, 2009). It is a veritable dream destination for steel-makers, containing 25.3 percent of India's iron ore reserves, 24.5 percent of its coal reserves, 17.5 percent of its dolomite reserves, and 1.4 percent of its limestone reserves (Pandey, 2009). About 105 mining companies spread over an area of 33,000 hectares have already been set up, producing 2.4 lakh tonnes of iron ore everyday (Pandey, 2009). As a result of these developments, Orissa has suffered a major setback in terms of natural resource reserves. This conversion may be illustrated through following Table 2. Table 2. Area diverted for non-forestry purpose (Ha.)   1980–1991  1991–1999  Irrigation  4906.494  515.07  5421.564  Mining  1538.053  7433.899  8971.952  Roads  202.726  6.5069  209.2329  Railways  901.53  680.1447  1581.675  Power transformer  929.219  639.8012  1569.02  Others  5265.142  4441.906  9707.048  Total  13,743.164  13,717.3278  27,460.49  Number of projects    1980–1991  1991–1999    Irrigation  38  5    Mining  8  50    Roads  11  4    Railways  1  3    Power transformer  13  14    Others  16  18    Total  87  94      1980–1991  1991–1999  Irrigation  4906.494  515.07  5421.564  Mining  1538.053  7433.899  8971.952  Roads  202.726  6.5069  209.2329  Railways  901.53  680.1447  1581.675  Power transformer  929.219  639.8012  1569.02  Others  5265.142  4441.906  9707.048  Total  13,743.164  13,717.3278  27,460.49  Number of projects    1980–1991  1991–1999    Irrigation  38  5    Mining  8  50    Roads  11  4    Railways  1  3    Power transformer  13  14    Others  16  18    Total  87  94    Source: Annual Report of Forest Department and Records of Forestry (1980–1990) in Pandey, Balaji, 2009. Due to continuous deforestation and displacement, the last two decades have witnessed a continuous degradation of our forest land. More than 40 percent of the forests in country are degraded and under-stocked. The National Forest Commission report 2006 indicated that around 41 percent of total forest in the country are already degraded, 70 percent of the forests have no natural regeneration, and 55 percent of the forests are prone to fire (Nayak et al., 2014). The development concerns in general and the rapidly growing economy have implications on forest cover and the land use pattern of the country (Nayak et al., 2014). Therefore, the resultant projects have reduced forest-covered areas, which may be visualized through following Table 3. Table 3. Change in forest cover 1991–2011 State of the forest report year  Dense (40% and above crown cover) Forest (in sq. km)  Open (10–40% crown cover) forest (in sq. km)  1991  385,008 (60.64)  249,930 (39.36)  2001  395,169 (60.43)  258,729 (39.57)  2011  404,207 (58.41)  287,820 (41.59)  State of the forest report year  Dense (40% and above crown cover) Forest (in sq. km)  Open (10–40% crown cover) forest (in sq. km)  1991  385,008 (60.64)  249,930 (39.36)  2001  395,169 (60.43)  258,729 (39.57)  2011  404,207 (58.41)  287,820 (41.59)  Source: Various issues of State of the Forest Report in Nayak, Bhibhu Prasad, Priyanka Kohli, and Dr J.V. Sharma (2014) This situation is quite adverse in case of Odisha. Odisha has been blindly following the mining work in forest areas. If it is analysed, then it may be found that forest area diverted for non-forest use went up from 789 hectares at the end of 1993–1994 to 28,769 hectares at the end of 2003–2004 (Mishra, 2010). The mining accounted for nearly one-third of total diversion of land. These data are outlined through following Table 4. Table 4. Average annual change in total forest area (1994–1995 to 2003–2004) Among non-mining Districts  Orissa   Mining Districts  Non-mining Districts  KBK Districts  Industrial Districts  Non-Industrial Districts  0.93  2.48  0.36  −0.49  −0.39  1.66  Among non-mining Districts  Orissa   Mining Districts  Non-mining Districts  KBK Districts  Industrial Districts  Non-Industrial Districts  0.93  2.48  0.36  −0.49  −0.39  1.66  Land allocated towards different minerals/ores as on 31 December 2005a  Mineral/Ore  Area (Hca.)  % of Total  Bauxite  6835  6.8  Coal  17,558  17.6  Iron and Manganese Ore  15,246  15.3  Iron Ore  36,947  37.0  Total  99,932  100.0  Land allocated towards different minerals/ores as on 31 December 2005a  Mineral/Ore  Area (Hca.)  % of Total  Bauxite  6835  6.8  Coal  17,558  17.6  Iron and Manganese Ore  15,246  15.3  Iron Ore  36,947  37.0  Total  99,932  100.0  Source: Economic Survey of Orissa, various issues. aMinistry of Environment and Forest, India/Data obtained by EPG-Orissa under RTI Act (in Mishra, 2010). In addition to mining, the forests land in Odisha has been diverted for other projects also. It consists of Irrigation, Industry, Roads, and Railways. Such precarious situation affects them directly by displacing them and indirectly by destroying the forest, the source of livelihood of most of the SC/ST. The following Table 5 showcases the volume of forests land being diverted for these development projects. Table 5. Sector wise diversion of forest land to non-forest use Name of the sector  Number of projects  Forest area diverted as on 31.03.2003  Percentage to total area diverted from different projects  Irrigation  59  6092.4829  22.34  Industry  5  2406.086  8.82  Transmission  44  2723.4265  9.99  Roads and Bridges  25  197.8122  0.73  Railways  5  1965.0287  7.20  Others  32  4420.179  16.21  Total  170  17,805.0153  65.29  Name of the sector  Number of projects  Forest area diverted as on 31.03.2003  Percentage to total area diverted from different projects  Irrigation  59  6092.4829  22.34  Industry  5  2406.086  8.82  Transmission  44  2723.4265  9.99  Roads and Bridges  25  197.8122  0.73  Railways  5  1965.0287  7.20  Others  32  4420.179  16.21  Total  170  17,805.0153  65.29  Source: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf Marginalization Displacement originates a plethora of marginalization of poor people not only from economic perspectives but also from socio-cultural perspectives. Marginalization is an individualized process that occurs when families or individuals experience downward mobility, primarily because resettlement may bring a loss of control over physical space and new environments where existing knowledge and skills are less useful (Koenig, 2002). Due to social disarticulation, the community remains on the verge of disintegration. The existing social bond gets extinct. The atomization of existing communities, combined with the need to adapt economically and socially in the new location and to integrate with host communities, leads to a gradual moving away from the old cultural traditions (Terminski, 2013). Development-induced displacement in Odisha – a case study Odisha situated in eastern part of India is famous for rich natural resources. The state is endowed with large deposits of bauxite, chromate, coal, and iron-ore reserves. The state is characterized with four forest types namely Tropical Semi Evergreen, Tropical Moist Deciduous, Tropical Dry Deciduous, and Littoral and Swamp Forests (Vasundhara, 2005). The mineral resource base in Odisha is mainly spread in the tribal hamlets of the region. There are mainly two kinds of development-induced displacement that have occurred in Odisha. Statistical figures indicate that till 2000, about 20 lakh people have been directly affected by development projects in varying degrees out of which about 5 lakhs have been physically displaced losing their home and hearth from their original habitat. Statistical figures further indicate that while dam/irrigation projects alone have displaced nearly 3.5 lakh people which is roughly 70 percent of the total displaced persons, industrial projects have displaced about 60,000 people which is 12 percent of the total displaced whereas the mining projects, urban development projects, thermal projects, and wild life sanctuaries have displaced 3.37 percent, 12.86 percent, 2.60 percent, and 0.5 percent of the total displaced people in the State of Orissa (Sahoo, 2005). The major development projects that initiated large-scale displacement in Odisha are namely Rourkela Steel Plant, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), National Aluminum Company (NALCO), POSCO, Talcher Thermal Power Station, Hirakund, Rengali, Upper Kolab projects etc. It means that several developmental projects have not only upgraded infrastructure in Odisha but also thrown away a large habitat of common people. According to Smitu Kothari, since independence of the country, development projects of the Five-Year Plans have displaced 0.5 million persons each year primarily as direct consequences of administrative land acquisition (Swain, 2014). Most of the tribals including Juangs and Paudi Bhuans in these areas are either landless or marginal landowners, even though subsistence agriculture is the most important source of their livelihood (Pattanaik, 2015). The mining sector has also contributed towards displacement in Odisha at larger scale. The effect of such proposed mining, almost all in Scheduled areas of Keonjhar and Sundergarh, on the local tribal inhabitants, their habitats, and their livelihoods can only be imagined, especially PTGs (Primitive Tribal Groups) like Paudi Bhuiyas and Juangs, who are now totally marginalized and whose livelihoods has been destroyed completely (Pattanaik, 2015). The following Table 6 showcases how different development projects in Odisha have displaced people from their land. Table 6. Number of families displaced and amount of land acquired due to different development projects in Odisha from 1950 to 1995 Types of project  No. of villages displaced  No. of families displaced  Total land acquired in hectare  Percentage of displaced family  Percentage of land acquired  Mines  79  3143  2427.03  3.87  