Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri and his collection in the Palazzo Altieri: The evidence of the 1698 death inventory, Part ii

Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri and his collection in the Palazzo Altieri: The... Abstract This article is the second part of a study of the collection of Cardinal Paluzzo Altieri based on the evidence of his 1698 death inventory. Part i considered his paintings collection, housed on the first piano nobile of the palace. This study moves to the second piano nobile apartment and considers a broader range of material objects, including sculpture, tapestry, devotional objects, and naturalia, some of which (such as the American import, chocolate) reflect the globalization of the early modern world. A study of this space is key to fully understanding the nature of Paluzzo’s character as a collector, as well as the status of the ex-cardinal nephew and the complex interactions of the personal and the political in seicento Rome. It is invaluable for furthering our understanding of the broader landscape of collecting and display in Rome at this time. For six years, from 1670 to 1676, while his adopted uncle Clement X sat on the papal throne, Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri (Fig. 1) was, at least in theory, one of the most influential people in Rome. He ensured that substantial sums of money were funnelled into the construction of a newly expanded and appropriately grandiose Altieri palace, as a monument to the perpetual memory and status of his adopted family. He, along with his brother Angelo and nephew Gaspare, directed the decoration of the palace with remarkable frescoes by Carlo Maratti, Domenico Maria Canuti, and others. He also created a room for the display of his paintings in his representational apartment, as discussed in Part i of this study, with notable works by famed artists such as Pietro da Cortona, Veronese, and Guido Reni.1 In many key ways he played the typical role of the powerful cardinal nephew, serving his uncle and dynasty. And yet further study of his inventory, and particularly of the contents of his second apartment, reveals cautious collecting habits that go back to his roots in an ancient, noble but impoverished Roman family, the Albertoni. A study of his living spaces uncovers a number of objects that had a talismanic purpose, designed to protect his body and his soul. It also reveals the gap between representational apartments and private living spaces in Roman palaces. A study of his second apartment is key to fully understanding the specific case of Paluzzo’s character as a collector, and is particularly instructive as the inventory offers a glimpse into his life as an ‘ex-nipote’, a cardinal nephew whose uncle-protector has died – a position at once potentially powerful and perilous, and one that required careful management.2 Fig. 1. View largeDownload slide Baciccio (G.B. Gaulli, called Il Baciccia), Portrait of Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri, c.1666. Oil on canvas. 73.5 x 60.7 cm. Photo: Annette Fischer / Heike Kohler, Stattliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, Germany, Art Resource, ny. Fig. 1. View largeDownload slide Baciccio (G.B. Gaulli, called Il Baciccia), Portrait of Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri, c.1666. Oil on canvas. 73.5 x 60.7 cm. Photo: Annette Fischer / Heike Kohler, Stattliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, Germany, Art Resource, ny. Paluzzo’s second apartment was on the upper piano nobile of the Palazzo Altieri. Although still surely used to receive guests and entertain visitors, it also contained his more private quarters, such as bedrooms and a study. It was more extensive – reaching along both of the main façades of the Altieri palace – in comparison to his representational apartment on the floor below, and was particularly noted for its tapestries but otherwise was furnished far more simply.3 The layout of this floor of the palace is recorded in a plan by Giovanni Battista Contini (Fig. 2) from 1711.4 Considering the plan alongside the inventory made at Paluzzo’s death, which goes through the apartment room by room, allows for a reconstruction and analysis of the arrangement, decoration, and use of Cardinal Paluzzo’s second piano nobile apartment. The Sala (Fig. 2, no. 1) was the initial room in an apartment that stretched east along the façade of the palace, toward the Piazza di San Marco. It was lined with chests, and contained only a bed and a large candelabrum for a single candle to light the room. It was followed by two anticamere (Fig. 2, nos 2 and 3), the first featuring two polychrome marble busts of emperors placed on walnut and gold-painted wooden pedestals embellished with ‘heads’ – presumably profiles – and a gold star (fol. 561r). The second anticamera contained a larger ensemble of sculptures: five polychrome marble busts and a standing statue said to be of Marcus Aurelius with his sword resting on his arm, set on an unfinished white pedestal (fol. 541v). The five busts are identifiable with those described by Blainville as busts of Trajan, Seneca, Valerian, Gallian, and Maximian.5 The ‘Marcus Aurelius’, a statue of a bearded emperor with his right hand raised in adlocutio and the hilt of a sword resting on his outstretched left palm, remains in the Palazzo Altieri and is now recognized as a portrait of Septimius Severus (Fig. 3).6 Maria Grazia Picozzi suggested that it could be identified with a work left to Cardinal Altieri by the Marchesa Sulpizia Vitelleschi at her death in 1685.7 The inventory confirms Picozzi’s hypothesis: the statue is ‘said to have been left to His Eminence by Marchese Tassi’, who must be Antonio Tassi, Sulpizia Vitelleschi’s second husband.8 In Vitelleschi’s will the statue is described as a representation of Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius’ co-emperor. In Paluzzo’s apartment its identity shifted to the better known of the two emperors. It was the only life-size, full-figure statue in Paluzzo’s apartment, and was clearly of some importance. However, more than a decade after Vitelleschi left it to Paluzzo, it still lacked a finished pedestal, suggesting that its display was not of the highest priority. Fig. 2. