Abstract Grindletonianism, a manifestation of antinomian religious belief that attracted followers in northern England during the seventeenth century, has come down to us through the writings of Roger Brereley (1586?–1637), one-time curate of Grindleton, in Craven, and his disciple Josiah Collier (1595–1677). These writings, in both prose and verse, survive in two manuscripts in Collier’s hand and, in part, in a printed book, A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths (1670, 1677), of which the first edition was printed in Edinburgh for sale in Glasgow. After a brief account of Collier’s life, a summary of the contents of the two manuscripts, and a description of the printed editions, the article appraises the differing contents of the manuscripts and their likely dates of compilation; discusses the textual choices and modifications that took place in the transition from manuscript to print; and considers the extent to which Collier himself may have been involved in the production of the printed volume. The conclusion is that Collier very likely revised some of the manuscript materials in an apparent effort to weaken the antinomian sentiment in order to make the doctrines more acceptable to a mainstream Puritan readership, and that he was possibly prompted to do this by his patron Jane Baildon, for whom he wrote the less outspoken of the two manuscripts. The article further considers the uncertain bibliographical status of the second, verse section of the 1670 edition of A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths, which was produced separately from the first (which contains Brereley’s sermons), and it ends by demonstrating that the so-called 1676 edition of the volume (Wing B4658A) is a ghost. The Grindletonians, a scattered congregation of seventeenth- century northern English antinomians, were followers of the charismatic Anglican preacher Roger Brereley (bap. 1586, d. 1637), who was curate of Grindleton in Craven at an early stage of his career.1 Brereley was more than once summoned to appear before the High Commission in York on charges of doctrinal heterodoxy, before being allowed to continue his ministry, and it is possibly for reasons of self-preservation that what survives of his teaching expresses a somewhat muted form of antinomian doctrine. All we have are versions of sermons apparently preached towards the end of his life, and the text of his long self-justificatory poem ‘Of True Christian Liberty’.2 These materials were largely preserved in manuscript by one of his most prominent disciples, Josiah Collier (1595–1677), and are represented in print by A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths, which was printed in Edinburgh for sale in Glasgow in 1670 (Wing B4658) and then in London in 1677 (Wing B4659). Grindletonianism, however, finds full expression in the writings of Collier himself, which survive (alongside Brereley's poem and sermons) in two substantial manuscripts in his own hand. These writings, in both verse and prose, proclaim a range of antinomian beliefs, of which the most prominent are that true Christians are freed by Christ's ‘covenant of grace’ to live by love, without needing to have regard to the now superseded Old Testament ‘covenant of works’, with its stress on law and sin; and that total abnegation of self in one's relationship with God, including the rejection of all selfgenerated ideas, can lead to effective union with Christ during life on Earth.3 Collier, however, unlike more extreme antinomians, remained conscious of sin and the need to continue to suffer with Christ in order to overcome it, and his writings include orthodox Puritan exposition of Christian doctrine along with references to such external religious behaviours as sharing holy communion. It is clear that he was often writing for members of a community of like-minded believers. The present writer has analysed elsewhere the nature of the antinomian- ism expressed in these writings, preceded by a full account of what is known of Collier's life and a detailed description of the two manuscripts.4 What follows here, after a biographical sketch, is a summary listing of the manuscripts’ contents, a description of the printed editions, an appraisal of the textual modifications that took place in the transition from manuscript to print, and a discussion of the bibliographical oddities surrounding the printing of the 1670 edition of A Bundle. The analysis reveals a progressive weakening of the expression of antinomian doctrine as time went on. Josiah Collier was born into a successful yeoman family from Yeadon, seven miles north-west of Leeds (he was baptised on 15 June 1595).5 Unlike his brother Jeremiah, an ordained Puritan minister, he does not appear to have attended university and was presumably educated locally.6 He seems to have spent most of his life in Yeadon, probably dependent on small-scale farming, marrying twice and fathering four children. Late in his life, in 1672, he applied under the terms of the Declaration of Indulgence for the house of his daughter, Sarah Grimshaw, to be registered as a nonconformist meeting place, giving his denomination as Independent.7 Sarah Grimshaw lived in Rawdon (a mile nearer Leeds but within the same parish of Guiseley), and it is likely that Collier himself had moved to Rawdon by this date. The nonconformist clergyman Oliver Heywood, visiting the township in January 1677, recorded in his diary that he had met Collier there, calling him ‘a great antinomian and preacher’.8 Collier was buried four weeks later, on 19 February 1677, the parish registers describing him as ‘Josiah Collier of Rawdon’. Following his death, Sarah Grimshaw and her family converted to Quakerism. Manuscripts The two manuscripts in Josiah Collier's hand are Manchester, Chetham's Library, MS A.2.24, here designated C, and London, Lambeth Palace Library, MS 3461, here designated L. Their contents are as follows (manuscript spelling has been modernized): C  fols. 2r–35v, Roger Brereley, ‘Of true Christian liberty and libertinism’. Verse.  fols. 36r–41v, Josiah Collier, ‘The soul's complaint and God's reply’. Verse.9  fols. 42r–50v, Josiah Collier, ‘The voice of the gospel’. Verse.  fols. 51r–55v, Josiah Collier, ‘The participation of the cross of Jesus’. Verse.  fols. 56r–62r, Josiah Collier, ‘A description of Babel's whore’. Verse.  fols. 63r–68v, Josiah Collier, ‘There's no man can eat of the tree of life’. Prose.  fols. 69r–72v, Josiah Collier, ‘An answer to certain queries propounded by a friend’. Prose.  fols. 73r–90r, Josiah Collier, ‘A declaration of my own understanding’. Prose. Brief description Paper, 91 leaves (the eight items have separate contemporary page numerations), c. 180 × 107 mm. All the author attributions are by Collier himself, who signs his full name after each of items 2–8. He also distinguishes clearly between his own and Brereley's compositions on the preliminary contents page (fol. 1r). An inscription in another hand on the rear pastedown records the loan of the book to ‘Mr Alexander Fetherstone late minister of Gods worde att Benthame’. Compiled probably in the 1650s. L  p. vii, Josiah Collier, ‘The round the cross the angle and the square’. Verse.  pp. 1–4, Josiah Collier, ‘An epistle to the Christian reader’. Prose.  pp. 5–223, twenty-five sermons by Roger Brereley, most of them dated to the years 1630–33. Prose.  pp. 225–28, Roger Brereley, ‘A letter written by him to Anne Pethye of Newcastle’. Prose.  