0.39  Industries  113  10,704  21,963  13.19  3.52  Thermal power  73  2426  3155.31  2.99  0.51  Irrigation and hydel Power (Dam)  1181  64,903  595,918.6  79.95  95.58  Total  1446  81,176  623,463.9  100  100  Types of project  No. of villages displaced  No. of families displaced  Total land acquired in hectare  Percentage of displaced family  Percentage of land acquired  Mines  79  3143  2427.03  3.87  0.39  Industries  113  10,704  21,963  13.19  3.52  Thermal power  73  2426  3155.31  2.99  0.51  Irrigation and hydel Power (Dam)  1181  64,903  595,918.6  79.95  95.58  Total  1446  81,176  623,463.9  100  100  Source: Dalua, 1993, Fernandes and Reddy, 1993, Parida, 2006. On the whole, 1.4 million people, mostly adivasis have been displaced by developmental projects in Orissa (Sahoo, 2005). Virtually, the whole of Orissa, including Kashipur in Rayagada, Lanjigarh in Kalahandi, Lower Suktel area in Balangir, Kotagarh in Phulbani, the mining-industrial belt in Jharsuguda, Kalinganagar and now Rourkela, has turned into a battleground on the issue of development and displacement (Mishra, 2011). This figure could be visualized through following Table 7. Table 7. A conservative estimate of persons and tribals displaced by development projects in India 1951–1990 (in lakhs) Types of project  All Displaced Persons (in lakhs)  Percentage of Displaced Persons  Displaced Persons Resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Resettled displaced Persons  Backlog (in lakhs)  Backlog (in percentage)  Tribals displaced (in lakhs)  Percentage of all displaced persons  Tribal displaced persons resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Tribal displaced persons  Backlog of tribal displaced persons  Percentage of Backlog  Dam  164  77  41  25  123  75  63.21  38.5  15.81  25  47.40  75  Mines  25.5  12  6.30  24.7  19.20  75.3  13.30  52.20  3.30  25  10  75  Industries  12.5  5.9  3.75  30  8.75  70  3.13  25  0.80  25  2.33  75  Wild life  6  2.8  1.25  20.8  4.75  79.2  4.5  75  1  22  3.50  78  Others  5  2.3  1.50  30  3.50  70  1.25  25  0.25  20.2  1  80  Total  213  100  53.80  25  159.20  75  85.39  40.9  21.16  25  64.23  79  Types of project  All Displaced Persons (in lakhs)  Percentage of Displaced Persons  Displaced Persons Resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Resettled displaced Persons  Backlog (in lakhs)  Backlog (in percentage)  Tribals displaced (in lakhs)  Percentage of all displaced persons  Tribal displaced persons resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Tribal displaced persons  Backlog of tribal displaced persons  Percentage of Backlog  Dam  164  77  41  25  123  75  63.21  38.5  15.81  25  47.40  75  Mines  25.5  12  6.30  24.7  19.20  75.3  13.30  52.20  3.30  25  10  75  Industries  12.5  5.9  3.75  30  8.75  70  3.13  25  0.80  25  2.33  75  Wild life  6  2.8  1.25  20.8  4.75  79.2  4.5  75  1  22  3.50  78  Others  5  2.3  1.50  30  3.50  70  1.25  25  0.25  20.2  1  80  Total  213  100  53.80  25  159.20  75  85.39  40.9  21.16  25  64.23  79  Source: Fernandes, 1994, pp 22–32 in Pati, 2000. The state-controlled land grabbing for various conservation projects has also been a matter of concern. In such a scenario, Odisha has felt tremor of people's movement. Farmers in Sambalpur-Bargarh-Jharsuguda region have been protesting against the diversion of water from the Hirakund reservoir for industrial uses at the cost of irrigation for farmers (Mishra, 2011). Therefore, it is very imperative for us to shed light on these developmental projects and their displacement of masses. POSCO project The POSCO project set-up in Odisha has a producing capacity of nearly 12 million tonnes of steel per year with an investment of Rs. 51,000 crores. It represents a big chunk of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Odisha's economy. The dispute between POSCO and local communities relates to land acquisition and environmental risks. In formal terms, this conflict has largely revolved around environmental impact assessments and other administrative details, but more centrally, it has been a battle over different notions of development, and competing aspirations for the land at the proposed project site (Chrimes, 2015). This project has three components: Captive iron ore mines in three areas of Keonjhar District and Sundargarh District, Mining lease on 6204 hectares in Sundargarh District, Steel plant in Jagatsinghpur District, Private port at the river Jatadhari, close to steel plant area (Swain, 2014). In all, this project is in need for 3719 acres of land for these expansions (Swain, 2014). It is reported that the project will require 286 million liters of water per day, which will be supplied from nearest Jobra and Naraj barrages of river Mahanadi, as a result of which the farmers who were using the irrigated water from the canals of Taldanda, Machhagaon, Birupa of Cuttack, Jagatsinghpur, and Kendrapada may suffer a great loss and agricultural productivity may come down (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). Under this project, the proposed port will endanger several species of fish in the Jatadhari estuary having impact over livelihood of fishing communities (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). The project involves the felling over 280,000 trees, which will directly affect the dense forest covers in the Gandhamardhan and Malangatoli areas (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). Mining will also affect the Kandadhar waterfall, a famed tourist destination. There are some villages like Nuagaon, Gadakujanga, and Dhinkia who are directly vulnerable to displacement with an estimate of 5000 families being affected immediately (Dash and Samal, 2008). In addition, eight Gram Panchayats of the Lunipada block with more than 50 villages within a 10-km radius of Khandadhar are also supposed to be affected by the mining activity that POSCO proposes to carry out in an area of 6000 hectares (Pattanaik, 2015). Dhinkia and Gobindapur villages of Jagatsinghpur district are such places which have been directly impacted by POSCO project. Both the villages are rich in mineral resources and rely on biodiversity for sustenance. The district of Jagatsinghpur, where the proposed plant and port are to be constructed, hosts a highly productive and relatively lucrative agricultural economy (Chrimes, 2015). The majority of villagers cultivate a range of crops including betel, 12 paddy, cashew, and other tree species, as well as collecting minor forest products such as bamboo and fuel, while some engage in fishing, operate shrimp farms, or practise animal husbandry (Chrimes, 2015). This district has an area of 18,490 acres as cultivable and 26,183 acres as forests areas (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). This district is a rich cultural heritage and is often referred to as the Cultural heart of Odisha. It is also very famous for largest port called Paradep. The district consists of two distinct tracts, the first being marshy and swampy strips along with the coast covered with wild growth of reeds and tropical jungle. Apart from forests, it is having a huge chunk of sand dunes, which facilitate in filtering of ocean water from salt. Villagers say that the sand dunes, in addition to providing them with mineral rich sweet water, form a unique habitat for the cultivation of large complexes of betel vines (paan kethi) producing the ever popular ‘Benarasi paan’. Most of the habitants of these villages in Jagatsinghpur district have dependence over rearing of betel leaves due to availability of sand dunes. The cultivation of these agri-products provides single largest sources of livelihood for them. Apart from Betel leaves, the farmers of these villages do cultivate the Kewra flowers also which help in generating their household-based income. Therefore, the dispossession of land due to POSCO project may put livelihood of these communities in peril. Most of these villagers do not want to move because they have very sustainable small-scale agricultural livelihood based on unique ecology of this place. Those who live around such industrial facilities suffer forever – from pollution of air and water, dearth of safe drinking water, debilitating impacts on health, and lack of appropriate opportunities of employment, as their traditional livelihood support systems are completely destroyed (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). But most of the cultivable paan kethis (betel vines) are proposed to be acquired as it is claimed to be on ‘government land’ – which is the forest (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). It is estimated that nearly 75 percent of families living in Gobindpur village are on the verge of losing their livelihood due to forced dispossession. Even though the official figures claim that displacement is really small for such a large project (471 families it is claimed, based on controversial assessments), the impact of the project is expected to have a debilitating impact on over 5000 families according to villagers (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). The POSCO affected communities are denied the forests rights and are living under acute pressure of loss of livelihood. The researcher undertook an in-depth study on various dimensions of this process in the two villages of Jagatsinghpur district for bringing a conclusive framework over displacement. The people have been asked several questions by researcher regarding its compensation package for displaced communities. Hence, nearly 85 percent of the respondents expressed their apprehension towards this project. In their view, this project may manage water resources very indiscriminately. The large-scale extraction of water from river