Community capitals of a Paramaca Maroon village in pictures: a Photovoice study on community resilience in the context of large-scale gold mining

Community capitals of a Paramaca Maroon village in pictures: a Photovoice study on community... Abstract In 2014, Newmont, a multinational mining company, invested in a large-scale ‘open-pit’ gold mining operation near a cluster of villages in the Paramaca Maroon community in Suriname. Mines are considered stressors that engender ecological, social and economic disruption. It is vital that place-based communities are resilient to the impact of this disruption. Resilience theory provides an applicable framework for studying how systems respond (i.e. cope, adapt or transform) in the face of exogenous stressors and disruptions. The Photovoice study presented in this paper, using the community capitals (CCs) framework, explores in a holistic and systemic way the CCs that exist in a Paramaca Maroon village, and how such capitals contribute to resiliency. The methodology assumes that people are experts regarding their own lives, and can voice their experiences, concerns and views of both the past and the future through imagery that speaks through and for them. This study shows that participants focus on the lack and erosion of CCs, yet, despite this, the Paramaca society displays resiliency. The Paramaca Maroon community is able to articulate its demands within the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development, primarily by adapting their political organization to the new reality and by mobilizing their intangible capitals, such as social, cultural, human, political capital, in the face of exogenous stressors and disruptions. Introduction The Photovoice study explores which community capitals (CC) are present in a Paramaca Maroon village and how the CC contribute to the resiliency of the Paramaca Maroon community (PMc) in the face of a large-scale gold mining operation in Suriname, the Merian gold project, conducted by Newmont Mining Corporation (Newmont) which is a multinational mining company. Suriname is a small country on the north-eastern coast of South America. Suriname Maroons are Africans, who were shipped to the country during the seventeenth Century to work as slaves on sugar cane, coffee, cacao or cotton plantations. They eventually escaped from slavery by running away from the plantations and, after their marronage, they organized themselves in the jungle and built vital and vibrant tribes that were independent from the nation state (Scholtens, 1994; Heemskerk, 2003). In 2014, after a decade of prospection and a comprehensive Environmental and Social Impact Assessment study, Newmont announced that it was going to invest in a large-scale ‘open-pit’ gold mine in Suriname. In August 2014, the Government of Suriname (GoS) granted Newmont the Right of Exploitation for constructing the Merian gold mine and extracting non-renewable natural resources in the Merian area. That same month, the construction of the mine began. The mine is situated close to the dwelling places of the PMc and commercial production commenced in October 2016 (Erm, 2013). This article makes a novel contribution to studies regarding the resiliency of tribal communities in mining areas. Theoretical framework Community resilience In recent years, various academic disciplines have engaged with resiliency theory such as, for example, ecology, behavioural sciences and the social sciences (Welsh, 2014). Resilience theory provides an applicable framework for studying how systems respond (i.e. cope, adapt or transform) in the face of exogenous stressors (Folke et al., 2010; Keck and Sakdapolrak, 2013). The theoretical development of the concept of community resilience is relatively new and thus has yet to be clearly defined (Steiner and Markantoni, 2014). Four factors can be highlighted when theorizing community resiliency: stressor, disruption, response and the components that lead to resiliency (Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). These four factors are illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1 View largeDownload slide Four factors to stress when conceptualizing community resilience Figure 1 View largeDownload slide Four factors to stress when conceptualizing community resilience Stressor and disruption Exogenous stressors can be natural (e.g. tsunamis, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions) or anthropogenic (e.g. globalization, global capitalism, migration, climate change) and can be sudden or slow (Wilson, 2015; Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). These stressors generate disruption that impacts the locality and requires particular responses (Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). In the context of mining, large-scale mines are considered stressors that engender ecological, social and economic disruption (Kumah, 2006; Wasylycia-Leis, Fitzpatrick and Fonseca, 2014). Many case studies around the world have examined the ecological, social and economic impact of large-scale mining operations on local livelihoods in developing countries (Kumah, 2006; Banks et al., 2013; Hinojosa, 2013; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Major environmental and socio-economic problems caused by large-scale gold mining include deforestation, acid mine drainage, noise, dust, air and water pollution from arsenic, cyanide and mercury, social disorganization, loss of livelihoods and mass displacement (Kumah, 2006). On a smaller scale, small-scale mining activities can also be considered stressors as it contributes to environmental degradation (De Theije and Heemskerk, 2011). As a consequence of these problems, stakeholders expect mining companies to engage in sustainable development in the area (i.e. natural environment and place-based communities) affected by the mining operation (Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012). In this regard, it is important to discuss two differing conceptions of sustainability; strong sustainability and weak sustainability (Bridger and Luloff, 1999). The general idea behind sustainable development is ‘that the future use of natural resources should not result in a diminished standard of living for future generations’ (Bridger and Luloff, 1999, p. 378). The notion of strong sustainability supports the constant natural capital rule. The rule refers to the idea that the depletion of natural capital cannot be substituted by an increase in other forms of capital (e.g. social, cultural, human, political, financial, built). Instead, it requires a renewal of natural capital. The notion of weak sustainability supports the substitution of the natural capital rule; the depletion of natural capital can be replaced through an increase in other forms of capital (e.g. social, economic) (Mutti et al., 2012). Mining companies can meet their social responsibility in various ways. From a pragmatic point of view, mining companies take up corporate social responsibility (CSR) to secure corporate self-interest (Trebeck, 2007). From a moral point of view, mining companies undertake activities because it is ‘the right thing to do’ if they are to behave as corporate citizens (Trebeck, 2007). In this regard, the PMc, Newmont and the GoS signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in June 2016. The idea behind the MoU was to advance the development of the Merian gold project in a manner that generates sustainable economic and social benefits for the people in Suriname. It included the creation of a development fund, terms for local employment recruitment along with various other matters (Erm, 2013). In June 2016, the three parties (i.e. PMc, Newmont, GoS) signed the Cooperation Agreement (MoU); in August 2016, a Community Develop Fund (CDF) was established. According to priorities identified by the local community, the Foundation CDF has to formulate which actions, within the framework of sustainable community development, will be financed by the CDF. Response Due to the gap between theory and practice regarding sustainable development in a mining context, it is vital that local communities are able to respond to disruption resulting from large-scale gold mining operations (Wasylycia-Leis, Fitzpatrick and Fonseca, 2014). Three ways of responding to disruption are discussed in the social-ecological literature on resiliency and are applicable here: coping, adaption and transformation. Coping, in a human context, refers to the ability of social agents to cope with and overcome disruption; adaption refers to the ability of social agents to learn from past experiences and anticipate future disruption; transformation refers to the ability of social agents to create a fundamentally new system when disruption makes the existing system untenable (Folke et al., 2010; Keck and Sakdapolrak, 2013). Table 1 Conceptions of community-level resilience framed in Flora and Flora’s CCF (2013)   Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure    Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure  Table 1 Conceptions of community-level resilience framed in Flora and Flora’s CCF (2013)   Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure    Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure  Components of community resiliency In Table 1, an overview is provided of different conceptions of community resilience (Norris et al., 2008; Buikstra et al., 2010; Magis, 2010; Berkes and Ross, 2013; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). Components of community resilience that foster resiliency are listed in the community capitals framework (CCF) developed by Flora and Flora (2013). The CCF is composed of seven capitals: three which are tangible (natural, built, financial) and four which are intangible (cultural, human, political, social). The CCF is a valid framework for analysing CC in a holistic and systemic way (Emery and Flora, 2006; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Gutierrez-Montes, Emery and Fernandez-Baca, 2009; Flora and Flora, 2013). Various scholars have either used CCF to study community resiliency or have made reference to it (Buikstra et al., 2010; Flint, 2010; Magis, 2010; Berkes and Ross, 2013; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Table 2 Overview of participants and theme’s of pictures of Photovoice study   Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /    Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /  Table 2 Overview of participants and theme’s of pictures of Photovoice study   Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /    Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /  The CCF In this section, all seven CC of the CCF developed by Flora and Flora (2013) are