pp. 229–49. William Aiglin, ‘Here followeth certain verses made upon the death of this aforesaid author Roger Breierley’. Verse.  p. 249, Josiah Collier, ‘No marvel why this man these poems writ’. Verse.  pp. 251–63, Josiah Collier, ‘An advertisement to the childhood state, the youthful state, the old age state’. Verse.  p. 264, Josiah Collier, ‘My friend these lines which here to thee I write’. Verse.  pp. 265–86, Josiah Collier, ‘A testimony to the two witnesses of God’. Prose.  pp. 287–309, Josiah Collier, ‘A discourse upon the first and second verses of the 15. of John’. Prose.  pp. [310–11], Josiah Collier, ‘God of his love such love to man hath borne’. Verse.  pp. [312–13] Josiah Collier, ‘The tree of life in paradise that grew’. Verse. Brief description Paper, viii + 316 pages (contemporary pagination), c. 180 × 135 mm. The attributions to Brereley and Aiglin are by Collier, who signs items 1, 2, 6, 7, and 12 ‘J.C.’ and items 9 and 10 with his full name (items 8 and 11 are unsigned, but there can be no doubt of Collier's authorship). At the head of p.v (the contents page), in Collier's hand, ‘Madam Baildon Booke’, for whom see below. Compiled probably in the mid- to late 1660s. A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths A Bundle was printed twice, once in Edinburgh in 1670 and once in London in 1677, as described below. Wing, Short-Title Catalogue, lists a second Scottish edition dated 1676 (B4658A), recorded in a single copy held in the National Library of Scotland, but this turns out to be a ghost and belongs in fact to the 1670 edition (see Appendix 2, below).10 1670. A BUNDLE OF Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths; clearly deduced from diverse select Texts of holy Scripture, and practically improven, both for Conviction and Consolation. BEING A brief Summary of several Sermons preached at large, by that faithful and pious Servant of Jesus Christ, M. Rodger Breirly, Minister of the Gospel at Grindleton, in Craven. [Text of Matt 11:25–26] EDINBURGH, Printed for James Brown, Book-seller in Glasgow; and are to be sold at his shope, about the middle of the south side of the Salt-Mercat-street, Anno Dom. 1670. 8o. In two sections: (1) A4 B–Q8 paginated [i–viii], 1–208, 207–238, with errors; (2) A–E8 F6 paginated 1–92. Wing B4658. ESTC records three copies, in the British Library, the National Library of Scotland, and Harvard University, to which should be added the so-called 1676 edition and a copy in Lambeth Palace Library listed in COPAC. The BL copy and both of the NLS copies lack the second section,11 and it is argued below that this was almost certainly printed later, as a supplement to A Bundle as first conceived. A digital facsimile of the Harvard copy is available through Early English Books Online. A1r, title page, A1v, blank; A2r–A3r, ‘An Epistle to the Reader’ (equivalent to L, item ), signed at end ‘J.C.’; A3v–A4v, ‘Here followeth a Catalogue of the Texts of Scripture that these lines treats of’ (twenty-seven sermons listed, with page numbers). Contents then as follows:  (1st section) B1r–Q8v, pp. 1–238, the text of twenty-six numbered sermons by Roger Brereley, partially overlapping with the set of twenty-five in L, item . A conspectus of the two sets of sermons is provided in Appendix 1, below. The discrepancy regarding the number of sermons in A Bundle is explained by Catalogue item XXII (an exposition of the Beatitudes) being subsumed in the text under sermon XXI.  (2nd section) A1r–v, pp. 1–2, ‘The Preface of Mr. Brierly’, in verse, and, A2r–E4v, pp. 3–72, ‘Of True Christian Liberty’, in verse. At end, ‘By Roger Brierly, sometimes Minister at Grindleton Chappel in Craven’. Equivalent to item  in C.  E5r–F3v, pp.73–86. Unattributed verse sequence headed ‘The Lords Reply’, equivalent to ‘The soul's complaint and God's reply’ in C, item , except that the first section is omitted and the ninth is expanded by some sixty-four lines, almost all the addition coming at the end. Other sections of the poem differ in length to a smaller extent, and throughout there is clear evidence of textual revision.  F4r–F6v, pp. 87–92, ‘Self Civil War’, unattributed poem of 200 lines beginning ‘I sing not Priam, nor the Siege of Troy’, written by the poet and translator Josuah Sylvester (1563–1618) and first printed in full in 1616 or 1617.12 The text in A Bundle is slightly abridged. 1677. A BUNDLE OF Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths; clearly deduced from diverse select Texts of holy Scripture, and practically improven, both for Conviction and Consolation. BEING A brief Summary of several Sermons preached at large, by that faithful and pious Servant of Jesus Christ, M. RODGER BREIRLY, Minister of the Gospel at Grindleton, in Craven. [Text of Matt 11:25–26] LONDON, Printed by J.R. for Samuel Sprint, in litle Brittain, 1677. 12o. A4 B–Q12 R2 paginated [i–viii], 1–270, 1–94, i.e. in two sections as above, but the signatures are now continuous. Wing B4659. ESTC records eleven copies, in the British Library (two copies); Edinburgh University Library; Chetham's Library, Manchester; York Minster Library (two copies); Innerpeffray Library, Crieff; the Folger Shakespeare Library; Princeton Theological Seminary; the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California at Los Angeles; and the Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University. A digital facsimile of one of the BL copies (874.c.23) is available through Early English Books Online. Contents as for 1670, apparently without any textual change, but the text has been fully re-set to fit the smaller format of this edition. Pagination for the main items as follows:  (1st section) B1r–N3v, pp. 1–270, Brereley's sermons.  (2nd section) N4r–v, pp. 1–2, ‘The Preface of Mr. Brierly’, and N5r–Q4v, pp. 3–74, ‘Of True Christian Liberty’.  Q5r–Q11v, pp. 75–88, the verse sequence headed ‘The Lords Reply’.  Q12r–R2v, pp. 89–94, ‘Self Civil War’. How do C and L relate textually to A Bundle, and what was Josiah Collier's role in getting A Bundle into print? It is clear that the two manuscripts are carefully compiled anthologies of Grindletonian writing. In each case, broadly speaking, they begin with works by Brereley and pass on to compositions by Collier himself (in one instance by Aiglin). L is notable in having been written for ‘Madam Baildon’, who can be identified as Jane Baildon, daughter of Sir Richard Hawksworth and wife of Francis Baildon, lord of the manor of Baildon, a township some three miles from Collier's home in Yeadon. After her husband's death in 1669 she became lady of the manor in her own right, and lived on until after 1691.13 Como appears not to notice that ‘Madam Baildon Booke’ is in Collier's handwriting, and he suggests that the latter's presence a few miles from Baildon ‘perhaps explains how [the manuscript] might have come into her hands’. But he goes on to postulate, very reasonably, that ‘she probably served as a patroness to West Riding antinomianism in its second generation’,14 although her documented associations are otherwise with the more mainstream Puritan minister Oliver Heywood, who records that he preached at her house on 26 October 1683, and (10 October 1687) that one of the twelve leather-bound copies of his newly published book Baptismal Bonds was destined for her.15 Patron is certainly an appropriate word to describe Jane Baildon's relationship with Collier, at least in respect of L, because