Mahananda may cut short drinking water supply to Jagatsinghpur district. Nearly 65 percent of the respondents expressed their concern regarding loss of agricultural income due to dispossession. The FGD with villagers of Dhinkia village excerpted this fact that their earning from betel leaves ranges between Rs. 150 per day and Rs. 240 per day, which may be jeopardized due to usurpation of land. Even the composition of local food intake derives 80 percent components from forests. During FGD, the respondents expressed the concern regarding ecological balance. As per their view, the potential damage that could be caused to the Paradeep port due to the modified conditions resulting from the new port, the existence of two large ports so close to each other in an ecological sensitive zone, spells disaster. The respondents expressed this view that POSCO project has added nothing to existing natural reserves of the state. Nearly 35 percent of respondents expressed this concern that the combination of CO2, SOX, and NOX gases, all being acidic in nature, may lead to acid deposition effects on large stretches of the surrounding environment. In their views, the acid deposition impact on the entire Mahanadi basin may be considered because it contains pristine forests. In terms of water abstraction, this project may extract 80 billion litres of water from Mahanadi basin and 60 billion litres from Brahmani basin. As far as pollutants’ discharge is concerned, it may expand up to 300 km downstream of the mining site affecting nearby health care. The responses gained from respondents through interviews stated that a large number of solid waste materials may damage the environment over a long period of time resulting into adulteration of ground and surface water. The over extraction of Mahanadi basin may cause huge irrigational problems in these areas. The POSCO project has been opposed by National Commission for Protection of Child Rights on the ground that children within POSCO transit camps have been living a sub-standard life. Political economy approach of displacement The careful analysis of POSCO project both in terms of its cost and benefit for existing communities of Odisha reflects a sharp political difference between its proponents and opponents. Although Odisha has been reeling under acute poverty and low GDP rate, yet the proponents of industrialization relegate its economic growth to continued FDI under neo-liberal economy. The poverty has been said to be decreasing in the state from 57.2 percent in 2004–2005 to 32.59 percent in 2011–2012 (Chrimes, 2015). But other schools of thought have concluded this mode of development based on exclusion policy. In their view, the spatial and social concentration of poverty persists and marginalized communities suffer from negative effects of agricultural and environmental neglect (Chrimes, 2015). POSCO is one of the drivers of this neo-liberal economic dilemma. It claims to provide sufficient resettlement and rehabilitation package to project affected people in Jagatsinghpur and adjoining districts. Sixty-five percent of the respondents have claimed that the state has weakened their level of resistance. Nearly 45 percent of villagers of Dhinkia village responded that this project has lots of ambiguity regarding exact number of displaced persons. The current humanitarian praxis recognizes the displaced persons as actors, not ‘dependent victims’ which draw on sociological concepts of agency. Displacement as development dilemma The accelerating pace of development has increased chances of forced displacement. Displacement happens when people lose their dwellings and get evicted from their houses. Confronted with empirical evidence from the field, it gets explicit that development scenario undermines the interests of certain sections of people who are living at edges while upgrading the resource-rich people. The case of Odisha regarding imminent dispossession of land due to forthcoming POSCO project may showcase the negative aftermaths of development on surrounding areas. The grass-root community people have expressed their serious grievances regarding socio-economic and ecological consequences of this project. While the development scenario may be quite beneficial for the larger interests of the nation, it suppresses the micro-level institutions due to inducement of macro-level policy changes. Michael Cernea constructed a model called ‘Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model’, which states that displacement is the cause for impoverishment through various factors like landlessness, joblessness, and loss of food security. The FGD from Gobindapur village excerpted this fact that nearly majority of population being dependent on forests produce may lose their resources for livelihood. Most of the villagers do cultivate betel in the forests areas, which may perish in case of forced land acquisition. The development-induced displacement has potential to affect the human security. This study by researcher in both the respective villages outlined that 70 percent of the victims of imminent displacement have their natural habitat and dependent livelihood resources at stake. The project may endanger the sand dunes in these villages, which have been drivers for various agricultural products. Therefore, the solution for this dilemma lies not in exclusionary growth but an inclusive approach and right to self-determination. The resettlement and rehabilitation process should facilitate way for fair opportunities for aggrieved persons in the entire rehabilitation activities. The state and participating project should not be the only stakeholders in resettlement process but it must include the aggrieved community as well. The displacement being an element for development may be necessary sometimes but it should be assessed based on fair consultation and deliberation. The inclusive participation of villagers of Jagatsinghpur district may reduce the chances of forced displacement and inadequate compensation package. The forcible eviction policy may create a strong capital before the state to resist but peaceful public consultation with aggrieved community may remove bottlenecks in the displacement dilemma. Conclusion In this neo-liberal development scenario, the vast natural resources are being extracted by development practitioners in such a way that entire livelihood is at stake. In this scenario of development, mines and mineral-based industries are indiscriminately extracting the rare natural resources. These industries and mines based on high technology keep on affecting the natural environment. The dams and industrial projects are creating such a situation that sustainable development is challenged. The majority of poor people are displaced from their habitat with a negative impact on their culture and society. Even this impact is not homogenous on society but has affected these people differentially. The profit-oriented approach to development in Odisha has not only worsened the condition of the tribal people but also caused a great damage to culture, social relations of existing place. The poverty and marginalization of Juangs and Paudi Bhuyans, inspite of being a historical process due to the State formation and extension, has further excogitated and has led to marginalization and impoverishment of a large section of these communities in the regions (Pattanaik, 2015). Structural factors constraining access to land and forests have played an important and fundamental role in the marginalization process (Pattanaik, 2015). There has been communication gap between displaced persons and state government in Odisha which is resulting into inadequate rehabilitation process. Therefore, this entire scenario of displacement and its aftermath on livelihood incorporates Amartya Sen's political economy approach of entitlement failure and capability failure. Mr Neelmani Jaysawal is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati, Sriniketan (West Bengal), India. He has presented papers in various national and international seminar and conferences across India. He has several publications to his credit in reputed international journals. His areas of interest are Civil Society & Governance, Rural Development, Community Development and Women Empowerment. Mrs Sudeshna Saha is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati, Sriniketan (West Bengal), India. She has published various articles in national and international journals. Her areas of interest are CSR & Development, Human Resource Management, Counseling & Behavioral Sciences and Human Rights. References Ahmad, N. and Lahiri-dutt, K. ( 2006) Engendering mining communities: examining the missing gender concerns in coal mining displacement and rehabilitation in India, Gender, Technology and Development , 10( 3), 313– 339. Google Scholar CrossRef Search ADS   Cernea, M. ( 2003) For a new economics of resettlement: a sociological critique of the compensation principle, International Social Science Journal , 55( 175), 1– 27. Chrimes, S. B. ( 2015) POSCO's Odisha Project: OECD National Contact Point complaints and a decade of resistance, Deakin University, accessed at: https://www.deakin.