introduced and explained from a Paramacan perspective. Additionally, the contributions of CC towards building community resiliency are further elaborated. Natural capital Natural capital encompasses several aspects including renewable resources such as air, water, land, flora, fauna and non-renewable resources (Flora and Flora, 2013). Throughout history, humans have sought ways of using natural capital to build other forms of capital; for example, natural resources can be construed as sources of financial capital. Native Americans and other tribal communities, for example, use natural capital to strengthen their cultural and social capital (Flora and Flora, 2013). Globally, indigenous and tribal people have long understood the interdependency between natural and intangible capitals, in that a healthy eco-system supports human well-being (Berkes and Ross, 2013; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). The commitment to protect and preserve the natural environment and its resources originates in the connections people have with their environment (i.e. people–place connections); this strong connection is the principal reason people continue to build and enhance their ability to respond to change (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). In the PMc, land and other natural resources are regarded as gifts from the creator which are allocated by ancestors. The Pamaca belief system prescribes that people may manage and use land provided in a sustainable way; they leave it in a reasonable state for future generations. Traditionally, land belongs to a social unit of which countless numbers are as yet unborn, few are living and many are dead (Erm, 2013). Historically, Maroon tribes rely on forest resources for their livelihoods (e.g. small-scale agriculture, fishing, hunting) (Köbben, 1967). A lack of national legislation on the indigenous and tribal rights of Indigenous and Maroon communities, such as land rights, is considered a serious omission (IGF, 2017). Based on ‘Het domeinbeginsel’, the GoS presents itself as the owner of ancestral lands (Simson, 2014). Cultural capital Bourdieu (1968) describes cultural capital as ‘how we see the world, what we take for granted, what we value, and what things we think is possible to change’ (in Flint, 2010, p. 49). Being strong, resistant and resilient lies at the heart of the PMc. They can therefore be considered a powerful society who possesses a strong and active voice when affected by exogenous stressors (‘Article X, currently under review’). Brennan, Flint and Luloff (2009) argue that local culture is a fundamental component of community life, one that shapes its unique chracter, needs and opportunities. They state (pp. 109–110) that ‘local culture plays a central role in shaping community development [..] Ignoring a culture’s critical role may hamstring development efforts’. The latter may therefore lead to unsustainable solutions for rural problems. Financial capital Financial capital plays an important role in the economy, enabling other types of capital to be owned and traded (Flora and Flora, 2013). According to Norris et al. (2008), community resilience depends on the volume and diversity of economic resources, equity of resource distribution, and the fairness of risk and vulnerability to hazards. Buikstra et al. (2010) and Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014) stress the importance of a regional economy that comprises a variety of economic activities and job opportunities across a range of sectors; this is important in avoiding reliance on one-single sector, as over-reliance on a small number of economic opportunities increases the risk of impact (Buikstra et al., 2010). Moreover, the availability and accessibility of resources within a place-based community can be linked to a community’s level of political capital (or linking social capital); in other words, the extent to which a community is linked to powerful and wealthy actors and sectors that can increase their access to resources outside the community (Norris et al., 2008). Ultimately, financial capital could be utilised towards the development of community resilience (Emery and Flora, 2006). Artisanal or small-scale gold mining is a key economic activity among Maroons in the jungle of Suriname. Amongst households within the Tapanahony, Marowijne en Lawa and Brokopondo areas, 90% are entirely or partly dependent on small-scale mining activities. Economic factors, such as poverty (39%) and lack of job opportunities (24%) are the main reasons for engaging in small-scale mining activities (De Theije and Heemskerk, 2011). Built capital According to Flora and Flora (2013) built capital refers to fixed assets that facilitate the livelihood or well-being of the community. Built capital includes infrastructure such as the transport system, roads, buildings, bridges and electronic communications (Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Furthermore, Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014) argue that community infrastructure is required to support community needs and actions; it is seen as an essential component in the development of a resilient community (Buikstra et al., 2010). When basic infrastructure is lacking due to inadequate government delivery, mine affected communities often seek appropriate outcomes, such as basic infrastructure, from mining companies (Trebeck, 2007). Social capital Flora and Flora (2013, p. 11) state that social capital involves ‘mutual trust, reciprocity, groups, collective identity, working together and a sense of a shared future’. Moreover, it can be understood to involve the ability and willingness of community members to engage in actions that meet community objectives (i.e. agency) (Magis, 2010; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). A useful distinction has been made between bonding, bridging and linking social capital (Dale and Newman, 2010; Magis, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). Bonding social capital refers to ‘aspects of ‘inward looking’ social networks that reinforce exclusive identities and homogeneous groups’ (Poortinga, 2012, p. 287) whilst bridging social capital refers to strengthening social networks across groups with dissimilar identities (Buffel et al., 2009; Dale and Newman, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). Linking social capital, on the other hand, refers to links with power and authority gradients (e.g. central government) (Dale and Newman, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). According to Dale and Newman (2010) social capital is therefore considered as a necessary condition for sustainable community development; it enhances networks that increase access to resources outside the community. However, it is not a sufficient condition for sustainable community development; human and economic capital are also needed (Dale and Newman, 2010). The kinship system of the PMc is matrilineal. Their social organization comprises distinct social units, for example a ‘lo’ (matriclan) is made up of various ‘bee’ (matrilineage). The term ‘lo’ refers to a social segmentation, a ‘loway’ group that has run away from a common plantation. The term ‘bee’ literally means womb or belly and alludes to the unity of social action; it refers to kinsmen with a common ancestor (Lenoir, 1973). Human capital Human capital refers to general education background, labor market experience, artistic development and appreciation, health, and other skills and experiences (Green and Haines, 2012). Higher levels of human capital (e.g. knowledge, skills and learning) can contribute towards developing and building resilience in a community (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). According to Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014), knowledge partnerships are significant as these can provide new forms of knowledge, information and techniques. The existence of knowledge partnerships is closely linked to bonding and linking social capital. Furthermore, the possesion of a diverse set of skills adapted to, and useful in, local contexts is seen as vital in responding to exogenous disturbances (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). Both formal and informal learning processes are considered important (Buikstra et al., 2010). In Langa Tabiki, the level of formal education is particularly low; 27.8% (N = 79) of inhabitants have received no primary education whilst 45.6% (N = 79) have received a primary education but this may not have been completed (Vaneeckhaute, Vanwing and Jacquet, 2016). Furthermore, Flora and Flora (2013) state that rural areas are less likely to have the resources to invest in increasing human capital. Political capital Magis (2010, p. 407) describes political capital as the ability ‘to access resources, power and power brokers, and to impact the rules and regulations that affect the community’. As a place-based community, the ability to link to powerful and wealthy actors and sectors can increase access to resources outside the community (Dale and Newman, 2010); in turn, this can provide more opportunities for making their voices heard (Magis, 2010). Consequently, place-based communities with high levels of political or linking social capital are more able to take advantages of opportunities (Magis, 2010). In this regard, Muthuri, Chapple and Moon (2009) highlight the importance of institutionalizing participative processes in corporate social decision-making. According to Hickey and Mohan (2004) and also Mohan (2007) this form of participation must be transformative; it needs to reach beyond the local and involve multi-scaled strategies that are operationalized at all levels (i.e. individual, structural, institutional) so that the people are endowed with authentic citizen power have a degree of leverage and can hold others to account. In terms of the political organization of the PMc, there are three distinct positions or roles which are: the paramount chief or ‘Gaanman’, lineage chiefs or ‘Kabiten’, and the sub chief or ‘Basiya’. Traditional leaders are locally appointed, usually after spiritual consultation and according to traditional descent-rules. The traditional authority has community power, which they exercise through institutionalized force. The traditional authority, which includes the elderly, facilitates ‘krutus’ which are gatherings where decisions are made, based on consent, concerning issues that face the entire village (Köbben, 1967). Methodology: Photovoice Photovoice methodology was chosen for this study because it initiates a process by which people can identify, represent and enhance their community through a specific technique such as photography (Wang and Burris, 