alongside the heading ‘Madam Baildon Booke’ that he placed at the top of the contents page he noted a price, namely £1 11s 6d (one and a half guineas), presumably reflecting agreed financial patronage on her part. In contrast, the only personal association in the case of C is the inscription on the rear pastedown (not in Collier's hand), which records that the book was lent to ‘Mr Alexander Fetherstone late minister of Gods worde att Benthame’. This form of words may help to date the manuscript, because Fetherstone, who was appointed canon of Lichfield in 1660, vicar of Wallasey, Cheshire, in 1661, and subsequently vicar of Wolverton, Bucks., in 1673, served briefly in Bentham (in the north-west corner of the old West Riding) in 1659–60.16 (His father, Christopher Fetherstone, had been Bentham's long-serving rector from 1616 to his death in 1653.) Unless whoever wrote the inscription wanted especially to commemorate Fetherstone's northern links, the failure to identify him by any of his later appointments may argue that the entry was made in 1660 before he left the area. If this were the case, C can have been written no later than this year, and should probably be dated to the 1650s. Some of Collier's compositions preserved in it may have been written before then, but an earlier decade for the manuscript is unlikely. This is partly because Collier is arguably more likely to have settled to compiling it after the turmoil of the Civil War, and partly because of the use of the term ‘first day’ to represent Sunday in C's poem ‘The participation of the cross of Jesus’,17 an avoidance of pagan names for days of the week first seen in Quaker and Baptist writings from the early 1650s.18 However, L, from the evidence of Collier's poem in tribute to the deceased William Aiglin, must date to 1663 or after, that being the year in which Aiglin's will was proved.19 The handwriting in the two manuscripts is very similar, suggesting that not many years separated them, except that the two poems that end L, possibly later additions, are somewhat less clearly written. The less outspokenly antinomian nature of this manuscript would appear to tie in with L's apparently being the later of the two. It is C that has the passionate, defiantly antinomian poetry (its items 2–5) and the clearest expositions of antinomian doctrine (items 6–8). In contrast, L, while still making important antinomian statements, has a much greater proportion of orthodoxy and none of the fluent ecstatic verse.20 By 1663 Collier would have been sixty-eight, and it would not be surprising if his youthful enthusiasm had waned. It may be significant that it is C that contains Roger Brereley's more explicit ‘Of true Christian liberty’, and L, his sermons, which Como has described as ‘deeply disappointing’ as a source for the nature of the Grindle- tonian movement and ‘frustratingly tepid’.21 The contents of L may also reflect what Jane Baildon wished to read, or what Collier thought she would like. It may have been a mixture of the two. With A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths also in mind, it is striking that the manuscript begins with a version of its ‘An Epistle to the Reader’, which is wholly devoted to Collier's account of Roger Brereley. There then follow the latter's sermons and his pastoral epistle to Anne Pethye, William Aiglin's long tribute to Brereley, and Collier's own short poem about the two ministers. It may be that Jane Baildon had asked Collier for materials relating to Brereley, of whom she had very likely heard him speak, and even that she and Collier had already discussed the idea of publishing Brereley's writings—an idea that may have led to the composition of the ‘Epistle’, which is addressed impersonally to a general reader. The publication that finally emerged in 1670, however, drew on more than Collier's two surviving manuscripts and has an uncertain relation to them. In A Bundle the ‘Epistle’ is followed by twenty-six of Brereley's sermons, of which only sixteen are preserved in L, as demonstrated in Appendix 1. There must therefore once have been another manuscript source. These items may have been the extent of what was first planned (and indeed no more than the sermons is promised by the title-page and the ‘Epistle’), because the remainder of the book was printed with a separate sequence of signatures, suggesting (at the very least) a significant hiatus in production. This second section contains a small miscellany of more varied, poetic material, none of it found in L, namely Brereley's ‘Of True Christian Liberty’ (with its preface), an altered version of Collier's ‘The soul's complaint and God's reply’, and ‘Self Civil War’ by Josuah Sylvester. The first two of these poems suggest knowledge of C (which Collier might again have had available following its loan to Alexander Fetherstone) or of a manuscript with similar content, but the presence of ‘Self Civil War’ can be explained only by its being thought a fitting companion to the other pieces.22 The poem originally bore the sub-title ‘The Self-Conflict of a Christian’, and is an extravagant early-seventeenth-century conceit in which the speaker, totally self-preoccupied, describes at excessive length how he is ceaselessly torn between good and evil, unable to help himself: ‘Vertue I loue, I leane to Vice: I blame / This wicked World, yet I embrace the same’, as it began in its first, 1607 incarnation. Making its inclusion in A Bundle particularly unexpected is the lack of a resolution to the speaker's predicament (unlike in the immediately preceding poem by Collier), except that the declaration in the final line that ‘I cannot liue, with, nor with-out my Selfe’ possibly implies his need of God's assistance.23 Collier has been credited with putting A Bundle into print,24 but would he have wanted ‘Self Civil War’ included? In considering his involvement, the textual differences apparent in the printed book are relevant. Spot checks on the texts of Brereley's sermons and poem as represented in the surviving manuscripts and A Bundle suggest that no more than minor changes were made in these cases. With Collier's works, however, there is clear evidence of deliberate revision. First, the ‘Epistle’ in its published form is slightly longer than in L, and appears to have been revised for a readership not necessarily as knowledgeable about or as sympathetic to Roger Brereley as, presumably, was Jane Baildon.25 Thus, among frequent small changes, the purpose of the epistle is now ‘also to give thee [i.e. the reader] an account of the Ground and Rise of this Word Grindletonism, by which many men of the World, as adverse parties, styled his Followers’, and Brereley's ‘Life and Conversation’ are newly said to be ‘as became the Gospel of Jesus Christ’. On two occasions there are small but significant revisions in the direction of doctrinal orthodoxy: first, those sinners exposed by Brereley's piercing message are now said to have fenced themselves round with ‘the Covenant of works’, i.e. Old Testament law, rather than the more controversial (because as if superseded) ‘ould couenant’; second, the manuscript epistle's rejection of ‘that ministration that stands in the wisdome and eloquence of man’, which reflects passages elsewhere in Collier's writings where he denigrates the value of human knowledge, is tellingly modified by the insertion of the word ‘only’ after ‘stands’. In other alterations, the scope of Brereley's audience