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, plan of second piano nobile of Palazzo Altieri, 1711. Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notai dell’A.C., Reg. 5125, Seconda Pianta del econdo Piano Nobbile [sic]. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le attività culturali. Fig. 2. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, plan of second piano nobile of Palazzo Altieri, 1711. Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notai dell’A.C., Reg. 5125, Seconda Pianta del econdo Piano Nobbile [sic]. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le attività culturali. Fig. 3. View largeDownload slide Statue of Septimius Severus, Palazzo Altieri, Rome. Photo, authors. Fig. 3. View largeDownload slide Statue of Septimius Severus, Palazzo Altieri, Rome. Photo, authors. The final room in this sequence was the Stanza della Ringhiera (Fig. 2, no. 4), the corner room, which was furnished with twenty-four chairs and two small ebony tables.9 The only painting was a Crucifixion with a gilded frame, attributed to Procaccini (fol. 562r). The sculptures in this room epitomize the themes of the decorations of the apartment as a whole. There was a bust of Paluzzo’s benefactor, Pope Clement X, in metal (presumably bronze) which was displayed on a pedestal of black pear wood edged with gold (fol. 561v).10 The bust of Clement X was paired with a bust of Marcus Aurelius in bronze and alabaster, set on a pedestal of gialla antica marble; the Marcus Aurelius was said to have been left to Paluzzo by Carlo Coppetti (fol. 562r).11 In addition to positing the continuity between imperial and papal rule, the pairing suggests that Paluzzo was working to shape Clement X’s image for posterity. Marcus Aurelius, the philosopher emperor, was generally celebrated in early modern sources as a peacemaker.12 His gesture of the outstretched right hand in the equestrian statue on the Capitoline was at times explicitly identified as one of clemency.13 By pairing the bust of Clement X with that of Marcus Aurelius, a pairing reinforced by their shared material of bronze, Paluzzo sought to underscore the quality that the Altieri pope himself had chosen to define his reign, namely mercy. In these two reception rooms, Paluzzo drew out the legacy of Marcus Aurelius to create a meaningful sequence. In the second anticamera, Marcus Aurelius featured as an ideal emperor, an authoritative figure physically towering over the marble busts also displayed in the space, underscoring his status as the archetypal ruler and orator. When his bust was paired with that of Clement X in the corner room of the apartment, the message was fine-tuned, and the emphasis was placed instead on the humanity and shared values of emperor and pope, namely their mercy and reasoned authority. From the corner room a sequence of three further rooms led to the corner of the palace on Via degli Astalli. This sequence of rooms was unified by a decorative theme running through the painted friezes. Of the plans to illustrate ‘the Four Ages’, only three were completed: the Ages of Gold, Silver, and Metal.14 The combination of the richly ornamental imagery and moralizing theme suggest that these were Paluzzo’s personal rooms, intended for his private use, while allowing a degree of public access to guests. Unlike the previous suite, the walls of these rooms, beginning with the corner room with the busts of Marcus Aurelius and Clement X, were lined with rich crimson damask, like some of the representational rooms on the piano nobile below, revealing that they were furnished according to Paluzzo’s personal taste. Despite the classical theme, the subjects were biblical; the Metal Age, for example, was illustrated by the story of Noah and the Ark. The earliest stories are in the Golden Age (e.g. the Creation of the Angels) and the latest are in the Metal Age (e.g. Noah and the Ark). The decoration is a Christian gloss on the classical theme: the world was created perfect, and then declined. Underscoring the premonitory nature of the imagery, the narratives of the Silver Age are flanked by allegorical figures of Fragility, Fear, and Repentance. The Metal Age, however, introduces a more positive note, suggesting pathways out of sin through allegorical figures of Zeal toward God, Obedience, Clemency, Prayer, and Peace.15 The Age of Metal and Age of Silver rooms (Fig. 2, nos 5 and 6 respectively), were furnished in a similar manner, with minimal but luxurious furnishings. Both were hung with crimson damask wall hangings and contained a letto a credenza. The bed in the Age of Metal room, left to Paluzzo by Principessa D. Vittoria Altieri, (fol. 562v), was ornamented with an alabaster Pietà displayed within a gilded wooden surround.16 This can be identified, perhaps, with the alabaster Descent from the Cross described by Blainville in this apartment, which he attributed to Daniele da Volterra.17 The room was further distinguished by a standard three-register harpsichord, an instrument that was in something of a vogue in Rome at the time.18 The Age of Silver room – with its frieze scenes