1997). Thus, it enables community members to express their views, visions and voices (Wang and Burris, 1997; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Bennett and Dearden, 2013). Its theoretical roots lie in Freire’s education for critical consciousness, feminist theory and documentary photography (Wang and Burris, 1997). Freire (2000) suggests one way to encourage people to think critically about their community is through visual images. Images stimulate their awareness of potentially restricting ‘limit situations’ (Wang and Burris, 1997). Freire (2000, p. 102) define ‘limit situations’ as ‘the frontier between being and being more human, rather than the frontier between being and nothingness’. Once individual human beings become aware of limit situations, they begin to take actions towards social change. The theoretical roots of Photovoice methodology can also be found in feminist theory. This theory stipulates that women and other typically marginalized members of society have expertise and insight into their communities that professionals and other outsiders lack (Annang, et al., 2016). Consequently, Photovoice methodology ‘may provide an effective and vivid way for people to show first-hand their perceived strengths and needs, to promote critical dialogue and knowledge about their community’s assets and concerns, and to reach policymakers through images and stories of everyday life to bring about change’ (Wang and Burris, 1997, p. 382). Empowerment versus re-inscribing power relations Photovoice methodology engages with participatory action research (PAR), which strives to empower voiceless people by engaging those who are marginalized as co-researchers. That is to say, the role of PAR is to empower people through the process of constructing their own knowledge, in a process that involves both action and reflection (Gaventa and Cornwall, 2001). Postcolonial studies provide some critical insights in this regard. For example, Mohan (2006, p. 7) argues that ‘Postcolonial studies alerts us to the epistemic violence of Eurocentric discourses of the non-West and the possibilities of recovering the voices of the marginalized’. As such, participatory research methods tend to re-inscribe power relations between experts and others. In which case, ‘Every intervention can be criticized for originating the process and thereby colonizing social change’ (Mohan, 2006, p. 21). Process of ‘My village through pictures’ Paramaca Maroons live in ten rural villages near the Marowijne River. The village Langa Tabiki was selected for this study because of its location (it is closest to the Merian area) and the fact it is most influenced by mining activities. The study sample comprised residents of Langa Tabiki who were 14 years of age or older. Youngsters were recruited because their views, visions and voices were considered important for the future vitality of the PMc. In the first stage of the study, the researchers were formally introduced to the village’s ‘head Kabiten’ and asked him for permission to conduct the study. A convenience sampling method, followed by a snowball technique, was then used to identify potential participants. The aim was to achieve a mix of participants with differing age, gender and community roles (e.g. traditional authority, representatives of the central government, business owners, small-scale miners, general community members). Table 2 details the characteristics of the participants. In the first stage, seventeen participants were engaged in the study. Through face-to-face conversations, the study was explained. They were then asked if they could take pictures in response to the question: ‘What are the capitals in community life?’. If they were interested, a workshop was offered on how to use a disposable camera. After they gave their consent, they were handed disposable cameras (27 pictures) and appointments for individual interviews were then arranged. Participants were given up to one week to take their pictures. Once this time had elapsed, all seventeen disposable cameras were collected and the appointments with the participants reaffirmed. In the second stage, thirteen individual interviews were conducted. At the beginning of the interview, participants were asked to answer some relevant demographic questions (e.g. gender, age, educational level, occupation). The SHOWed method was then used as a guideline for describing the pictures. These guidelines were chosen because, although people can see, they do not necessarily understand or interpret things (i.e. epistemologies) in the same way (Mohan, 2006). In other words, the method was used in order for everyone to be ‘at the same level’ regarding the content of the picture (Annang et al., 2016). Participants were asked to describe (i) What do you see in the photograph? (ii) What is happening in the photograph? (iii) How does this photograph relate to your lives or the lives of other members in the community? (iv) Why do these issues currently exist? (v) What can we do about these issues? Local interpreters, familiar with the local context, conducted several interviews in their tribal language. In the third stage, the digital audio recordings were transcribed verbatim. Following transcription, data analysis was carried out according to a three-step process. First, portraits and redundant pictures of the same subject were removed. Second, the CCF of Flora and Flora (2013) was used to analyse the pictures and interviews holistically and systematically (Pierce and McKay, 2008; Flint, 2010). The interview transcripts were then processed using the MAXqda software program. Finally, descriptive analyses were conducted, the results of which are presented below (Table 2). Results Tangible capitals, such as natural, built and financial capital, were the most frequently captured in the pictures taken by participants. Intangible capitals, such as cultural, human, political and social capital—those we cannot see—were mostly captured indirectly in pictures and were discussed during the interviews. Tangible capitals Participants took numerous pictures of rivers, small-scale agricultural plots, fruit trees and animals. This suggested that the natural environment and its resources played an important role in daily life. The natural environment was closely related to their cultural identity and its resources were, according to participants, used to support their livelihoods (e.g. harvesting crops, hunting, fishing, mining gold on a small-scale). Participants expressed the view that small-scale mining activities had several types of negative impact on the environment. Porknockers (small-scale miners) used mercury and cyanide to extract gold from ore. According to participants, these mining activities were polluting the river water, reducing biodiversity by affecting the quantity and quality of the fish. Paramaca porknockers were aware of this but, due to a lack of financial capital, more sustainable ways of extracting gold were not considered to be an option. Related to this, financial capital was illustrated in pictures of physical objects (e.g. machines and tools to mine or to harvest, boats with outboard engines for transport) and natural resources (e.g. small-scale agricultural plots, animals). Participants indicated that they invested in physical objects or natural resources to generate financial income. Almost all participants exhibited a lack of individual and collective financial capital, primarily because the structural absence of diverse income generating activities had negatively affected the community’s financial capital. Moreover, in 2010, the GoS had prohibited, at the request of Newmont, small-scale mining activities in the Merian area for safety reasons. Paramaca porknockers used this Merian zone for mining activities. Because of the exclusion many Paramaca households lost their incomes. Participants considered this a major disruption resulting from the Merian gold project. Furthermore, a significant number of pictures taken by participants depicted built capital, which is listed in Table 2. Participants highlighted their dependency for goods and services on the GoS, which are available at no extra cost. According to participants, the community infrastructure was inadequate. The absence and poor maintenance of community infrastructure had consequences for the everyday functioning of its inhabitants. For example, the absence of a functioning water supply system in the village meant that its inhabitants were forced to use rainwater for their daily activities (because the river water was heavily polluted). During the rainy season, inhabitants collected water in large tanks. However, the small number and poor maintenance of these water tanks meant there was not enough clean water available during the dry season. Participants stated that, as a result, inhabitants were forced to buy bottled water which was very expensive. Intangible capitals Participants took pictures of abandoned houses, cultural practices, rituals, art forms, educational facilities and meeting places, all of which referred to intangible capitals. According to participants, the abandoned houses reflected migration processes. Many inhabitants moved to the capital city or French-Guyana, due to both pull (e.g. lifestyle and possibilities of city-life, high social security allowances in French-Guyana) and push factors (e.g. inadequate basic infrastructure, lack of educational or job opportunities). Young Paramacans wishing to continue their studies were forced to move to Suriname cities because Langa Tabiki has only one primary Monrovian school and no secondary school, vocational training or adult educational programmes. Although participants acknowledged the importance of education, they felt that educational aspirations separate young people from their community and parents. Outward migration, however, had consequences for their social (e.g. social networks, social organization), human (e.g. brain–drain, lack of leisure activities) and cultural capital (e.g. erosion of cultural capital). Furthermore, participants recognized the important role cultural practices, rituals, art forms, traditional knowledge and skills (e.g. knowledge and skills needed to farm, navigate a boat, mine on a small-scale) played in developing their cultural heritage and identity. Participants generally held a perception that their cultural capital was diminishing due to an intensified contact with the city (i.e. urbanization), Western belief systems (i.e. modernization, globalization) and the loss of ancestral lands (Merian Area). Accordingly, participants described an erosion of traditional forms of political organization (e.g. no gatherings, no dialogue between Kabiten in the