is reduced from ‘many from all regions round about, many miles distante’ to a more modest ‘hearers from divers places about, several miles distant’; and the behaviour of his opponents is expressed more mildly, with the assertion ‘yet they rested not with this aspersion [the use of the word Grindletonian- ism] but raised persecution against this Author’ being changed to ‘yet they rested not with this nicknaming, but raised aspersions’ against him.26 The printed text also ends differently, adding a short exhortation to the reader about the value to be had from reading the sermons that follow. It is not out of the question that Collier was asked to make these changes, and agreed to do so. His initials stand at the end of the printed epistle, as they do in L, and he may himself have had second thoughts. The textual changes made to ‘The soul's complaint and God's reply’, summarized above during the description of the 1670 edition of A Bundle, are more striking. As was said there, there is evidence of revision throughout the originally 464-line poem, but it is at the end of the final section, ‘The song of the soul's freedom’, that a major intervention has taken place: the printed version adds more than sixty lines. In C the text ends with the speaker joyfully anticipating the Second Coming, above all desiring unity with Christ. The printed text, however, recasts the final line and expands the poem, initially, through an orthodox passage praising God and exhorting men to live well. It then changes tack with a lengthy passage on baptism (twenty-eight lines), with which the new version of the poem ends. In this account Christ, having first been baptized with water, was then ‘in death baptized’, a process said to involve water, fire, and blood: In watry tears and firy blood was he, So plunged in our Saviour for to be; Thus water, fire, and blood was mingled For him to drink, in all the tears he shed. There is underlying reference here to John the Baptist's words in Luke 2:16 (‘He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire’) and to Christ's agony in Gethsemane as described in Luke 22:44 (‘And his sweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground’), and there is a clear parallel with lines on the baptism of death in C's ‘The participation of the cross of Jesus’: Christ ‘hath prepar'd for thee / a fierie day wh[e]rein baptiz’de must be / Thy flesh to death: that thou mas't drinke the cupp / with him’ (fol. 52r). But the main thrust of this new, difficult ending to ‘The soul's complaint and God's reply’ is to merge elements of the two central redemptive (or, as it were, baptismal) moments in Christ's life, his Baptism and his Passion—thus the tears shed during the latter are equated with baptismal water—and it is apparent from what follows that the overall purpose is to argue that for mankind there is only one baptism. The passage continues, although with a breakdown in syntax that makes the precise sense hard to interpret: Thus water washt, and burning blood did cleanse, In one baptism, so far to dispense, Water, and blood, distinguish we may so In two, though one, and so there be no moe Baptisms, but one, which cleanseth sin away, By Jesus, in his water and blood for ay; For God in three distinguished may be, And yet but one there is in verity. Thus we may drink with Christ his water so In watry tears, and unto blood may go And drink thereof, to take with him a sup, Though two, yet is but one devincing cup.27 Just as there is only one God despite his three persons, so (the writer appears to say) there is for us no more than a single baptism, even though we may, spiritually, share in drinking both Christ's water and his blood. This single baptism very probably has to be understood as the inner transformative baptism of Puritan orthodoxy. It looks as if the author of these added lines—almost certainly Collier himself, from the vocabulary and style of writing—is, with considerable difficulty but with continuing use of metaphor, making an attempt to repudiate the controversial doctrine of double (spiritual) baptism set out, years earlier, in C's ‘A declaration of my own understanding’.28 The above modifications, apparently by way of making ‘An epistle to the Christian reader’ and ‘The soul's complaint’ more acceptable to a mainstream Puritan readership, make it very likely that Collier was actively involved in preparing texts for publication in A Bundle. They also provide further confirmation that (approaching seventy-five at the end of the 1660s) he was drawing back from the uncompromising antinomianism of his earlier writings. Collier's age, however, tends to argue against his having taken the initiative in getting the selected texts published, and two factors strongly suggest that he took no part in seeing at least the second section of A Bundle through the press, despite having seemingly cooperated with the revision of materials: first, the inclusion of the anomalous and non-Grindletonian ‘Self Civil War’, as discussed above, and second, the striking omission of the opening section of ‘The soul's complaint’. The lines added to the end of this poem have just been discussed, and it may be thought that any change at the start must also have been deliberate. The omission, however, would at first sight appear to be a mistake, caused by either printing-house error or faulty copy, and not picked up before printing commenced. The second section of the poem, with which it now begins, is headed ‘The Lord's Reply’, but what is being replied to is not explained, even though a dialogue is clearly continuing (the first line is ‘Is this thy state, and dost thou now confesse?’). It follows straight after the close of Brereley's ‘Of True Christian Liberty’, which ends with that author in conciliatory vein, wishing that all contentions within God's church would cease. There is nothing there to which ‘The Lord's Reply’ could be seen as relating. But ‘The soul's complaint’ in its acephalous form begins a new page (p.73) in mid-gathering, with the page-numbering continuing in sequence, and the oddity is replicated exactly in the 1677 edition. If the omission of the poem's opening section was in fact deliberate, the explanation is presumably that its content was, once again, considered undesirable. Collier has the speaker describe how he has fallen, spiritually, into a place of total darkness ‘where Satan rules’, to the extent that ‘I’me become one selfe same thing with him’ (C, fol. 36r). As a sign of repentance, and of readiness to receive judgement, he will, he says, strip naked: ‘I shall without all clothing by thee stand’. It may be that such extremity of thought and language was found unacceptable by whoever wished to get the second section of A Bundle into print, and if this were the case it would seem to follow that Collier (who it can be assumed would have opposed the beheading of his poem) was not involved with taking it forward to publication. Another oddity about the book is how it came to be printed and published in Scotland. It is understandable that in 1670, given the Licensing Act of 1662 and the measures taken against nonconformity after the Restoration, it might have been thought advisable for a book like A Bundle to be brought out elsewhere than in England, but how was this managed, and who made the contact?29 The questions are unanswerable, but we have to surmise the agency of one or more people wishing to preserve the memory of the Grindletonian movement