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0008/385838/POSCO-report-FINAL.pdf (02 May 2016). Dash, K. C. and Samal, K. C. ( 2008) New mega projects in Orissa: protests by potential displaced persons, Social Change , 38 ( 4), 627– 644. Google Scholar CrossRef Search ADS   Fernandes, W. ( 2009) Displacement and alienation from common property resources, in L. Mehta, eds, Displaced by Development: Confronting Marginalization and Gender Injustice , Sage, New Delhi, pp. 105– 129. Google Scholar CrossRef Search ADS   Ganguly-Scrase, R. and Lahiri-Dutt, K. ( 2012) Dispossession, Placelessness, Home and Belonging: An Outline of a Research Agenda, accessed at: https://www.ashgate.com/pdf/SamplePages/Rethinking-Displacement-Asia-Pacific-Perspectives-Ch1.pdf (12 January 2016). Koenig, D. ( 2002) Toward local development and mitigating impoverishment in development-induced displacement and resettlement (RSC Working Paper No. 8), International Development Centre, University of Oxford, UK. Lama, M. P. ( 2000) Internal displacement in India: causes, protection and dilemmas, Forced Migration Review , 8, 24– 26. Liya, C. A. M. ( 2014) Socio economic impact of displacement A study of Vallarpadam Container Terminal, Kochi, Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, India, accessed at: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/42080/16/16_chapter3.pdf (09 May 2016). Mishra, B. ( 2010) Agriculture, industry and mining in orissa in the post-liberalisation era: an inter-district and inter-state panel analysis, Economic and Political Weekly , 45( 20), 49– 68, accessed at:http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/27807027.pdf?_=1461761665752 (27 April 2016). Mishra, D. K. ( 2011) Behind Dispossession: State, Land Grabbing and Agrarian Change in Rural Orissa, Paper presented at International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. Nayak, B. P., Kohli, P. and Sharma, J. V. ( 2014) Livelihood of local communities and forest degradation in India: issues for REDD+, A Policy Brief, The Energy and Resources Institute, accessed at: http://www.teriin.org/projects/nfa/pdf/Policy_Brief_Livelihood_Local_Communities.pdf (26 April 2016). Negi, N. S. and Ganguly, S. ( 2011) Development Projects vs. Internally Displaced Populations in India: A Literature Based Appraisal, (Working Paper No. 103), Bielefeld, Center on Migration, Citizenship and Development. Pandey, B. ( 2009) Women's Alienation Land Less Development , Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, New Concept Information Systems Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, pp. 1– 142. Pattanaik, S. ( 2015) Indigenous communities, Livelihoods and Displacement due to iron-ore mining in Odisha: A Socio-ecological approach, Paper presented at National Seminar on Labour Market and Issues of Adivasis in India, NIRD&PR, Hyderabad. Rudi, L.-M., Azadi, H., Witlox, F. and Lebailly, P. ( 2014) Land rights as an engine of growth? An analysis of Cambodian land grabs in the context of development theory, Land Use Policy , 38, 564– 572. Google Scholar CrossRef Search ADS   Sahoo, S. ( 2005) Tribal displacement and human rights violation in Orissa, Social Action: A Quarterly Review of Social Trends , 55( 2), 1– 12. Saldanha, L. F. and Rao, B. S. ( 2011) Tearing through the water landscape, Environment Support Group , Vol. 1, 1– 60. Swain, T. ( 2014) Development and displacement in Odisha: a study of anti-POSCO movement in Jagatsinghpur District, Odisha Review , Vol. LXX( 7–8), 90– 97. Terminski, B. ( 2013) Development-induced displacement and resettlement: theoretical frameworks and current challenges, accessed at: http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/dlc/bitstream/handle/10535/8833/Bogumil%20Terminski,%20developmentInduced%20Displacement%20and%20Resettlement.%20Theoretical%20frameworks%20and%20current%20challenges.pdf?sequence=1(10 August 2015). Vasundhara. ( 2005) Development Policies and Rural Poverty in Orissa: Macro Analysis and Case Studies, New Delhi, Planning Commission. © Oxford University Press and Community Development Journal. 2016 All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Community Development Journal Oxford University Press

Impact of displacement on livelihood: a case study of Odisha

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Abstract

Abstract Displacement by development projects jeopardizes welfare of people living at its periphery. The acquisition of land for large industries, mines, or special economic zones gives rise to the livelihood insecurity of the poor and less privileged people. Displacement from the original habitations often means not only the physical relocation but also the loss of livelihood derived from the subsistence resources offered by the local environment. Due to displacement, people lose common property resources like forests, rivers, fields, and grazing grounds. It is estimated that some 3–5 million people have been displaced since 1950 in Odisha on account of various development projects, of which more than 50 percent are tribals (Haan, A. D and Dubey, A. (2005) Poverty, Disparities, or the Development of Underdevelopment in Orissa, Economic and Political Weekly, XL(22–23), 2321–2329). The involuntary displacement has brought imbalances in possession of land in various districts of Odisha. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore further the impact of displacement on livelihood of tribal and non-tribal communities of Odisha. It may pinpoint key challenges faced by them due to development-induced displacement. “There is nothing more unsettling than the continual movement of something that seems fixed.” –Gilles Deleuze Introduction Displacement is such a phenomenon which has affected plethora of common people across the world. Development-caused displacement has had especially negative social consequences in countries characterized by a land-based economy and low employment flexibility, together with strongly rooted social stratification (Terminski, 2013). The last two decades have witnessed an enormous increase in the number of internally displaced people in the countries of South Asia, with eviction of indigenous people from their lands (Ahmad and Lahiri-dutt, 2006). Some of major displacement activities have been perceived in larger projects like dam construction, mining, and industrial set-ups. According to Kothari, displacement critically threatens the poor and the weak with even greater impoverishment. Displacement causes widespread traumatic psychological and socio-cultural consequences (Swain, 2014). Displacement-induced social stress and psychological trauma are sometimes accompanied by the outbreak of relocation-related illnesses, particularly parasitic and vector-borne diseases such as malaria (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). In a study by Walter Fernandes in 1994, it is estimated that nearly 2.13 crores of individuals have been displaced by these projects till 1990. As per records of Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 85 lakh tribes are displaced till 1990. The details of project affected displacement of both tribal and non-tribal people may be seen through Table 1. Table 1. Dams and the displacement of tribal people Name of project  State  Population facing displacement  Tribal people as percentage of displaced  Karjan  Gujarat  11,600  100  Sardar Sarovar  Gujarat  200,000  57.6  Maheshwar  M.P.  20,000  60  Bodhghat  M.P.  12,700  73.91  Icha  Bihar  30,800  80  Chandil  Bihar  37,600  87.92  Koel Karo  Bihar  66,000  88  Mahi Bajaj Sagar  Rajasthan  38,400  76.28  Polavaram  A.P.  150,000  52.90  Maithon and Panchet  Bihar  93,874  56.46  Upper Indravati  Orissa  18,500  89.20  Pong  H.P.  80,000  56.25  Inchampalli  A.P.-Maharashtra  38,100  76.28  Tultuli  Maharashtra  13,600  51.61  Daman Ganga  Gujarat  8,700  48.70  Bhakra  H.P.  36,000  34.76  Masan reservoir  Bihar  3,700  31.00  Ukai reservoir  Gujarat  52,000  18.92  Name of project  State  Population facing displacement  Tribal people as percentage of displaced  Karjan  Gujarat  11,600  100  Sardar Sarovar  Gujarat  200,000  57.6  Maheshwar  M.P.  20,000  60  Bodhghat  M.P.  12,700  73.91  Icha  Bihar  30,800  80  Chandil  Bihar  37,600  87.92  Koel Karo  Bihar  66,000  88  Mahi Bajaj Sagar  Rajasthan  38,400  76.28  Polavaram  A.P.  150,000  52.90  Maithon and Panchet  Bihar  93,874  56.46  Upper Indravati  Orissa  18,500  89.20  Pong  H.P.  80,000  56.25  Inchampalli  A.P.-Maharashtra  38,100  76.28  Tultuli  Maharashtra  13,600  51.61  Daman Ganga  Gujarat  8,700  48.70  Bhakra  H.P.  36,000  34.76  Masan reservoir  Bihar  3,700  31.00  Ukai reservoir  Gujarat  52,000  18.92  Source: Satyajit Singh, Taming the Waters, OUP, 1997 and Government figures. Out of total number of displacements, dam-initiated displacement has overthrown a large chunk of population from their habitat. According to N.C. Saxena (former Secretary, Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India), total number of persons displaced due to large dams is pegged at 40 million (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). Therefore, a vast number of displacements by these projects pose a challenge before policy makers in tackling this menace. Objectives of the study To examine the socio-economic effects of development-induced displacement. To understand various facets of displacement under neo-liberal economy and its impact on affected communities through case study of Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO) in Odisha. To gain an insight into people's response towards state-driven displacement process. Methodology The article is based on the descriptive research design. The data have been collected from both primary and secondary sources. As part of primary sources, the data have been gathered from purposively selected two villages namely Dhinkia and Gobindapur in Jagatsinghpur district, Odisha. A sample of 70 individuals (inclusive of both villages) has been selected for empirical study. The primary data have been collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussion (FGD). The secondary data have been compiled through review of Government Reports, Journal Articles, and Books. Displacement – an overview Displacement has been acknowledged as one of the most significant negative aftermaths of development. It is