village). Consequently, traditional leaders lacked the knowledge and skills to turn decisions into actions that enhanced the well-being of the community. Despite this, participants nevertheless articulated their political power in relation to the Merian gold project. From the beginning, the traditional authority acknowledged that they lacked the experience, knowledge and skills needed to participate in the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development. The Paramaca traditional authority therefore appointed highly educated Paramacans (outside the traditional political organization) with a clear vision to be part of the Paramaca Negotiation Committee (POC). As a result, the PMc could articulate their demands in the decision-making process; the POC thus demanded to be compensated for the use of ‘their’ ancestral lands, following which an MoU and CDF were established. A similar exercise of political power was observed during a strike in May 2015. The PMc blockaded the road from the capital city to the Merian gold mine. The community’s expectations were not, however, fulfilled; they expressed the feeling that the mining company broke promises regarding local employment recruitment. Discussion and conclusion This Photovoice study explores in a holistic and systemic way, using the CCF developed by Flora and Flora (2013), what CC are present in Langa Tabiki and how these contribute to the PMc’s resiliency in the face of Newmont’s Merian gold project. Newmont’s mining operation is considered an exogenous stressor. CC are considered critical to building resilient communities (Magis, 2010; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). The Photovoice method therefore encourages people to think critically about their community, and to express their views, visions and voices (Wang and Burris, 1997; Freire, 2000; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Bennett and Dearden, 2013). According to Flora and Flora (2013) renewable and non-renewable natural resources are forms of natural capital. Traditionally, community land and other natural resources are seen as gifts and the Pamaca belief system prescribes that people may manage and use the land in a sustainable way and leave it in a reasonable state for future generations (Erm, 2013). The study shows that natural resources are considered important components of their everyday lives (e.g. livelihood, cultural identity). Moreover, it shows that securing financial income is often considered to be more important than managing and using land and natural resources in a sustainable way. For example, Paramaca porknockers are aware that small-scale mining activities have a negative impact on the natural environment (e.g. polluting river water) and have consequences for their daily life (e.g. the use of rainwater instead of river water). However, mining gold on a small-scale is their main source of livelihood. Given this, the central government and the mining firm can provide training on the issue of water pollution and its consequences, and can work with relevant stakeholders to improve small-scale mining techniques that are more sustainable. Furthermore, the GoS can develop more diverse economic opportunities in the Merian area, so that alternative sources of livelihood are created. The study indicates that inhabitants lack individual and communal financial capital as a result of a non-diverse economy and the exclusion of small-scale miners from the Merian area. Economic activities and job opportunities in diverse sectors are important in enhancing a community’s resiliency (Buikstra et al., 2010; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). To mitigate any effects on the PMc’s economic system, the PMc, Newmont and the GoS developed and established a CDF. In so doing, the PMc was able to link to powerful sectors (i.e. Newmont, GoS) that increased their access to resources (Dale and Newman, 2010; Magis, 2010). The CDF finances sustainable community development strategies and actions formulated by the PMc. Further research can explore how sustainable community development activities, funded by the CDF, impact upon the local community. Equally important is the general lack of a well-developed infrastructure in Langa Tabiki, resulting from the absence of a government-driven sustainable development policy. Instead, a long-standing gift relation has been established, with a focus on top-down goods and service delivery that is free of charge, but highly inadequate. The study indicates that the lack of a well-developed community infrastructure has consequences for the Paramacan’s daily lives. In this regard, the PMc is seeking positive outcomes from Newmont (Trebeck, 2007). Ultimately, however, providing adequate goods and services must be a priority of the GoS. The social units (e.g. ‘bee’ and ‘lo’) are the basis of social networks in the PMc. On the one hand, the study indicates that Paramacans are migrating due to both push (e.g. inadequate basic infrastructure, lack of educational or job opportunities) and pull factors (e.g. lifestyle and possibilities of city-life, high social security allowances in French-Guiana). Young Paramacans, who wish to continue studying, move to Suriname cities due to a lack of educational opportunities and are not motivated to return to the region (i.e. brain–drain). This out-migration erodes the community’s social capital. On the other hand, a convincing source of motivation was observed during the strike held in May 2015, which led people to engage in community action. Community leaders successfully mobilised inhabitants to send a strong signal to Newmont, who did not fulfil the promises regarding local employment recruitment that were made with the PMc. This example indicates the presence of strong social capital. Furthermore, both the PMc’s cultural and political capital is eroding for many reasons including those linked to modernization, globalization and urbanization. The traditional authority has, however, demanded acknowledgment from the GoS and Newmont of their cultural identity and their status as inhabitants of the Merian area. When, in August 2014, the GoS granted the Right of Exploitation to Newmont, they did not invite the PMc to the negotiating table. The PMc was, however, able to force their demands into the decision-making process, and could do so without recourse to legal frameworks such as land rights. The PMc therefore adapted its political organization (e.g. roles, functions) to the new reality. The traditional authority acknowledges that a lack of experience, knowledge and skills prevents them from participating as experienced negotiators or community developers in the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development. The Paramaca traditional authority therefore appoints highly educated Paramacans (i.e. human capital) with clear visions (i.e. cultural capital)—outside the traditional political organization—to be part of the POC. In this regard, the structures of the community (i.e. its roles and functions) have a significant role in being able to mobilize CC and enabling it to respond to perturbations. Greater attention must therefore be given to the interplay between community resources, agency and community structures and (Connor, 2011), and how these potentially enable or restrict a community’s resilience. According to Wilkinson (1970) a community’s organization (or structures) serve as a medium through which community members mobilize shared resources to enhance their quality of life. This could be an interesting and seminal perspective with which to view community resiliency. During the corporate social decision-making process, the PMc demanded to be compensated for the use of ‘their’ ancestral lands. Because, mining companies are expected by stakeholders to take on their social responsibilities within the framework of CSR (Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012), an MoU and CDF were established. This can be viewed as weak sustainability given that Newmont is investing in other capitals (e.g. financial capital through employment and CDF) to counteract the depletion of non-renewable resources in the Merian area (Bridger and Luloff, 1999; Mutti et al., 2012). Muthuri, Chapple and Moon (2009) therefore highlight the importance of institutionalizing participative processes in corporate social decision-making. Hickey and Mohan (2004) and Mohan (2007) argue that this form of participation must be transformative; it must create a setting where people are encouraged to obtain real citizen power, enabling them to hold others to account. This is not the case regarding the (non-binding) MoU, but can be considered a first step toward participatory and transformative development. In conclusion, the study shows which CC are present in Langa Tabiki and how they relate to community resiliency. It highlights a lack of tangible CC and the erosion of intangible CC. Despite these issues, the PMc is able to incorporate its demands into the decision-making process on sustainable community development, primarily by adapting their political organization (i.e. roles, functions) and by using their intangible CC (e.g. social, cultural, human, political). 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Community capitals of a Paramaca Maroon village in pictures: a Photovoice study on community resilience in the context of large-scale gold mining

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Abstract