in an uncontroversial way, and willing to make funds available (Jane Baildon cannot of course be ruled out). ‘James Brown, book-seller in Glasgow’, the only name in the imprint of the 1670 edition, is named in five other books published between 1674 and 1685, the majority of them, like A Bundle, printed in Edinburgh. (The records of the Scottish Book Trade Index show him to have been primarily a bookbinder.30) With the exception of James Paterson's The Scots Arithmetician (1685), these other publications (1674–76) are religious works of a distinctly varied nature, all of them frequently published elsewhere. In only one case (the nonconformist Thomas Vincent's An Explicatory Catechism, 1674) is Brown the sole named bookseller, but, as with A Bundle—by four years Brown's earliest recorded publication—this does not necessarily mean that he bore the main financial risk.31 There are no signs that he was especially sympathetic to antinomian thought. Difficulties with getting an acceptable text of A Bundle into print, discussed above in relation to the differences between Collier's manuscripts and the 1670 edition, would seem to have continued as the book went through its proof stage. Close examination of sheet A (containing the title-page, the ‘Epistle to the Reader’, and the ‘Catalogue of the Texts’, of what has been regarded as a 1676 edition shows that it in fact represents the sheet as originally typeset. The detailed evidence, set out in Appendix 2 below, is of two sorts: first, there are blatant typographical errors, especially in the case of proper nouns, of a kind that can most easily be explained by a compositor having difficulties with manuscript copy; second, variant readings in the ‘Epistle’ consistently match the readings of L, shown above to represent a version of Collier's wording not yet toned down. The 1676 title-page is similarly more explicit about Brereley's persecution. The conclusion is that sheet A in the single known copy of ‘1676’, although later bound up with the other sheets (identical in 1670 and ‘1676’), is an uncorrected proof copy, the date 1676 being another error. The changes subsequently made to the text, as reflected in the published 1670 edition, appear to show that whoever was the customer had second thoughts on seeing the proofs and decided at this late stage that revisions to what Collier had written were needed. It is possible that this was also the occasion when copy for the second section of the book was handed in to the unknown Edinburgh printer, but that is more likely to have been a still later development, because the printer commenced a new sequence of signatures (and page numbers) for this additional material, which he is unlikely to have done if the first section remained in proof. One question that then arises is whether the second section, which appears to have been intended as a supplement to the sermons, was in fact a separate publication. The lack of a title-page or other preliminary pages gives the impression that it was not, as does the signing of the first (octavo) gathering as A rather than B. This impression is reinforced by the fact that the second section is not known to exist separately. On the other hand, only five copies of the 1670 A Bundle are recorded, and in three of these cases (the British Library copy and both the copies in the National Library of Scotland) the second section is not present. The lack of a separate title-page for the second section in the other two copies is therefore small evidence on which to base a conclusion. The final quire of the second section has, after all, only six rather than the usual eight leaves, which would have left the printer with a pair of leaves that could conveniently have been used for a title-page and half title if separate publication was planned. It could be argued that these would have been discarded if the second section was to be bound up with the first. That the second section was undoubtedly produced separately is confirmed by the Harvard University Library copy of the 1670 edition, in which this section has been inexpertly attached to the first (it is positioned several millimetres higher), showing that it had first been sewn up as a separate unit.32 By the same token it is apparent that the first section of the Harvard copy must have been assembled separately before the second was added. It does not necessarily follow that the first section had been sold before the second was stitched to it, because the first section might already have been made ready for sale by the bookseller (rather than being left in sheets) at the time when the second was delivered by the printer, but the misalignment of the two sections would then be less difficult to explain. In addition the presence of ownership inscriptions on the final page of the first section of the Harvard copy strongly suggests that the two sections were in fact brought together later.33 This possibly unsatisfactory state of affairs was ended in 1677, when an edition of the book in smaller (duodecimo) format was brought out, at last, in London. This time the signatures run continuously throughout, confirming that the two sections were seen as belonging together, but they are still paginated separately. No textual changes appear to have been made, and it can be assumed that the 1670 edition furnished the copy-text. The imprint statement is ‘printed by J.R. for Samuel Sprint’, the latter a well-known London bookseller associated with numerous religious titles of the period (including many by Thomas Vincent).34 Possibly Sprint, shown a copy of the 1670 edition, saw A Bundle as a commercial proposition. Possibly, once again, a sympathizer wished to keep the book in print, whether for sale or private distribution. As far as the authorities were concerned, A Bundle, presented as a collection of summaries of the sermons of a deceased ‘faithful and pious Servant of Jesus Christ’, was presumably not seen as controversial.35 It is highly unlikely that Josiah Collier, who died in February 1677, had anything to do with A Bundle’s emergence into respectability, or ever saw a copy of this edition. Leeds I am grateful to the friends and colleagues who have read and commented on earlier drafts of this essay, especially to Roger Davis for his bibliographical advice. Appendix 1 Conspectus of Roger Brereley's Sermons in Manuscript and Print As recorded above, twenty-five sermons by Roger Brereley are preserved in Lambeth Palace Library, MS 3461 (L) and twenty-six in the printed A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths (1670 and 1677). The following table provides a conspectus of the two sets, which, for convenience, are here both numbered in arabic (in A Bundle they are numbered in roman and in L they are unnumbered). The different numbering of sermons in A Bundle's ‘Catalogue’ after its sermon XXI (see p. 23 above) is indicated in parentheses. For reasons of space, scriptural references (which almost always agree) are given only once in the table, in a regularized form.36 The dates assigned to all but five of the sermons in L are similarly given in compressed modern form (e.g. in the manuscript, sermon 3 is dated ‘Decem. 