a multi-dimensional phenomenon, which alienates individuals and community from their indigenous living. A study conducted by Michael Cernea, a sociologist based at the World Bank finds out that displacement carries with it, the risk of rendering people poorer than before displacement (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). He has categorically described those risks driven by displacement as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, food insecurity, increase in morbidity and mortality, social disintegration, violation of human rights, and inaccessibility to community services (Negi and Ganguly, 2011). Theoretical framework on displacement The property rights keep a very pivotal position in contemporary development discourse. According to North, inefficient property rights persist because rulers would not antagonize powerful constituents by enacting efficient rules that were opposed to their interest (Rudi et al., 2014). In his view, people-centered institutions are kept weak and inefficient because these institutions pose challenges before the elites. Under neo-liberal development phase, involuntary dispossession has been rampant in multiple sectors ranging from industry, mining, dams to agriculture. According to an estimate, mega projects like Sardar Sarovar dam on Narmada river are supposed to displace nearly 1 lakh people in India. The development projects, because of their very nature, have not been able to create alternative sources of livelihood for the majority of those who were displaced (Mishra, 2011). Therefore, displacement has dual effect. On one hand, it leads to conflict over land, on the other hand, it signifies a radical shift in public policy towards market-oriented approach. The process of displacement affects not only immediate displaced persons but even host communities. On the issues of displacement, the academicians are divided into two different schools of thought. One school of thought represents Reformist-Managerial perspective while another school is represented by Radical-Movementist perspective. Where the ‘reformist-managerial’ camp does not investigate or question the assumptions of the dominant development paradigm, the ‘radical-movementist’ camp is openly critical of it, and advocates alternative development paradigms (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The first perspective discusses about displacement as an inevitable outcome of economic development. It opines that some people should necessarily been displaced in order to initiate development activities. On the ‘reformist’ end of the spectrum, Cernea (2003) has been developing a model for appropriate resettlement of the displaced that acknowledges the challenges faced by people in re-establishing themselves economically (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). He views displacement as a ‘pathology of induced development’, but also recognizes the indispensible nature of projects that produce great public benefits, and that these will inevitably, in some instances, involve the displacement of people (Ganguly-Scrase and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The second approach discusses about legitimization of forced displacement. In their words, large-scale development projects are designed to enhance the power of the state and private capital, which is incapable of representing or serving the interests of majority of people. Under neo-liberal phase, the displacement has become more intense. It is no more state-driven usurpation of land rather, it is regulated by market forces. Under the era of market liberalization, displacement has taken a U-turn. Trends of displacement in India since independence The Independence of India from centuries of foreign rule had emanated lots of hopes among poor people. Even Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, insisted on development of several institutions of development in the form of dams, industrial projects for strengthening of economy. Since independence, land has been acquired from people particularly from farmers for the purpose of expanding towns/cities by converting agricultural land into non-agricultural land (Liya, 2014). Since Independence of India, the focus of development has been cornered around construction of dams, which has displaced nearly 44,182 people (Lama, 2000). This figure reaches up to 21,300,000 between 1951 and 1990 in terms of overall displacement (https://www.scribd.com/doc/252400377/Development-and-Displacement-in-India-A-Historical-Perspective-pdf). The first displacement in India since Independence has been reported from Durgapur Steel Plant in West Bengal in 1960s. It is estimated to have displaced nearly 33,000 people (Liya, 2014). This first displacement caused by industry has been followed by displacement in Odisha caused by mining of Bolani Iron ores. In terms of dams, the displacement in India has affected nearly 40 million individuals till 2000. At the initial phase, the displacement activity was operational in the name of public sector-oriented development. With emergence of liberalization phase, this quest for displacement got inclined towards private demand for land. The development agenda of post-independence India combined elements of nationalist and socialist economic policies that deteriorated the living standards of tribal people (Terminski, 2013). At the beginning of twentieth century, there has been transition of rural life into city life at a fast pace which gets characterized by multigenerational marginalization and social disarticulation. At the time of Independence of India, the displacement was restricted towards indigenous economic development which has now got transformed into transnational economic development-stricken displacement. Impact of displacement on livelihood Displacement is primarily a phenomenon associated with the loss of land, which is a fundamental point of economic, social, and cultural reference (Terminski, 2013). Displacement has long-lasting impact on people's livelihood. It overturns immediate source of livelihood of people and render them destitute for the sake of fulfillment of basic necessities. The average per-capita income after displacement declines to less than 50 percent as compared with pre-displacement income. The displacement has affected the livelihood of common masses from multi-dimensional points of view. Therefore, it is imperative for us to know the impact of displacement on livelihood. Social imbalances The continued land displacement creates a rift between the mainstream people and the marginalized communities. It further widens inequality between dalit, tribal communities, and general upper-caste communities. Commenting on it, John Gaventa writes, no unequal social system can be maintained unless the subalterns internalize the dominant values (Fernandes, 2009). In other words, inequality gets developed inside society in such a way that even rehabilitation process becomes flawed in nature. Apart from social discrimination, the cultural harmony in the society also gets uprooted due to displacement. They find it difficult and often impossible to begin a new society where they can live with their old values, old relations, and old meaning of life and women are the worst hit (Pandey, 2009). Homelessness Homelessness is one of the major characteristics of displacement. Uprooted from ancestral places, the indigenous community does not get space for immediate settlement. As the displaced families become scattered in different rehabilitation colonies, seek refuge in relatives’ homes. It results into alienation and status deprivation. The families remain at the highest risk of being flushed out of their homes and forced into the streets. In Kalinganagar (Orissa), only 238 families out of 815 displaced families have received homestead land (Dash and Samal, 2008). Individualism in ownership Another significant impact of displacement on livelihood is individual ownership of land and transfer of power into individual hands. The tribal community loses collective ownership over land and privilege goes to hereditary owners. Therefore, it results into paucity of access of livelihood to common masses. As per fifth schedule of the constitution of India, the alienation of tribal land is strictly prohibited. Even in sixth schedule, the state favours collective ownership and class formation (Fernandes, 2009). Now-a-days state provides loans and subsidies to individual holders of Patta only. Such land transfer to individuals is encouraged with a distinct preferential slant towards males who largely manage the cash crop production (Fernandes, 2009). This existence of individualism in ownership leads to bifurcation of gendered status in ownership. Shortage of livestock The negative impact of displacement on livelihood may be witnessed through deficiency in livestock also. The fast reduction of livestock is also one of the major impacts of displacement over livelihood. It has, on one hand, deprived the farmers of adequate land for rearing of livestock, on the other hand, pushed them to migrate from their existing village. The inadequacy of space and shifting of habitat has led to non-maintenance of livestock. Displacement also appears to have reduced the diversity of livestock holdings; the fraction of households with only one type of livestock holdings has increased from around 25 percent in non-displaced villages to around 33 percent in the displaced villages (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in:8080/jspui/bitstream/10603/14393/15/14_chapter%208.pdf). The notion of sharing each other's animals for livestock remains eroded. Absence of food security The outgrowth of displacement reduces the chances for achieving food security. The increasing cost of food