Abstract In 2014, Newmont, a multinational mining company, invested in a large-scale ‘open-pit’ gold mining operation near a cluster of villages in the Paramaca Maroon community in Suriname. Mines are considered stressors that engender ecological, social and economic disruption. It is vital that place-based communities are resilient to the impact of this disruption. Resilience theory provides an applicable framework for studying how systems respond (i.e. cope, adapt or transform) in the face of exogenous stressors and disruptions. The Photovoice study presented in this paper, using the community capitals (CCs) framework, explores in a holistic and systemic way the CCs that exist in a Paramaca Maroon village, and how such capitals contribute to resiliency. The methodology assumes that people are experts regarding their own lives, and can voice their experiences, concerns and views of both the past and the future through imagery that speaks through and for them. This study shows that participants focus on the lack and erosion of CCs, yet, despite this, the Paramaca society displays resiliency. The Paramaca Maroon community is able to articulate its demands within the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development, primarily by adapting their political organization to the new reality and by mobilizing their intangible capitals, such as social, cultural, human, political capital, in the face of exogenous stressors and disruptions. Introduction The Photovoice study explores which community capitals (CC) are present in a Paramaca Maroon village and how the CC contribute to the resiliency of the Paramaca Maroon community (PMc) in the face of a large-scale gold mining operation in Suriname, the Merian gold project, conducted by Newmont Mining Corporation (Newmont) which is a multinational mining company. Suriname is a small country on the north-eastern coast of South America. Suriname Maroons are Africans, who were shipped to the country during the seventeenth Century to work as slaves on sugar cane, coffee, cacao or cotton plantations. They eventually escaped from slavery by running away from the plantations and, after their marronage, they organized themselves in the jungle and built vital and vibrant tribes that were independent from the nation state (Scholtens, 1994; Heemskerk, 2003). In 2014, after a decade of prospection and a comprehensive Environmental and Social Impact Assessment study, Newmont announced that it was going to invest in a large-scale ‘open-pit’ gold mine in Suriname. In August 2014, the Government of Suriname (GoS) granted Newmont the Right of Exploitation for constructing the Merian gold mine and extracting non-renewable natural resources in the Merian area. That same month, the construction of the mine began. The mine is situated close to the dwelling places of the PMc and commercial production commenced in October 2016 (Erm, 2013). This article makes a novel contribution to studies regarding the resiliency of tribal communities in mining areas. Theoretical framework Community resilience In recent years, various academic disciplines have engaged with resiliency theory such as, for example, ecology, behavioural sciences and the social sciences (Welsh, 2014). Resilience theory provides an applicable framework for studying how systems respond (i.e. cope, adapt or transform) in the face of exogenous stressors (Folke et al., 2010; Keck and Sakdapolrak, 2013). The theoretical development of the concept of community resilience is relatively new and thus has yet to be clearly defined (Steiner and Markantoni, 2014). Four factors can be highlighted when theorizing community resiliency: stressor, disruption, response and the components that lead to resiliency (Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). These four factors are illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1 View largeDownload slide Four factors to stress when conceptualizing community resilience Figure 1 View largeDownload slide Four factors to stress when conceptualizing community resilience Stressor and disruption Exogenous stressors can be natural (e.g. tsunamis, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions) or anthropogenic (e.g. globalization, global capitalism, migration, climate change) and can be sudden or slow (Wilson, 2015; Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). These stressors generate disruption that impacts the locality and requires particular responses (Matarrita-Cascante et al., 2017). In the context of mining, large-scale mines are considered stressors that engender ecological, social and economic disruption (Kumah, 2006; Wasylycia-Leis, Fitzpatrick and Fonseca, 2014). Many case studies around the world have examined the ecological, social and economic impact of large-scale mining operations on local livelihoods in developing countries (Kumah, 2006; Banks et al., 2013; Hinojosa, 2013; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Major environmental and socio-economic problems caused by large-scale gold mining include deforestation, acid mine drainage, noise, dust, air and water pollution from arsenic, cyanide and mercury, social disorganization, loss of livelihoods and mass displacement (Kumah, 2006). On a smaller scale, small-scale mining activities can also be considered stressors as it contributes to environmental degradation (De Theije and Heemskerk, 2011). As a consequence of these problems, stakeholders expect mining companies to engage in sustainable development in the area (i.e. natural environment and place-based communities) affected by the mining operation (Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012). In this regard, it is important to discuss two differing conceptions of sustainability; strong sustainability and weak sustainability (Bridger and Luloff, 1999). The general idea behind sustainable development is ‘that the future use of natural resources should not result in a diminished standard of living for future generations’ (Bridger and Luloff, 1999, p. 378). The notion of strong sustainability supports the constant natural capital rule. The rule refers to the idea that the depletion of natural capital cannot be substituted by an increase in other forms of capital (e.g. social, cultural, human, political, financial, built). Instead, it requires a renewal of natural capital. The notion of weak sustainability supports the substitution of the natural capital rule; the depletion of natural capital can be replaced through an increase in other forms of capital (e.g. social, economic) (Mutti et al., 2012). Mining companies can meet their social responsibility in various ways. From a pragmatic point of view, mining companies take up corporate social responsibility (CSR) to secure corporate self-interest (Trebeck, 2007). From a moral point of view, mining companies undertake activities because it is ‘the right thing to do’ if they are to behave as corporate citizens (Trebeck, 2007). In this regard, the PMc, Newmont and the GoS signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in June 2016. The idea behind the MoU was to advance the development of the Merian gold project in a manner that generates sustainable economic and social benefits for the people in Suriname. It included the creation of a development fund, terms for local employment recruitment along with various other matters (Erm, 2013). In June 2016, the three parties (i.e. PMc, Newmont, GoS) signed the Cooperation Agreement (MoU); in August 2016, a Community Develop Fund (CDF) was established. According to priorities identified by the local community, the Foundation CDF has to formulate which actions, within the framework of sustainable community development, will be financed by the CDF. Response Due to the gap between theory and practice regarding sustainable development in a mining context, it is vital that local communities are able to respond to disruption resulting from large-scale gold mining operations (Wasylycia-Leis, Fitzpatrick and Fonseca, 2014). Three ways of responding to disruption are discussed in the social-ecological literature on resiliency and are applicable here: coping, adaption and transformation. Coping, in a human context, refers to the ability of social agents to cope with and overcome disruption; adaption refers to the ability of social agents to learn from past experiences and anticipate future disruption; transformation refers to the ability of social agents to create a fundamentally new system when disruption makes the existing system untenable (Folke et al., 2010; Keck and Sakdapolrak, 2013). Table 1 Conceptions of community-level resilience framed in Flora and Flora’s CCF (2013)   Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure    Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure  Table 1 Conceptions of community-level resilience framed in Flora and Flora’s CCF (2013)   Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure    Norris et al. (2008)  Buikstra et al. (2010)  Magis (2010)  Berkes and Ross (2013)  Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014)  Sets of adaptive capacities:  Components of resilience:  Community resilience dimensions (except from impact):  Characteristics of community resilience ➔ leading to agency and self-organization  Six attributes of social resilience:  CCF   Natural    Environment and lifestyle  Community resources, Resource development, Resource engagement, Equity, Strategic action, Collective action, Active agents  People–place relationships  People–place connections   Cultural    Positive outlook, Beliefs  Positive outlook, Values and beliefs     Human  Information and communication  Learning, Early experience  Knowledge, Skills and learning  Knowledge, Skills and learning   Social  Social capital, Community competence  Social networks and support, Embracing differences, Sense of purpose  Social networks  Community networks   Political    Leadership  Engaged governance  Engaged governance   Financial  Economic development  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy  Diverse and innovative economy   Built    Infrastructure and support services  Community infrastructure  Community infrastructure  Components of community resiliency In Table 1, an overview is provided of different conceptions of community resilience (Norris et al., 2008; Buikstra et al., 2010; Magis, 2010; Berkes and Ross, 2013; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). Components of community resilience that foster resiliency are listed in the community capitals framework (CCF) developed by Flora and Flora (2013). The CCF is composed of seven capitals: three which are tangible (natural, built, financial) and four which are intangible (cultural, human, political, social). The CCF is a valid framework for analysing CC in a holistic and systemic way (Emery and Flora, 2006; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Gutierrez-Montes, Emery and Fernandez-Baca, 2009; Flora and Flora, 2013). Various scholars have either used CCF to study community resiliency or have made reference to it (Buikstra et al., 2010; Flint, 2010; Magis, 2010; Berkes and Ross, 2013; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Table 2 Overview of participants and theme’s of pictures of Photovoice study   Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /    Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /  Table 2 Overview of participants and theme’s of pictures of Photovoice study   Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /    Profession  Gender  Age  #Pictures  Theme’s of pictures  Interview  1  Student  M  14  18  River, woodcarving, contact with peers  X  2  Student  M  14  20  River, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, guesthouse, airstrip, watertank, electricity, telephone service  X  3  Student  F  14  25  River, bathing, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, drum, traditional knowledge, house, guesthouse, policlinic, radio house  X  4  Student  F  17  27  River, trees, food, animals, Gaanman, cultural