25 1631’). The arrangement of L's sermons is not chronological throughout, but several sequences are in date order once dates have been converted to New Style, as has been done for the purposes of the table.37 The great majority of the sermons in L can be seen to date from 1632, with the earliest (no. 17) dated 1.5.1630 and the latest (no. 16), 27.1.1633. Two sermons (nos 7 and 11) bear the same date, 23.12.1632. Page references are given for L alone, because the two editions of A Bundle have different paginations. It will be seen that sixteen of L's twenty-five sermons are represented in print, and that ten of A Bundle's twenty-six are not in the manuscript. The sixteen sermons in common occur in the same order, with the exception of L nos 24–25, which are reversed in A Bundle, and L no. 18 (there headed ‘A funerall sermon’, for a ‘brother’), which occurs as the final sermon in A Bundle (cross-reference provided in the table). A comparison of randomly selected pages from sermons shared by L and A Bundle shows that their wording is very largely identical. L A Bundle 1 pp. 5–17 Phil 3:18–19 6.11.1631 1 2 pp. 17–37 Matt 11:25–26 20.11.1631 2 3 Matt 11: 28 3 pp. 37–51 Luke 12:8–10 25.12.1631 4 4 pp. 51–78 Luke 7:36–38 8.1.1632 5 5 pp. 79–87 Luke 8:4 21.4.1632 6 6 pp. 88–93 Isa 57:10 23.9.1632 7 7 pp. 94–106 Psalm 81:10–11 23.12.1632 8 8 pp. 106–14 Exod 12:21–22 13.11.1631 9 9 pp. 114–24 Isa 28:14–15 19.2.1632 10 10 pp. 125–32 Isa 39:5 3.9.1632 11 11 pp. 132–42 Matt 1:1 23.12.1632 12 12 pp. 142–52 Heb 2:24 26.12.1632 13 13 pp. 153–62 Luke 22:31–32 14 14 pp. 162–65 Luke 10:38 18.3.1632 15 pp. 165–68 Matt 8:5 21.5.1632 16 pp. 168–71 Gen 3:1 27.1.1633 17 pp. 172–77 Eccles 11:9 1.5.1630 18 pp. 178–84 Mark 13:35 24.11.1631 [26 (27)] 19 pp. 185–88 Matt 26:38–39 5.7.1632 20 pp. 188–90 2 Sam 12:22–23 11.8.1632 21 pp. 190–93 Rev 3:17 22 pp. 193–96 Luke 14:16 28.10.1632 23 pp. 196–98 Isa 28:15 24 pp. 199–209 Jer 45:3–6 16 25 pp. 209–23 Dan 3:16, 19 15 17 Isa 64:6–7 18 Isa 65:2–4 19 Isa 63:1 20 Gen 22:14–15 21 (21–22) Isa 9:6–8 / Matt 5 22 (23) 1 Sam 15:13 23 (24) 1 Sam 1:3–5 24 (25) 1 Sam 5:1–4 25 (26) Mark 14:27  26 (27) Mark 13:35 L A Bundle 1 pp. 5–17 Phil 3:18–19 6.11.1631 1 2 pp. 17–37 Matt 11:25–26 20.11.1631 2 3 Matt 11: 28 3 pp. 37–51 Luke 12:8–10 25.12.1631 4 4 pp. 51–78 Luke 7:36–38 8.1.1632 5 5 pp. 79–87 Luke 8:4 21.4.1632 6 6 pp. 88–93 Isa 57:10 23.9.1632 7 7 pp. 94–106 Psalm 81:10–11 23.12.1632 8 8 pp. 106–14 Exod 12:21–22 13.11.1631 9 9 pp. 114–24 Isa 28:14–15 19.2.1632 10 10 pp. 125–32 Isa 39:5 3.9.1632 11 11 pp. 132–42 Matt 1:1 23.12.1632 12 12 pp. 142–52 Heb 2:24 26.12.1632 13 13 pp. 153–62 Luke 22:31–32 14 14 pp. 162–65 Luke 10:38 18.3.1632 15 pp. 165–68 Matt 8:5 21.5.1632 16 pp. 168–71 Gen 3:1 27.1.1633 17 pp. 172–77 Eccles 11:9 1.5.1630 18 pp. 178–84 Mark 13:35 24.11.1631 [26 (27)] 19 pp. 185–88 Matt 26:38–39 5.7.1632 20 pp. 188–90 2 Sam 12:22–23 11.8.1632 21 pp. 190–93 Rev 3:17 22 pp. 193–96 Luke 14:16 28.10.1632 23 pp. 196–98 Isa 28:15 24 pp. 199–209 Jer 45:3–6 16 25 pp. 209–23 Dan 3:16, 19 15 17 Isa 64:6–7 18 Isa 65:2–4 19 Isa 63:1 20 Gen 22:14–15 21 (21–22) Isa 9:6–8 / Matt 5 22 (23) 1 Sam 15:13 23 (24) 1 Sam 1:3–5 24 (25) 1 Sam 5:1–4 25 (26) Mark 14:27  26 (27) Mark 13:35 View Large APPENDIX 2 The So-Called 1676 Edition of A Bundle Of Soul-Convincing, Directing And Comforting Truths Wing, followed by ESTC, records the National Library of Scotland as holding a copy of a 1676 edition of A Bundle (B4658A), containing the first section only.38 Like the 1670 edition it has A4 B–Q8 paginated [i–viii], 1–208, 207–238 (with errors), and the imprint is very similar. The wording of the title-page, however, is more extensive, and the place of printing does not appear. Whereas 1670 reads: A BUNDLE OF Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths; clearly deduced from diverse select Texts of holy Scripture, and practically improven, both for Conviction and Consolation. BEING A brief Summary of several Sermons preached at large, by that faithful and pious Servant of Jesus Christ, M. Rodger Breirly, Minister of the Gospel at Grindleton, in Craven. [Text of Matt 11:25–26] EDINBURGH, Printed for James Brown, Book-seller in Glasgow; and are to be sold at his shope, about the middle of the south side of the Salt-Mercat-street, Anno Dom. 1670. the copy dated 1676 reads as follows, with the words not in 1670 indicated here by boldface: A BUNDLE of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths; clearly deduced from diverse select Texts of holy Scripture, and practically improven, both for Conviction and Consolation. BEING a brief Summary of several Sermons preached at large, by the deceased, faithful and pious Servant of Jesus Christ, M. Rodg[…]Brierly, Minister of the Gospel in his publick Minist[…] Grindleton, in Craven; in the time of a little liberty granted to him, after his sufferings for the Truth: And being thrust from his Ministry in Lancashire. [Text of Matt 11:25–26] Printed for James Brown, Book-seller in Glasgow: And to be sold at his shope, about the middle of the south-side of Salt-Mercat-street, Anno Dom. 1676. On examination, the further differences between 1670 and 1676 are restricted to sheet A. Sheets B–Q are identical in all respects, including signature and pagination errors (e.g. the mis-signing of P2 as H2, and pp. 195, 203, and 222 bearing the page numbers 295, 187, and 221). That is to say, they are the same sheets as issued in 1670, no reprinting having taken place. Sheet A, however, containing the title-page, the ‘Epistle to the Reader’, and the ‘Catalogue of the Texts’, is different throughout, with frequent differences in wording. Most noticeably, just as the longer title-page in 1676 draws attention to Brereley's sufferings and persecution in the cause of Truth, contrasting with the neutrality of 1670, so differences in the wording of the ‘Epistle to the Reader’ express greater sympathy for him. The significant cases are as follows: sig. Azr: by which many men of the world (1670), by which the men of the world (1676); so that none could lay any shame (1670), that his adversaries could lay no shame (1676); and the Covenant of works (1670), in answer to the old Covenant (1676); in very few hours discourse (1670), in an hour or two discourse (1676); sig. Arv: hearers from divers places about, several miles distant (1670), many from all Regions round about, many miles distant (1676); although those against him (1670), Although the adverse people (1676); sig. A3r: yet they rested not with this nicknaming, but raised aspersions (1670), yet they rested not with this aspersion but raised persecution (1676); sent their commands (1670), sent their Pursevants (1676); kept in prison for a while (1670), kept in fast custody a time during their pleasure (1676); exhibited … before them (1670), exhibited … into the Court (1676). Some of these differences are small, but taken together they show the 1670 ‘Epistle’ to be consistently less strong in its support for Brereley's cause, suggesting a deliberate strengthening in 1676, confirmed, it would seem, by the altered title-page. In all of the above cases, however, the wording of the 1676 version of the ‘Epistle’ agrees with that preserved in L, the strength of expression of which was toned down for publication in 1670, as shown earlier. This would appear to mean that whoever organized the changes in 1676—when, so it would seem, A Bundle was being reissued—still had access to this or a closely similar manuscript, and decided to reinstate wording that had been modified for the 1670 edition. An alternative explanation would be that the printing house was unable to locate any spare copies of sheet A when a reissue was called for, and was forced to rely on superseded manuscript