and reduction in agricultural productivity due to land displacement has ushered in food insecurity in the household. Maxwell and Wiebe state that lack of access of land leads directly to a reduction in income and access to food. According to them, access to resources is a very essential element for access to food. Displacement from land brings small and marginal farmers at the recipient's end. Another dangerous element of displacement is shift of ownership from domestic to foreign actors over food resources. Indiscriminate extraction of natural resources The displacement of land has severely affected the natural resources also. The forest-based resources are on the verge of extinction due to indiscriminate extraction. Most of these trees have been lost in the areas of scheduled tribe population. In a study by Mahapatra et al, households in Orissa reported a total of 27 NTFPs (Non-Timber Forest Produces) that were extracted from surrounding forests (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in:8080/jspui/bitstream/.../13_chapter%207.pdf). Orissa contains 24.5 percent of India's manganese reserves (Pandey, 2009). It is a veritable dream destination for steel-makers, containing 25.3 percent of India's iron ore reserves, 24.5 percent of its coal reserves, 17.5 percent of its dolomite reserves, and 1.4 percent of its limestone reserves (Pandey, 2009). About 105 mining companies spread over an area of 33,000 hectares have already been set up, producing 2.4 lakh tonnes of iron ore everyday (Pandey, 2009). As a result of these developments, Orissa has suffered a major setback in terms of natural resource reserves. This conversion may be illustrated through following Table 2. Table 2. Area diverted for non-forestry purpose (Ha.)   1980–1991  1991–1999  Irrigation  4906.494  515.07  5421.564  Mining  1538.053  7433.899  8971.952  Roads  202.726  6.5069  209.2329  Railways  901.53  680.1447  1581.675  Power transformer  929.219  639.8012  1569.02  Others  5265.142  4441.906  9707.048  Total  13,743.164  13,717.3278  27,460.49  Number of projects    1980–1991  1991–1999    Irrigation  38  5    Mining  8  50    Roads  11  4    Railways  1  3    Power transformer  13  14    Others  16  18    Total  87  94      1980–1991  1991–1999  Irrigation  4906.494  515.07  5421.564  Mining  1538.053  7433.899  8971.952  Roads  202.726  6.5069  209.2329  Railways  901.53  680.1447  1581.675  Power transformer  929.219  639.8012  1569.02  Others  5265.142  4441.906  9707.048  Total  13,743.164  13,717.3278  27,460.49  Number of projects    1980–1991  1991–1999    Irrigation  38  5    Mining  8  50    Roads  11  4    Railways  1  3    Power transformer  13  14    Others  16  18    Total  87  94    Source: Annual Report of Forest Department and Records of Forestry (1980–1990) in Pandey, Balaji, 2009. Due to continuous deforestation and displacement, the last two decades have witnessed a continuous degradation of our forest land. More than 40 percent of the forests in country are degraded and under-stocked. The National Forest Commission report 2006 indicated that around 41 percent of total forest in the country are already degraded, 70 percent of the forests have no natural regeneration, and 55 percent of the forests are prone to fire (Nayak et al., 2014). The development concerns in general and the rapidly growing economy have implications on forest cover and the land use pattern of the country (Nayak et al., 2014). Therefore, the resultant projects have reduced forest-covered areas, which may be visualized through following Table 3. Table 3. Change in forest cover 1991–2011 State of the forest report year  Dense (40% and above crown cover) Forest (in sq. km)  Open (10–40% crown cover) forest (in sq. km)  1991  385,008 (60.64)  249,930 (39.36)  2001  395,169 (60.43)  258,729 (39.57)  2011  404,207 (58.41)  287,820 (41.59)  State of the forest report year  Dense (40% and above crown cover) Forest (in sq. km)  Open (10–40% crown cover) forest (in sq. km)  1991  385,008 (60.64)  249,930 (39.36)  2001  395,169 (60.43)  258,729 (39.57)  2011  404,207 (58.41)  287,820 (41.59)  Source: Various issues of State of the Forest Report in Nayak, Bhibhu Prasad, Priyanka Kohli, and Dr J.V. Sharma (2014) This situation is quite adverse in case of Odisha. Odisha has been blindly following the mining work in forest areas. If it is analysed, then it may be found that forest area diverted for non-forest use went up from 789 hectares at the end of 1993–1994 to 28,769 hectares at the end of 2003–2004 (Mishra, 2010). The mining accounted for nearly one-third of total diversion of land. These data are outlined through following Table 4. Table 4. Average annual change in total forest area (1994–1995 to 2003–2004) Among non-mining Districts  Orissa   Mining Districts  Non-mining Districts  KBK Districts  Industrial Districts  Non-Industrial Districts  0.93  2.48  0.36  −0.49  −0.39  1.66  Among non-mining Districts  Orissa   Mining Districts  Non-mining Districts  KBK Districts  Industrial Districts  Non-Industrial Districts  0.93  2.48  0.36  −0.49  −0.39  1.66  Land allocated towards different minerals/ores as on 31 December 2005a  Mineral/Ore  Area (Hca.)  % of Total  Bauxite  6835  6.8  Coal  17,558  17.6  Iron and Manganese Ore  15,246  15.3  Iron Ore  36,947  37.0  Total  99,932  100.0  Land allocated towards different minerals/ores as on 31 December 2005a  Mineral/Ore  Area (Hca.)  % of Total  Bauxite  6835  6.8  Coal  17,558  17.6  Iron and Manganese Ore  15,246  15.3  Iron Ore  36,947  37.0  Total  99,932  100.0  Source: Economic Survey of Orissa, various issues. aMinistry of Environment and Forest, India/Data obtained by EPG-Orissa under RTI Act (in Mishra, 2010). In addition to mining, the forests land in Odisha has been diverted for other projects also. It consists of Irrigation, Industry, Roads, and Railways. Such precarious situation affects them directly by displacing them and indirectly by destroying the forest, the source of livelihood of most of the SC/ST. The following Table 5 showcases the volume of forests land being diverted for these development projects. Table 5. Sector wise diversion of forest land to non-forest use Name of the sector  Number of projects  Forest area diverted as on 31.03.2003  Percentage to total area diverted from different projects  Irrigation  59  6092.4829  22.34  Industry  5  2406.086  8.82  Transmission  44  2723.4265  9.99  Roads and Bridges  25  197.8122  0.73  Railways  5  1965.0287  7.20  Others  32  4420.179  16.21  Total  170  17,805.0153  65.29  Name of the sector  Number of projects  Forest area diverted as on 31.03.2003  Percentage to total area diverted from different projects  Irrigation  59  6092.4829  22.34  Industry  5  2406.086  8.82  Transmission  44  2723.4265  9.99  Roads and Bridges  25  197.8122  0.73  Railways  5  1965.0287  7.20  Others  32  4420.179  16.21  Total  170  17,805.0153  65.29  Source: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf Marginalization Displacement originates a plethora of marginalization of poor people not only from economic perspectives but also from socio-cultural perspectives. Marginalization is an individualized process that occurs when families or individuals experience downward mobility, primarily because resettlement may bring a loss of control over physical space and new environments where existing knowledge and skills are less useful (Koenig, 2002). Due to social disarticulation, the community remains on the verge of disintegration. The existing social bond gets extinct. The atomization of existing communities, combined with the need to adapt economically and socially in the new location and to integrate with host communities, leads to a gradual moving away from the old cultural traditions (Terminski, 2013). Development-induced displacement in Odisha – a case study Odisha situated in eastern part of India is famous for rich natural resources. The state is endowed with large deposits of bauxite, chromate, coal, and iron-ore reserves. The state is characterized with four forest types namely Tropical Semi Evergreen, Tropical Moist Deciduous, Tropical Dry Deciduous, and Littoral and Swamp Forests (Vasundhara, 2005). The mineral resource base in Odisha is mainly spread in the tribal hamlets of the region. There are mainly two kinds of development-induced displacement that have occurred in Odisha. Statistical figures indicate that till 2000, about 20 lakh people have been directly affected by development projects in varying degrees out of which about 5 lakhs have been physically displaced losing their home and hearth from their original habitat. Statistical figures further indicate that while dam/irrigation projects alone have displaced nearly 3.5 lakh people which is roughly 70 percent of the total displaced persons, industrial projects have displaced about 60,000 people which is 12 percent of the total displaced whereas the mining projects, urban development projects, thermal projects, and wild life sanctuaries have displaced 3.37 percent, 12.86 percent, 2.60 percent, and 0.5 percent of the total displaced people in the State of Orissa (Sahoo, 2005). The major development projects that initiated large-scale displacement in Odisha are namely Rourkela Steel Plant, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), National Aluminum Company (NALCO), POSCO, Talcher Thermal Power Station, Hirakund, Rengali, Upper Kolab projects etc. It means that several developmental projects have not only upgraded infrastructure in Odisha but also thrown away a large habitat of common people. According to Smitu Kothari, since independence of the country, development projects of the Five-Year Plans have displaced 0.5 million persons each year primarily as direct consequences of administrative land acquisition (Swain, 2014). Most of the tribals including Juangs and Paudi Bhuans in these areas are either landless or marginal landowners, even though subsistence agriculture is the most important source of their livelihood (Pattanaik, 2015). The mining sector has also contributed towards displacement in Odisha at larger scale. The effect of such proposed mining, almost all in Scheduled areas of Keonjhar and Sundergarh, on the local tribal inhabitants, their habitats, and their livelihoods can only be imagined, especially PTGs (Primitive Tribal Groups) like Paudi Bhuiyas and Juangs, who are now totally marginalized and whose livelihoods has been destroyed completely (Pattanaik, 2015). The following Table 6 showcases how different development projects in Odisha have displaced people from their land. Table 6. Number of families displaced and amount of land acquired due to different development projects in Odisha from 1950 to 1995 Types of project  No. of villages displaced  No. of families displaced  Total land acquired in hectare  Percentage of displaced family  Percentage of land acquired  Mines  79  3143  2427.03  3.87  0.39  Industries  113  10,704  21,963  13.19  3.52  Thermal power  73  2426  3155.31  2.99  0.51  Irrigation and hydel Power (Dam)  1181  64,903  595,918.6  79.95  95.58  Total  1446  81,176  623,463.9  100  100  Types of project  No. of villages displaced  No. of families displaced  Total land acquired in hectare  Percentage of displaced family  Percentage of land acquired  Mines  79  3143  2427.03  3.87  0.39  Industries  113  10,704  21,963  13.19  3.52  Thermal power  73  2426  3155.31  2.99  0.51  Irrigation and hydel Power (Dam)  1181  64,903  595,918.6  79.95  95.58  Total  1446  81,176  623,463.9  100  100  Source: Dalua, 1993, Fernandes and Reddy, 1993, Parida, 2006. On the whole, 1.4 million people, mostly adivasis have been displaced by developmental projects in Orissa (Sahoo, 2005). Virtually, the whole of Orissa, including Kashipur in Rayagada, Lanjigarh in Kalahandi, Lower Suktel area in Balangir, Kotagarh in Phulbani, the mining-industrial belt in Jharsuguda, Kalinganagar and now Rourkela, has turned into a battleground on the issue of development and displacement (Mishra, 2011). This figure could be visualized through following Table 7. Table 7. A conservative estimate of persons and tribals displaced by development projects in India 1951–1990 (in lakhs) Types of project  All Displaced Persons (in lakhs)  Percentage of Displaced Persons  Displaced Persons Resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Resettled displaced Persons  Backlog (in lakhs)  Backlog (in percentage)  Tribals displaced (in lakhs)  Percentage of all displaced persons  Tribal displaced persons resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Tribal displaced persons  Backlog of tribal displaced persons  Percentage of Backlog  Dam  164  77  41  25  123  75  63.21  38.5  15.81  25  47.40  75  Mines  25.5  12  6.30  24.7  19.20  75.3  13.30  52.20  3.30  25  10  75  Industries  12.5  5.9  3.75  30  8.75  70  3.13  25  0.80  25  2.33  75  Wild life  6  2.8  1.25  20.8  4.75  79.2  4.5  75  1  22  3.50  78  Others  5  2.3  1.50  30  3.50  70  1.25  25  0.25  20.2  1  80  Total  213  100  53.80  25  159.20  75  85.39  40.9  21.16  25  64.23  79  Types of project  All Displaced Persons (in lakhs)  Percentage of Displaced Persons  Displaced Persons Resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Resettled displaced Persons  Backlog (in lakhs)  Backlog (in percentage)  Tribals displaced (in lakhs)  Percentage of all displaced persons  Tribal displaced persons resettled (in lakhs)  Percentage of Tribal displaced persons  Backlog of tribal displaced persons  Percentage of Backlog  Dam  164  77  41  25  123  75  63.21  38.5  15.81  25  47.40  75  Mines  25.5  12  6.30  24.7  19.20  75.3  13.30  52.20  3.30  25  10  75  Industries  12.5  5.9  3.75  30  8.75  70  3.13  25  0.80  25  2.33  75  Wild life  6  2.8  1.25  20.8  4.75  79.2  4.5  75  1  22  3.50  78  Others  5  2.3  1.50  30  3.50  70  1.25  25  0.25  20.2  1  80  Total  213  100  53.80  25  159.20  75  85.39  40.9  21.16  25  64.23  79  Source: Fernandes, 1994, pp 22–32 in Pati, 2000. The state-controlled land grabbing for various conservation projects has also been a matter of concern. In such a scenario, Odisha has felt tremor of people's movement. Farmers in Sambalpur-Bargarh-Jharsuguda region have been protesting against the diversion of water from the Hirakund reservoir for industrial uses at the cost of irrigation for farmers (Mishra, 2011). Therefore, it is very imperative for us to shed light on these developmental projects and their displacement of masses. POSCO project The POSCO project set-up in Odisha has a producing capacity of nearly 12 million tonnes of steel per year with an investment of Rs. 51,000 crores. It represents a big chunk of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Odisha's economy. The dispute between POSCO and local communities relates to land acquisition and environmental risks. In formal terms, this conflict has largely revolved around environmental impact assessments and other administrative details, but more centrally, it has been a battle over different notions of development, and competing aspirations for the land at the proposed project site (Chrimes, 2015). This project has three components: Captive iron ore mines in three areas of Keonjhar District and Sundargarh District, Mining lease on 6204 hectares in Sundargarh District, Steel plant in Jagatsinghpur District, Private port at the river Jatadhari, close to steel plant area (Swain, 2014). In all, this project is in need for 3719 acres of land for these expansions (Swain, 2014). It is reported that the project will require 286 million liters of water per day, which will be supplied from nearest Jobra and Naraj barrages of river Mahanadi, as a result of which the farmers who were using the irrigated water from the canals of Taldanda, Machhagaon, Birupa of Cuttack, Jagatsinghpur, and Kendrapada may suffer a great loss and agricultural productivity may come down (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). Under this project, the proposed port will endanger several species of fish in the Jatadhari estuary having impact over livelihood of fishing communities (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). The project involves the felling over 280,000 trees, which will directly affect the dense forest covers in the Gandhamardhan and Malangatoli areas (http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/13330/13/13_chapter%208.pdf). Mining will also affect the Kandadhar waterfall, a famed tourist destination. There are some villages like Nuagaon, Gadakujanga, and Dhinkia who are directly vulnerable to displacement with an estimate of 5000 families being affected immediately (Dash and Samal, 2008). In addition, eight Gram Panchayats of the Lunipada block with more than 50 villages within a 10-km radius of Khandadhar are also supposed to be affected by the mining activity that POSCO proposes to carry out in an area of 6000 hectares (Pattanaik, 2015). Dhinkia and Gobindapur villages of Jagatsinghpur district are such places which have been directly impacted by POSCO project. Both the villages are rich in mineral resources and rely on biodiversity for sustenance. The district of Jagatsinghpur, where the proposed plant and port are to be constructed, hosts a highly productive and relatively lucrative agricultural economy (Chrimes, 2015). The majority of villagers cultivate a range of crops including betel, 12 paddy, cashew, and other tree species, as well as collecting minor forest products such as bamboo and fuel, while some engage in fishing, operate shrimp farms, or practise animal husbandry (Chrimes, 2015). This district has an area of 18,490 acres as cultivable and 26,183 acres as forests areas (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). This district is a rich cultural heritage and is often referred to as the Cultural heart of Odisha. It is also very famous for largest port called Paradep. The district consists of two distinct tracts, the first being marshy and swampy strips along with the coast covered with wild growth of reeds and tropical jungle. Apart from forests, it is having a huge chunk of sand dunes, which facilitate in filtering of ocean water from salt. Villagers say that the sand dunes, in addition to providing them with mineral rich sweet water, form a unique habitat for the cultivation of large complexes of betel vines (paan kethi) producing the ever popular ‘Benarasi paan’. Most of the habitants of these villages in Jagatsinghpur district have dependence over rearing of betel leaves due to availability of sand dunes. The cultivation of these agri-products provides single largest sources of livelihood for them. Apart from Betel leaves, the farmers of these villages do cultivate the Kewra flowers also which help in generating their household-based income. Therefore, the dispossession of land due to POSCO project may put livelihood of these communities in peril. Most of these villagers do not want to move because they have very sustainable small-scale agricultural livelihood based on unique ecology of this place. Those who live around such industrial facilities suffer forever – from pollution of air and water, dearth of safe drinking water, debilitating impacts on health, and lack of appropriate opportunities of employment, as their traditional livelihood support systems are completely destroyed (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). But most of the cultivable paan kethis (betel vines) are proposed to be acquired as it is claimed to be on ‘government land’ – which is the forest (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). It