spaces, cultural practices, woodcarving, Suriname flag, church, school, house, radio house, dirt  X  5  Unemployed  M  19  27  River, boat, bathing, animals, cultural spaces, woodcarving, contact with peers, airstrip  X  6  Unemployed  M  20  25  River, Gaanman, cultural spaces, church, house, radio house, school, watertank  X  7  Administrator Officer  F  44  19  Agricultural plot, trees, animals, cooking, people, leisure time, dirt  X  8  Small-scale miner  M  42  27  River, nature, agricultural plot, school, house, kitchen  X  9  Hustler  M  44  27  River, trees, agricultural plot, animals, cultural spaces, cultural practices, church, school, soccer, policlinic, radio house, guesthouse, watertank, electricity, telephone service, airstrip  X  10  Cleaning lady  F  45  21  School, soccer, policlinic  X  11  Boatman  M  49  26  River, school boat, Apatoe  X  12  Business owner  F  55  20  Trees, agricultural plot, animals, house, airstrip, dirt  X  13  Small-scale farmer  F  64  24  River, boat, animals, social contact, school, gold pontoon, house, airstrip  X  14  Chief of village  M  63  27  Gaanman, church, school, house, radio house, watertank  (Not in village at the time of interview)  15  Small-scale miner  M  /  20  River, gold pontoon  (Not in village at the time of interview)  16  Small-scale miner  M  /  /  Camera got lost in shop  /  17  Small-Scale Miner  M  /  /  Did not complete the assignment  /  The CCF In this section, all seven CC of the CCF developed by Flora and Flora (2013) are introduced and explained from a Paramacan perspective. Additionally, the contributions of CC towards building community resiliency are further elaborated. Natural capital Natural capital encompasses several aspects including renewable resources such as air, water, land, flora, fauna and non-renewable resources (Flora and Flora, 2013). Throughout history, humans have sought ways of using natural capital to build other forms of capital; for example, natural resources can be construed as sources of financial capital. Native Americans and other tribal communities, for example, use natural capital to strengthen their cultural and social capital (Flora and Flora, 2013). Globally, indigenous and tribal people have long understood the interdependency between natural and intangible capitals, in that a healthy eco-system supports human well-being (Berkes and Ross, 2013; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). The commitment to protect and preserve the natural environment and its resources originates in the connections people have with their environment (i.e. people–place connections); this strong connection is the principal reason people continue to build and enhance their ability to respond to change (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). In the PMc, land and other natural resources are regarded as gifts from the creator which are allocated by ancestors. The Pamaca belief system prescribes that people may manage and use land provided in a sustainable way; they leave it in a reasonable state for future generations. Traditionally, land belongs to a social unit of which countless numbers are as yet unborn, few are living and many are dead (Erm, 2013). Historically, Maroon tribes rely on forest resources for their livelihoods (e.g. small-scale agriculture, fishing, hunting) (Köbben, 1967). A lack of national legislation on the indigenous and tribal rights of Indigenous and Maroon communities, such as land rights, is considered a serious omission (IGF, 2017). Based on ‘Het domeinbeginsel’, the GoS presents itself as the owner of ancestral lands (Simson, 2014). Cultural capital Bourdieu (1968) describes cultural capital as ‘how we see the world, what we take for granted, what we value, and what things we think is possible to change’ (in Flint, 2010, p. 49). Being strong, resistant and resilient lies at the heart of the PMc. They can therefore be considered a powerful society who possesses a strong and active voice when affected by exogenous stressors (‘Article X, currently under review’). Brennan, Flint and Luloff (2009) argue that local culture is a fundamental component of community life, one that shapes its unique chracter, needs and opportunities. They state (pp. 109–110) that ‘local culture plays a central role in shaping community development [..] Ignoring a culture’s critical role may hamstring development efforts’. The latter may therefore lead to unsustainable solutions for rural problems. Financial capital Financial capital plays an important role in the economy, enabling other types of capital to be owned and traded (Flora and Flora, 2013). According to Norris et al. (2008), community resilience depends on the volume and diversity of economic resources, equity of resource distribution, and the fairness of risk and vulnerability to hazards. Buikstra et al. (2010) and Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014) stress the importance of a regional economy that comprises a variety of economic activities and job opportunities across a range of sectors; this is important in avoiding reliance on one-single sector, as over-reliance on a small number of economic opportunities increases the risk of impact (Buikstra et al., 2010). Moreover, the availability and accessibility of resources within a place-based community can be linked to a community’s level of political capital (or linking social capital); in other words, the extent to which a community is linked to powerful and wealthy actors and sectors that can increase their access to resources outside the community (Norris et al., 2008). Ultimately, financial capital could be utilised towards the development of community resilience (Emery and Flora, 2006). Artisanal or small-scale gold mining is a key economic activity among Maroons in the jungle of Suriname. Amongst households within the Tapanahony, Marowijne en Lawa and Brokopondo areas, 90% are entirely or partly dependent on small-scale mining activities. Economic factors, such as poverty (39%) and lack of job opportunities (24%) are the main reasons for engaging in small-scale mining activities (De Theije and Heemskerk, 2011). Built capital According to Flora and Flora (2013) built capital refers to fixed assets that facilitate the livelihood or well-being of the community. Built capital includes infrastructure such as the transport system, roads, buildings, bridges and electronic communications (Kuir-Ayius, 2016). Furthermore, Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014) argue that community infrastructure is required to support community needs and actions; it is seen as an essential component in the development of a resilient community (Buikstra et al., 2010). When basic infrastructure is lacking due to inadequate government delivery, mine affected communities often seek appropriate outcomes, such as basic infrastructure, from mining companies (Trebeck, 2007). Social capital Flora and Flora (2013, p. 11) state that social capital involves ‘mutual trust, reciprocity, groups, collective identity, working together and a sense of a shared future’. Moreover, it can be understood to involve the ability and willingness of community members to engage in actions that meet community objectives (i.e. agency) (Magis, 2010; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). A useful distinction has been made between bonding, bridging and linking social capital (Dale and Newman, 2010; Magis, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). Bonding social capital refers to ‘aspects of ‘inward looking’ social networks that reinforce exclusive identities and homogeneous groups’ (Poortinga, 2012, p. 287) whilst bridging social capital refers to strengthening social networks across groups with dissimilar identities (Buffel et al., 2009; Dale and Newman, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). Linking social capital, on the other hand, refers to links with power and authority gradients (e.g. central government) (Dale and Newman, 2010; Poortinga, 2012). According to Dale and Newman (2010) social capital is therefore considered as a necessary condition for sustainable community development; it enhances networks that increase access to resources outside the community. However, it is not a sufficient condition for sustainable community development; human and economic capital are also needed (Dale and Newman, 2010). The kinship system of the PMc is matrilineal. Their social organization comprises distinct social units, for example a ‘lo’ (matriclan) is made up of various ‘bee’ (matrilineage). The term ‘lo’ refers to a social segmentation, a ‘loway’ group that has run away from a common plantation. The term ‘bee’ literally means womb or belly and alludes to the unity of social action; it refers to kinsmen with a common ancestor (Lenoir, 1973). Human capital Human capital refers to general education background, labor market experience, artistic development and appreciation, health, and other skills and experiences (Green and Haines, 2012). Higher levels of human capital (e.g. knowledge, skills and learning) can contribute towards developing and building resilience in a community (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). According to Maclean, Cuthill and Ross (2014), knowledge partnerships are significant as these can provide new forms of knowledge, information and techniques. The existence of knowledge partnerships is closely linked to bonding and linking social capital. Furthermore, the possesion of a diverse set of skills adapted to, and useful in, local contexts is seen as vital in responding to exogenous disturbances (Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). Both formal and informal learning processes are considered important (Buikstra et al., 2010). In Langa Tabiki, the level of formal education is particularly low; 27.8% (N = 79) of inhabitants have received no primary education whilst 45.6% (N = 79) have received a primary education but this may not have been completed (Vaneeckhaute, Vanwing and Jacquet, 2016). Furthermore, Flora and Flora (2013) state that rural areas are less likely to have the resources to invest in increasing human capital. Political capital Magis (2010, p. 407) describes political capital as the ability ‘to access resources, power and power brokers, and to impact the rules and regulations that affect the community’. As a place-based community, the ability to link to powerful and wealthy actors and sectors can increase access to resources outside the community (Dale and Newman, 2010); in turn, this can provide more opportunities for making their voices heard (Magis, 2010). Consequently, place-based communities with high levels of political or linking social capital are more able to take