copy that happened still to be available. Both of these scenarios are unlikely. Another striking feature of sheet A in the 1676 copy is the presence of blatant typographical errors, particularly during the ‘Epistle’ and particularly affecting proper nouns. The most obvious examples are as follows: sig. Arr: Brierley (1670), Brieley (1676); Grindletonism (1670), Grinlitonisme (1676); sig. A3r: Grindletonians (1670), Gronlitonians (1676); Grindletonism (1670), Grinletonisme (1676); Tobias Matthews (1670), Tobeas Mathews (1676). The 1676 readings suggest mistakes by a compositor unfamiliar with the names and terms in question and/or having difficulty in reading manuscript copy. Other typographical errors include the 1670 reading ‘So that in a word (for much more here might be related)’ (sig. A2r) appearing in 1676 as ‘(So that in a word, for much more might be related)’, with the clause erroneously made to begin a new paragraph. The same phenomenon is a feature of the ‘Catalogue of the Texts of Scripture’ that occupies sigs A3v–4v. This is a poor piece of printing in both cases, showing the compositor(s) to have had difficulty with indentation and alignment of columns. But it is the 1676 version that contains typographical errors,39 for example ‘Catologue’ in the heading, ‘tlat’ for ‘that’ (sermon XIX), ‘fift’ for ‘fifth’ (sermon XXII), ‘duble dhaling’ for ‘double dealing’ and ‘marter’ for ‘matter’ (sermon XXIII), and ‘Philestis’ for ‘Philistines’ (sermon XXV). In addition, 1676 exhibits faulty references to biblical texts. The two versions of the ‘Catalogue’ have other differences (notably the presence in 1670 alone of a sub-heading ‘SERMON’ before the list of texts begins, and in 1676 alone of a final ‘FINIS’), which suggests at first that these pages could have been wholly re-set, although there is no compelling evidence for such activity. In the case of the ‘Epistle’, however, the minutiae of punctuation and of spacing between words agree so exactly in lines where no change or correction has taken place that it seems very clear that they have not been re-set. That is to say, the changes appear to have been carried out in the forme. The only plausible explanation of the assembled evidence is that the various changes—both the deliberate rewordings and (as it must be) the correction of typographical errors—were made as the first, 1670, edition of A Bundle was in course of production; in other words, that we are witnessing changes made at the proof stage, and that sheet A of the so-called 1676 edition represents an uncorrected copy of the original setting. This explains the closeness in wording between L's text of the ‘Epistle’ and that of 1676, because it is now apparent that the former (or another manuscript with the same wording) served as copy for the ‘Epistle’ when that text was first set in type. Rather than support for Brereley's cause being strengthened in a second edition of A Bundle, the wording was instead toned down for the version of the book actually issued in 1670. It follows that whoever was behind the publication of A Bundle not only put errors right at the proof stage but decided that the wording of the ‘Epistle’ needed to be milder. He or she must have decided also that a similar modification should be made to the originally drafted title-page. The presence of the date 1676 on this title-page has naturally led to the supposition that the volume in which it is bound up represents a later rather than an earlier state of A Bundle, but the final ‘6’ can be explained, in context, as one further egregious typographical error by a careless compositor. How a proof sheet came to be bound up with the other, finished sheets of the book remains unanswerable, but it is clear that the edition listed as Wing B4658A is a ghost. Footnotes 1 For Brereley and the Grindletonians, see Geoffrey F. Nuttall, ‘The Grindletonian Movement’, Appendix 1 in his The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith and Experience, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1947), pp. 178–80; David B. Foss, ‘Grindletonianism’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 67 (1995), 147–53; David R. Como, Blown by the Spirit: Puritanism and the Emergence of an Antinomian Underground in Pre-Civil-War England (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004) [hereafter ‘Como’], esp. pp. 266–324; and the article on Brereley (by David Como) in ODNB. The spelling of Brereley's name varies in modern scholarship; the general consensus is for Brereley, but in Blown by the Spirit Como uses the form Brearley. ‘Brierley’ is often found in older catalogues. 2 According to Como, pp. 281 and 318 (n. 183), a further poem, ‘Of Hypocrisy’, preserved in Manchester, Chetham's Library, MS A.2.132, is probably also to be attributed to Brereley. 3 Como, pp. 33–38 (‘The Nature of Antinomianism’), summarizes the movement's chief characteristics, noting that these varied from adherent to adherent in matters of emphasis and detail. 4 Oliver Pickering, Josiah Collier of Yeadon (1595–1677), West Riding Grindletonian and Disciple of Roger Brereley, Borthwick Paper, 127 (York: Borthwick Institute, University of York, 2017). Collier's part in the Grindletonian movement is discussed more briefly, and in piecemeal fashion, in Como (references in the index), and see also Nigel Smith, ‘Elegy for a Grindletonian: Poetry and Heresy in Northern England, 1615–1640’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 33 (2003), 335–51. 5 For the dates of Collier's baptism and burial, see William Easterbrook Preston and Joseph Hambley Rowe, A Transcript of the Early Registers of the Parish of Guiseley in the County of York 1584 to 1720 (Bradford: Lund, Humphries, 1913), pp. 15 and 190. For a detailed account of the Collier family in the seventeenth century, see Oliver Pickering, Yeomen and Clerics: The Yorkshire Puritan Ancestry of Bishop Jeremy Collier (2013), available online at http://ospickering.wordpress.com/ electronic-publications. 6 Jeremiah Collier (1592–1635) was the grandfather of the controversialist and critic of the stage, the non-juring bishop Jeremy Collier (1650–1726; article in ODNB by Eric Salmon). 7 See Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution and Indulgence, ed. by G. Lyon Turner, 3 vols (London: Unwin, 1911–14), 1, 570. 8The Rev. Oliver Heywood, B.A., 1630–1702: His Autobiography, Diaries, Anecdote and Event Books, ed. by J. Horsfall Turner, 4 vols ([Brighouse], 1881–85), iii, 176–77. All dates in the present article are given in New Style. 9 This item, printed in altered form in A Bundle of Soul-Convincing, Directing and Comforting Truths (see below), takes the form of a dialogue between ‘the soul’ and ‘the Lord’. It is divided into nine sections, the last of them headed ‘The song of the soules freedome’. 10 The editions dated 1670 and 1676 are listed in Hairy G. Aldis, A List of Books Printed in Scotland before 1700 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Bibliographical Society, 1904), as items 1896.5 and 2072.7. 11 Contrary, in the case of the NLS copy with the shelfmark F.7.g.41, to ESTC and the NLS's own catalogue (at the time of writing). 