is estimated that nearly 75 percent of families living in Gobindpur village are on the verge of losing their livelihood due to forced dispossession. Even though the official figures claim that displacement is really small for such a large project (471 families it is claimed, based on controversial assessments), the impact of the project is expected to have a debilitating impact on over 5000 families according to villagers (Saldanha and Rao, 2011). The POSCO affected communities are denied the forests rights and are living under acute pressure of loss of livelihood. The researcher undertook an in-depth study on various dimensions of this process in the two villages of Jagatsinghpur district for bringing a conclusive framework over displacement. The people have been asked several questions by researcher regarding its compensation package for displaced communities. Hence, nearly 85 percent of the respondents expressed their apprehension towards this project. In their view, this project may manage water resources very indiscriminately. The large-scale extraction of water from river Mahananda may cut short drinking water supply to Jagatsinghpur district. Nearly 65 percent of the respondents expressed their concern regarding loss of agricultural income due to dispossession. The FGD with villagers of Dhinkia village excerpted this fact that their earning from betel leaves ranges between Rs. 150 per day and Rs. 240 per day, which may be jeopardized due to usurpation of land. Even the composition of local food intake derives 80 percent components from forests. During FGD, the respondents expressed the concern regarding ecological balance. As per their view, the potential damage that could be caused to the Paradeep port due to the modified conditions resulting from the new port, the existence of two large ports so close to each other in an ecological sensitive zone, spells disaster. The respondents expressed this view that POSCO project has added nothing to existing natural reserves of the state. Nearly 35 percent of respondents expressed this concern that the combination of CO2, SOX, and NOX gases, all being acidic in nature, may lead to acid deposition effects on large stretches of the surrounding environment. In their views, the acid deposition impact on the entire Mahanadi basin may be considered because it contains pristine forests. In terms of water abstraction, this project may extract 80 billion litres of water from Mahanadi basin and 60 billion litres from Brahmani basin. As far as pollutants’ discharge is concerned, it may expand up to 300 km downstream of the mining site affecting nearby health care. The responses gained from respondents through interviews stated that a large number of solid waste materials may damage the environment over a long period of time resulting into adulteration of ground and surface water. The over extraction of Mahanadi basin may cause huge irrigational problems in these areas. The POSCO project has been opposed by National Commission for Protection of Child Rights on the ground that children within POSCO transit camps have been living a sub-standard life. Political economy approach of displacement The careful analysis of POSCO project both in terms of its cost and benefit for existing communities of Odisha reflects a sharp political difference between its proponents and opponents. Although Odisha has been reeling under acute poverty and low GDP rate, yet the proponents of industrialization relegate its economic growth to continued FDI under neo-liberal economy. The poverty has been said to be decreasing in the state from 57.2 percent in 2004–2005 to 32.59 percent in 2011–2012 (Chrimes, 2015). But other schools of thought have concluded this mode of development based on exclusion policy. In their view, the spatial and social concentration of poverty persists and marginalized communities suffer from negative effects of agricultural and environmental neglect (Chrimes, 2015). POSCO is one of the drivers of this neo-liberal economic dilemma. It claims to provide sufficient resettlement and rehabilitation package to project affected people in Jagatsinghpur and adjoining districts. Sixty-five percent of the respondents have claimed that the state has weakened their level of resistance. Nearly 45 percent of villagers of Dhinkia village responded that this project has lots of ambiguity regarding exact number of displaced persons. The current humanitarian praxis recognizes the displaced persons as actors, not ‘dependent victims’ which draw on sociological concepts of agency. Displacement as development dilemma The accelerating pace of development has increased chances of forced displacement. Displacement happens when people lose their dwellings and get evicted from their houses. Confronted with empirical evidence from the field, it gets explicit that development scenario undermines the interests of certain sections of people who are living at edges while upgrading the resource-rich people. The case of Odisha regarding imminent dispossession of land due to forthcoming POSCO project may showcase the negative aftermaths of development on surrounding areas. The grass-root community people have expressed their serious grievances regarding socio-economic and ecological consequences of this project. While the development scenario may be quite beneficial for the larger interests of the nation, it suppresses the micro-level institutions due to inducement of macro-level policy changes. Michael Cernea constructed a model called ‘Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model’, which states that displacement is the cause for impoverishment through various factors like landlessness, joblessness, and loss of food security. The FGD from Gobindapur village excerpted this fact that nearly majority of population being dependent on forests produce may lose their resources for livelihood. Most of the villagers do cultivate betel in the forests areas, which may perish in case of forced land acquisition. The development-induced displacement has potential to affect the human security. This study by researcher in both the respective villages outlined that 70 percent of the victims of imminent displacement have their natural habitat and dependent livelihood resources at stake. The project may endanger the sand dunes in these villages, which have been drivers for various agricultural products. Therefore, the solution for this dilemma lies not in exclusionary growth but an inclusive approach and right to self-determination. The resettlement and rehabilitation process should facilitate way for fair opportunities for aggrieved persons in the entire rehabilitation activities. The state and participating project should not be the only stakeholders in resettlement process but it must include the aggrieved community as well. The displacement being an element for development may be necessary sometimes but it should be assessed based on fair consultation and deliberation. The inclusive participation of villagers of Jagatsinghpur district may reduce the chances of forced displacement and inadequate compensation package. The forcible eviction policy may create a strong capital before the state to resist but peaceful public consultation with aggrieved community may remove bottlenecks in the displacement dilemma. Conclusion In this neo-liberal development scenario, the vast natural resources are being extracted by development practitioners in such a way that entire livelihood is at stake. In this scenario of development, mines and mineral-based industries are indiscriminately extracting the rare natural resources. These industries and mines based on high technology keep on affecting the natural environment. The dams and industrial projects are creating such a situation that sustainable development is challenged. The majority of poor people are displaced from their habitat with a negative impact on their culture and society. Even this impact is not homogenous on society but has affected these people differentially. The profit-oriented approach to development in Odisha has not only worsened the condition of the tribal people but also caused a great damage to culture, social relations of existing place. The poverty and marginalization of Juangs and Paudi Bhuyans, inspite of being a historical process due to the State formation and extension, has further excogitated and has led to marginalization and impoverishment of a large section of these communities in the regions (Pattanaik, 2015). Structural factors constraining access to land and forests have played an important and fundamental role in the marginalization process (Pattanaik, 2015). There has been communication gap between displaced persons and state government in Odisha which is resulting into inadequate rehabilitation process. Therefore, this entire scenario of displacement and its aftermath on livelihood incorporates Amartya Sen's political economy approach of entitlement failure and capability failure. Mr Neelmani Jaysawal is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati, Sriniketan (West Bengal), India. He has presented papers in various national and international seminar and conferences across India. He has several publications to his credit in reputed international journals. His areas of interest are Civil Society & Governance, Rural Development, Community Development and Women Empowerment. Mrs Sudeshna Saha is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work, Visva-Bharati, Sriniketan (West Bengal), India. She has published various articles in national and international journals. 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Community Development JournalOxford University Press

Published: Jan 1, 2018

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