advantages of opportunities (Magis, 2010). In this regard, Muthuri, Chapple and Moon (2009) highlight the importance of institutionalizing participative processes in corporate social decision-making. According to Hickey and Mohan (2004) and also Mohan (2007) this form of participation must be transformative; it needs to reach beyond the local and involve multi-scaled strategies that are operationalized at all levels (i.e. individual, structural, institutional) so that the people are endowed with authentic citizen power have a degree of leverage and can hold others to account. In terms of the political organization of the PMc, there are three distinct positions or roles which are: the paramount chief or ‘Gaanman’, lineage chiefs or ‘Kabiten’, and the sub chief or ‘Basiya’. Traditional leaders are locally appointed, usually after spiritual consultation and according to traditional descent-rules. The traditional authority has community power, which they exercise through institutionalized force. The traditional authority, which includes the elderly, facilitates ‘krutus’ which are gatherings where decisions are made, based on consent, concerning issues that face the entire village (Köbben, 1967). Methodology: Photovoice Photovoice methodology was chosen for this study because it initiates a process by which people can identify, represent and enhance their community through a specific technique such as photography (Wang and Burris, 1997). Thus, it enables community members to express their views, visions and voices (Wang and Burris, 1997; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Bennett and Dearden, 2013). Its theoretical roots lie in Freire’s education for critical consciousness, feminist theory and documentary photography (Wang and Burris, 1997). Freire (2000) suggests one way to encourage people to think critically about their community is through visual images. Images stimulate their awareness of potentially restricting ‘limit situations’ (Wang and Burris, 1997). Freire (2000, p. 102) define ‘limit situations’ as ‘the frontier between being and being more human, rather than the frontier between being and nothingness’. Once individual human beings become aware of limit situations, they begin to take actions towards social change. The theoretical roots of Photovoice methodology can also be found in feminist theory. This theory stipulates that women and other typically marginalized members of society have expertise and insight into their communities that professionals and other outsiders lack (Annang, et al., 2016). Consequently, Photovoice methodology ‘may provide an effective and vivid way for people to show first-hand their perceived strengths and needs, to promote critical dialogue and knowledge about their community’s assets and concerns, and to reach policymakers through images and stories of everyday life to bring about change’ (Wang and Burris, 1997, p. 382). Empowerment versus re-inscribing power relations Photovoice methodology engages with participatory action research (PAR), which strives to empower voiceless people by engaging those who are marginalized as co-researchers. That is to say, the role of PAR is to empower people through the process of constructing their own knowledge, in a process that involves both action and reflection (Gaventa and Cornwall, 2001). Postcolonial studies provide some critical insights in this regard. For example, Mohan (2006, p. 7) argues that ‘Postcolonial studies alerts us to the epistemic violence of Eurocentric discourses of the non-West and the possibilities of recovering the voices of the marginalized’. As such, participatory research methods tend to re-inscribe power relations between experts and others. In which case, ‘Every intervention can be criticized for originating the process and thereby colonizing social change’ (Mohan, 2006, p. 21). Process of ‘My village through pictures’ Paramaca Maroons live in ten rural villages near the Marowijne River. The village Langa Tabiki was selected for this study because of its location (it is closest to the Merian area) and the fact it is most influenced by mining activities. The study sample comprised residents of Langa Tabiki who were 14 years of age or older. Youngsters were recruited because their views, visions and voices were considered important for the future vitality of the PMc. In the first stage of the study, the researchers were formally introduced to the village’s ‘head Kabiten’ and asked him for permission to conduct the study. A convenience sampling method, followed by a snowball technique, was then used to identify potential participants. The aim was to achieve a mix of participants with differing age, gender and community roles (e.g. traditional authority, representatives of the central government, business owners, small-scale miners, general community members). Table 2 details the characteristics of the participants. In the first stage, seventeen participants were engaged in the study. Through face-to-face conversations, the study was explained. They were then asked if they could take pictures in response to the question: ‘What are the capitals in community life?’. If they were interested, a workshop was offered on how to use a disposable camera. After they gave their consent, they were handed disposable cameras (27 pictures) and appointments for individual interviews were then arranged. Participants were given up to one week to take their pictures. Once this time had elapsed, all seventeen disposable cameras were collected and the appointments with the participants reaffirmed. In the second stage, thirteen individual interviews were conducted. At the beginning of the interview, participants were asked to answer some relevant demographic questions (e.g. gender, age, educational level, occupation). The SHOWed method was then used as a guideline for describing the pictures. These guidelines were chosen because, although people can see, they do not necessarily understand or interpret things (i.e. epistemologies) in the same way (Mohan, 2006). In other words, the method was used in order for everyone to be ‘at the same level’ regarding the content of the picture (Annang et al., 2016). Participants were asked to describe (i) What do you see in the photograph? (ii) What is happening in the photograph? (iii) How does this photograph relate to your lives or the lives of other members in the community? (iv) Why do these issues currently exist? (v) What can we do about these issues? Local interpreters, familiar with the local context, conducted several interviews in their tribal language. In the third stage, the digital audio recordings were transcribed verbatim. Following transcription, data analysis was carried out according to a three-step process. First, portraits and redundant pictures of the same subject were removed. Second, the CCF of Flora and Flora (2013) was used to analyse the pictures and interviews holistically and systematically (Pierce and McKay, 2008; Flint, 2010). The interview transcripts were then processed using the MAXqda software program. Finally, descriptive analyses were conducted, the results of which are presented below (Table 2). Results Tangible capitals, such as natural, built and financial capital, were the most frequently captured in the pictures taken by participants. Intangible capitals, such as cultural, human, political and social capital—those we cannot see—were mostly captured indirectly in pictures and were discussed during the interviews. Tangible capitals Participants took numerous pictures of rivers, small-scale agricultural plots, fruit trees and animals. This suggested that the natural environment and its resources played an important role in daily life. The natural environment was closely related to their cultural identity and its resources were, according to participants, used to support their livelihoods (e.g. harvesting crops, hunting, fishing, mining gold on a small-scale). Participants expressed the view that small-scale mining activities had several types of negative impact on the environment. Porknockers (small-scale miners) used mercury and cyanide to extract gold from ore. According to participants, these mining activities were polluting the river water, reducing biodiversity by affecting the quantity and quality of the fish. Paramaca porknockers were aware of this but, due to a lack of financial capital, more sustainable ways of extracting gold were not considered to be an option. Related to this, financial capital was illustrated in pictures of physical objects (e.g. machines and tools to mine or to harvest, boats with outboard engines for transport) and natural resources (e.g. small-scale agricultural plots, animals). Participants indicated that they invested in physical objects or natural resources to generate financial income. Almost all participants exhibited a lack of individual and collective financial capital, primarily because the structural absence of diverse income generating activities had negatively affected the community’s financial capital. Moreover, in 2010, the GoS had prohibited, at the request of Newmont, small-scale mining activities in the Merian area for safety reasons. Paramaca porknockers used this Merian zone for mining activities. Because of the exclusion many Paramaca households lost their incomes. Participants considered this a major disruption resulting from the Merian gold project. Furthermore, a significant number of pictures taken by participants depicted built capital, which is listed in Table 2. Participants highlighted their dependency for goods and services on the GoS, which are available at no extra cost. According to participants, the community infrastructure was inadequate. The absence and poor maintenance of community infrastructure had consequences for the everyday functioning of its inhabitants. For example, the absence of a functioning water supply system in the village meant that its inhabitants were forced to use rainwater for their daily activities (because the river water was heavily polluted). During the rainy season, inhabitants collected water in large tanks. However, the small number and poor maintenance of these water tanks meant there was not enough clean water available during the dry season. Participants stated that, as a result, inhabitants were forced to buy bottled water which was very expensive. Intangible capitals Participants took pictures of abandoned houses, cultural practices, rituals, art forms, educational facilities and meeting places, all of which referred to intangible capitals. According to participants, the abandoned houses reflected migration processes. Many inhabitants moved to the capital city or French-Guyana, due to both pull (e.g. lifestyle and possibilities of