12 At the end of a small collection of Sylvester's poems of which the first bears the title Tobacco battered; & the pipes shattered (STC 23582a; no imprint, but ESTC notes that the volume was entered in the Stationers’ Register on 13 December 1616). The poem in question has its own title-page headed Avio-Machia: or the Self-Conflict of a Christian; the text itself has the heading ‘Avto-Machia. or Self- Ciuil-Warr’. A shorter version of the poem, lacking the opening twenty lines, had been issued separately in 1607 (STC 12028). The poem appeared in subsequent collections of Sylvester's works, e.g. STC 23575 (1620) and STC 21653 (1621). 13 For references to Jane Baildon, see W. Paley Baildon, Baildon and the Baildon: A History of a Yorkshire Manor and Family, 3 vols (n.p., n.d. [privately printed, 1912–27]), 11, 321–26. 14 Como, p. 323, noting also that the minister at Baildon chapel (of which the Baildons can be assumed to have been patrons) was a well-known antinomian, Edmund Moore. It can be added that the marriage of Collier's daughter Sarah in April 1651 took place at Baildon rather than in the Colliers’ parish church of Guiseley; see Pickering, Josiah Collier of Yeadon, p. 10. 15 For the latter, see Heywood, Autobiography, iii, 53. For the former, see [J. Horsfall Turner], ‘Oliver Heywood's Diaries (Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 24,486, fo: 89)’, Yorkshire Genealogist, 2 (1890), 51–57, 109–14, 239–40, 252–59 (p. 257), this article forming a supplement to the diary entries in the four-volume Autobiography. 16 See Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of Oxford, 1500–1714, ed. by Joseph Foster, 4 vols (Oxford: Parker, 1891–92), ii, 494, and John Le Neve, 1541–1857, x: Coventry and Lichfield Diocese, comp. by Joyce M. Horn (London: Institute of Historical Research, University of London, 2003), p. 28. Bentham does not feature in these summaries of Fetherstone's career, but one of the sources cited for the parish in the unpublished Yorkshire clergy lists maintained by York Minster Library names him as having begun to officiate there on 2 September 1659, to be succeeded on 25 August 1660 by Robert Lowther. 17 ‘On each first day when you together meet / let this go round each other for to greet’, MS C, fol. 55v. 18 See Rosemary Moore, The Light in their Consciences: Early Quakers in Britain, 1646–1666 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), pp. 8–9, 118, and 270 (n.20). 19 Como, p. 308. 20 See the analysis in Pickering, Josiah Collier of Yeadon. 21 Como, p. 268. 22 However, Smith, ‘Elegy for a Grindletonian’, p. 344, maintains that it is ‘the kind of poem that Brereley recommends will aid meditation’, and that it ‘both reveals and hides Brereley's teaching’. In his Perfection Proclaimed: Language and Literature in English Radical Religion, 1640–1660 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 117, he suggests that its presence in A Bundle shows that Brereley ‘was attracted by the metaphor of civil war for spiritual state’. 23 This is the final line of the extended version; see n. 12 above. The poem is analysed at length in Eric Langley, Narcissism and Suicide in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp.239–52, but Langley writes throughout as if the author were George Goodwin, the Latin poet whose lost ‘De Pneumatomachia seu Christiani hominis militia’ may possibly have been Sylvester's original; see the ODNB article on Goodwin by D. K. Money. 24 Smith, ‘Elegy for a Grindletonian’, pp.348–49 (‘The editor of both editions [i.e. 1670, 1677]… appears to be’ Collier), and Como, pp. 268 (Brereley's sermons ‘published’ by Collier thirty-three years after the former's death) and 309 (Collier ‘edited the first edition’ of the sermons in 1670). 25 In what follows I quote from A Bundle, 1670, sigs. A2r–3r. 26 Minor changes that have the same effect of toning down Brereley's treatment by the authorities are the replacement of the word ‘pursevants’ (i.e. official messengers) by ‘commands’; of ‘fast custody … during their pleasure’ by ‘prison’; and ‘into the court’ by ‘before them’. A different kind of change is the removal of the manuscript's reference to Brereley throwing out heresies ‘for dung, as heapes vpon heapes’. 27 This and the previous quotation are from A Bundle, 1670, 2nd section, p. 86. The text in the 1677 edition (p. 88) is identical. The word ‘devincing’ is not recorded in OED, but cf. its devinct, adj., ‘bound’, ‘bounden’, from Lat. devincire, ‘bind fast’, ‘lay under obligation’, and so perhaps ‘obligating’. 28 See Como's Appendix A, ‘The Influence of Familism in Seventeenth-Century England’, particularly pp. 462–63 (for the orthodox Puritan position) and 466–68 (on how Collier, in this text, appears to reflect the influence of Hendrik Niclaes of the Family of Love); and Pickering, Josiah Collier of Yeadon, p. 15. 29 Harold Love, ‘Preacher and Publisher: Oliver Heywood and Thomas Parkhurst’, Studies in Bibliography, 31 (1978), 227–35, discusses aspects of what he calls ‘the commercial basis of clerical publication in seventeenth-century England’, drawing evidence from Heywood's diaries and notebooks. Heywood, however, in most cases dealt directly with a leading London bookseller, as well as distributing many of his books himself, and there appear to be no parallels with the publication of A Bundle. 30 See http://www.nls.uk/catalogues/scottish-book-trade-index. 31 This edition of An Explicatory Catechism is not currently listed in ESTC, and I am grateful to Dr Annette Hagan of the National Library of Scotland for drawing it to my attention. The other three titles with which Brown was involved are Thomas Shepard's The Sincere Convert (1674), John Hart's The Burning Bush (1674), and James Durham's The Law Unsealed (1676). 32 As noted earlier, the facsimile of the 1670 edition of A Bundle available through Early Englis Books Online is of the Harvard copy; the phenomenon referred to here is clearly visible. 33 The Lambeth Palace Library copy of the 1670 A Bundle (which also has both sections) has been rebound in recent times and so evidence is lacking. I am grateful to Ken Gibb, Rare Books Cataloguer, for information about the Lambeth copy. 34 See ESTC, and the entry in H. R. Plomer, A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers who were at work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1668 to 1725 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1922), pp. 279–80, which records the offices that Sprint later held in the Stationers’ Company. 35 The book does not appear in the Stationers’ Company registers for 1677 and was unlicensed, but this was far from unusual. See Michael Treadwell, ‘The Stationers and the Printing Acts at the End of the Seventeenth Century’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv: 1557–1695, ed. by John Barnard, D. F. McKenzie, and Maureen Bell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 755–76 (p. 766). 36 The references are not always accurate, and the following in particular need correcting: L sermon 3, read Luke 2:8–10; L sermon 12 / Bundle sermon 13, read Heb 2:14; Bundle sermon 20, read Gen 22:1; Bundle sermon 23 (24), read 1 Sam 4:3–5. 37 Dates converted to New Style are ‘Jan 8 1631’ (sermon 4), ‘Feb 19 1631’ (sermon 9), ‘March 18 1631’ (sermon 14), and ‘Jan 27 1632’ (sermon 16). 38 As with the 1670 and 1677 editions, a digital facsimile is available through Early English Books Online. 39 Except that the 1670 compositor is guilty of two erroneous page references towards the end of the catalogue (sig. A4v), seemingly the result of eye-skip. © The Author 2018; all rights reserved This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/about_us/legal/notices)
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