city-life, high social security allowances in French-Guyana) and push factors (e.g. inadequate basic infrastructure, lack of educational or job opportunities). Young Paramacans wishing to continue their studies were forced to move to Suriname cities because Langa Tabiki has only one primary Monrovian school and no secondary school, vocational training or adult educational programmes. Although participants acknowledged the importance of education, they felt that educational aspirations separate young people from their community and parents. Outward migration, however, had consequences for their social (e.g. social networks, social organization), human (e.g. brain–drain, lack of leisure activities) and cultural capital (e.g. erosion of cultural capital). Furthermore, participants recognized the important role cultural practices, rituals, art forms, traditional knowledge and skills (e.g. knowledge and skills needed to farm, navigate a boat, mine on a small-scale) played in developing their cultural heritage and identity. Participants generally held a perception that their cultural capital was diminishing due to an intensified contact with the city (i.e. urbanization), Western belief systems (i.e. modernization, globalization) and the loss of ancestral lands (Merian Area). Accordingly, participants described an erosion of traditional forms of political organization (e.g. no gatherings, no dialogue between Kabiten in the village). Consequently, traditional leaders lacked the knowledge and skills to turn decisions into actions that enhanced the well-being of the community. Despite this, participants nevertheless articulated their political power in relation to the Merian gold project. From the beginning, the traditional authority acknowledged that they lacked the experience, knowledge and skills needed to participate in the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development. The Paramaca traditional authority therefore appointed highly educated Paramacans (outside the traditional political organization) with a clear vision to be part of the Paramaca Negotiation Committee (POC). As a result, the PMc could articulate their demands in the decision-making process; the POC thus demanded to be compensated for the use of ‘their’ ancestral lands, following which an MoU and CDF were established. A similar exercise of political power was observed during a strike in May 2015. The PMc blockaded the road from the capital city to the Merian gold mine. The community’s expectations were not, however, fulfilled; they expressed the feeling that the mining company broke promises regarding local employment recruitment. Discussion and conclusion This Photovoice study explores in a holistic and systemic way, using the CCF developed by Flora and Flora (2013), what CC are present in Langa Tabiki and how these contribute to the PMc’s resiliency in the face of Newmont’s Merian gold project. Newmont’s mining operation is considered an exogenous stressor. CC are considered critical to building resilient communities (Magis, 2010; Kuir-Ayius, 2016). The Photovoice method therefore encourages people to think critically about their community, and to express their views, visions and voices (Wang and Burris, 1997; Freire, 2000; Pierce and McKay, 2008; Bennett and Dearden, 2013). According to Flora and Flora (2013) renewable and non-renewable natural resources are forms of natural capital. Traditionally, community land and other natural resources are seen as gifts and the Pamaca belief system prescribes that people may manage and use the land in a sustainable way and leave it in a reasonable state for future generations (Erm, 2013). The study shows that natural resources are considered important components of their everyday lives (e.g. livelihood, cultural identity). Moreover, it shows that securing financial income is often considered to be more important than managing and using land and natural resources in a sustainable way. For example, Paramaca porknockers are aware that small-scale mining activities have a negative impact on the natural environment (e.g. polluting river water) and have consequences for their daily life (e.g. the use of rainwater instead of river water). However, mining gold on a small-scale is their main source of livelihood. Given this, the central government and the mining firm can provide training on the issue of water pollution and its consequences, and can work with relevant stakeholders to improve small-scale mining techniques that are more sustainable. Furthermore, the GoS can develop more diverse economic opportunities in the Merian area, so that alternative sources of livelihood are created. The study indicates that inhabitants lack individual and communal financial capital as a result of a non-diverse economy and the exclusion of small-scale miners from the Merian area. Economic activities and job opportunities in diverse sectors are important in enhancing a community’s resiliency (Buikstra et al., 2010; Maclean, Cuthill and Ross, 2014). To mitigate any effects on the PMc’s economic system, the PMc, Newmont and the GoS developed and established a CDF. In so doing, the PMc was able to link to powerful sectors (i.e. Newmont, GoS) that increased their access to resources (Dale and Newman, 2010; Magis, 2010). The CDF finances sustainable community development strategies and actions formulated by the PMc. Further research can explore how sustainable community development activities, funded by the CDF, impact upon the local community. Equally important is the general lack of a well-developed infrastructure in Langa Tabiki, resulting from the absence of a government-driven sustainable development policy. Instead, a long-standing gift relation has been established, with a focus on top-down goods and service delivery that is free of charge, but highly inadequate. The study indicates that the lack of a well-developed community infrastructure has consequences for the Paramacan’s daily lives. In this regard, the PMc is seeking positive outcomes from Newmont (Trebeck, 2007). Ultimately, however, providing adequate goods and services must be a priority of the GoS. The social units (e.g. ‘bee’ and ‘lo’) are the basis of social networks in the PMc. On the one hand, the study indicates that Paramacans are migrating due to both push (e.g. inadequate basic infrastructure, lack of educational or job opportunities) and pull factors (e.g. lifestyle and possibilities of city-life, high social security allowances in French-Guiana). Young Paramacans, who wish to continue studying, move to Suriname cities due to a lack of educational opportunities and are not motivated to return to the region (i.e. brain–drain). This out-migration erodes the community’s social capital. On the other hand, a convincing source of motivation was observed during the strike held in May 2015, which led people to engage in community action. Community leaders successfully mobilised inhabitants to send a strong signal to Newmont, who did not fulfil the promises regarding local employment recruitment that were made with the PMc. This example indicates the presence of strong social capital. Furthermore, both the PMc’s cultural and political capital is eroding for many reasons including those linked to modernization, globalization and urbanization. The traditional authority has, however, demanded acknowledgment from the GoS and Newmont of their cultural identity and their status as inhabitants of the Merian area. When, in August 2014, the GoS granted the Right of Exploitation to Newmont, they did not invite the PMc to the negotiating table. The PMc was, however, able to force their demands into the decision-making process, and could do so without recourse to legal frameworks such as land rights. The PMc therefore adapted its political organization (e.g. roles, functions) to the new reality. The traditional authority acknowledges that a lack of experience, knowledge and skills prevents them from participating as experienced negotiators or community developers in the corporate decision-making process on sustainable community development. The Paramaca traditional authority therefore appoints highly educated Paramacans (i.e. human capital) with clear visions (i.e. cultural capital)—outside the traditional political organization—to be part of the POC. In this regard, the structures of the community (i.e. its roles and functions) have a significant role in being able to mobilize CC and enabling it to respond to perturbations. Greater attention must therefore be given to the interplay between community resources, agency and community structures and (Connor, 2011), and how these potentially enable or restrict a community’s resilience. According to Wilkinson (1970) a community’s organization (or structures) serve as a medium through which community members mobilize shared resources to enhance their quality of life. This could be an interesting and seminal perspective with which to view community resiliency. During the corporate social decision-making process, the PMc demanded to be compensated for the use of ‘their’ ancestral lands. Because, mining companies are expected by stakeholders to take on their social responsibilities within the framework of CSR (Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012), an MoU and CDF were established. This can be viewed as weak sustainability given that Newmont is investing in other capitals (e.g. financial capital through employment and CDF) to counteract the depletion of non-renewable resources in the Merian area (Bridger and Luloff, 1999; Mutti et al., 2012). Muthuri, Chapple and Moon (2009) therefore highlight the importance of institutionalizing participative processes in corporate social decision-making. Hickey and Mohan (2004) and Mohan (2007) argue that this form of participation must be transformative; it must create a setting where people are encouraged to obtain real citizen power, enabling them to hold others to account. This is not the case regarding the (non-binding) MoU, but can be considered a first step toward participatory and transformative development. In conclusion, the study shows which CC are present in Langa Tabiki and how they relate to community resiliency. It highlights a lack of tangible CC and the erosion of intangible CC. Despite these issues, the PMc is able to incorporate its demands into the decision-making process on sustainable community development, primarily by adapting their political organization (i.e. roles, functions) and by using their intangible CC (e.g. social, cultural, human, political). 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Community Development JournalOxford University Press

Published: Sep 15, 2017

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