of the Creation of Eve, Adam Naming the Animals, Original Sin (The Temptation), and Expulsion from Paradise – on the other hand, seems to have been intended for study or, perhaps, for prayer.19 In addition to the bed, it contained a small ebony studioletto, inlaid with ivory and featuring a small (one palmo high) alabaster statue of a female saint holding a crucifix (‘una Santa di Alabastro longa un palmo colcata con un Christo in mano’). These two rooms seem to have had distinct purposes – music-making and reflection – but probably also served more prosaic needs as well, as the beds were of the cheapest wood (poplar) and essentially were elaborate chests designed to store linens and bedding. The final room in this sequence (Fig. 2, no. 7), the corner room above the balcony facing the Gesù, celebrated the Golden Age.20 The room contained a ‘sedia di riposo’, a reclining chair to stretch out on, similar to that described by John Evelyn in the Villa Ludovisi.21 Cardinal Domenico Maria Corsi also owned a similar chair that was placed in one of the two rooms ‘where the Cardinal slept’; his is further described as accompanied by ‘all its supports for lying down and sleeping’.22 Paluzzo’s Golden Age room also contained a prie-dieu with damask cushions, as well as a small alabaster carving of Christ taken down from the Cross (one palmo high) that was kept in a box covered in gilded leather, which was placed on a small ebony table. Also in this room was a sumptuous zampanaro (ceremonial bed) made of taffeta from Avignon. In spite of the presence of the representational bed and the rich wall hangings, there was no formal seating in this room, and its minimal furnishings, almost all associated with private prayer, suggest its function as a private retreat for contemplation and relaxation. The three ‘Ages’ rooms feature a range of early modern bed types: ceremonial, multifunctional, and informal. Several notable beds in the Palazzo Altieri have been linked to Paluzzo in modern and seventeenth-century sources. Nicodemus Tessin associated an extremely elaborate bed that he attributed to Giovanni Paolo Schor with the cardinal.23 It incorporated gilded sculptural decoration including putti holding cornucopias functioning as bedposts, and a painted mirror by Carlo Maratta in the headboard.24 He describes it as set in an alcove decorated with paintings by Fabrizio Chiari, and hung with white curtains and a tester with white feathers.25 No such bed appears in the contents of the 1698 inventory; the most likely explanation is that Tessin saw this somewhere else in the palace. Indeed, the highly decorative nature of the bed Tessin describes (cupids, including one making a ‘hush’ gesture, and rose-filled cornucopias) does not seem in keeping with the Cardinal’s pious and somewhat austere tastes. Such a bed was more suited to the flamboyant style of Prince Gaspare’s apartment, with its frescoed ceilings of Apollo and Venus (in the Camera d’Amore) and altogether more sensuous decoration. Moreover, Fabrizio Chiari was active as a decorator in Gaspare’s apartment.26 The 1704 edition of the Mercurio errante places the bed in Gaspare’s apartment.27 It also relates a story dearly relished by later Grand Tourists, namely that Paluzzo slept in a bed that had once belonged to Philip IV, King of Spain.28 No trace of this royal hand-me-down appears in the inventory, and even Paluzzo’s representational bed seems to have been far less elaborate than that featured in his secular nephew’s apartment. A second wing of Paluzzo’s second-floor apartment faced on to the Piazza del Gesù. The first room following the Sala (Fig. 2, no. 8) contained eighteen chairs and a ‘used’ walnut table. The table had belonged to Paluzzo’s brother Angelo; the inventory mentions that Paluzzo left the table as well as other objects (chairs and paintings) in the room when he gave the apartment to another cardinal, presumably Gaspare’s son Lorenzo, who was elevated to the purple in 1690.29 At some point, then, Paluzzo must have given his younger nephew use of part of the upper apartment, while the goods in it remained technically in his possession. The considerable quantity of seating suggests a semi-public function for the room. It featured four paintings showing the four parts of the world, and an unframed picture of the Visitation (fol. 563v). From this room, one could access the chapel (Fig. 2, no. 9), which featured a painted altarpiece of St Michael holding a balance (fol. 563v). The altarpiece and presumed dedication of the chapel confirm Paluzzo’s devotion to the powerful archangel, which was suggested by the presence of a silver statue of Michael fighting the Devil in the apartment on the main piano nobile.30 Such a devotion was not uncommon in seicento Rome: Urban VIII was also devoted to St Michael, Cardinal Camillo Massimi had an abiding dedication to the Archangel Raphael, and Taddeo Barberini had an oratory in the Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane painted with imagery of his personal guardian angel.31 A devotion to St Michael may in fact have been shared by the Altieri nephews. A tapestry design by Johann Paul Schor features the archangel dressed in classicizing armour; his shield is decorated with the Altieri stemma of six stars, while below the same stemma on a shield appears again with the ducal crown of Gaspare Altieri, surrounded by military motifs (Fig. 4).32 As General of the Church, Gaspare could claim a particular connection to the martial archangel, but in Rome Michael was also associated with the protection of the city against plague, giving him broad appeal. Fig. 4. View largeDownload slide Johann Paul Schor, Design for a Tapestry with St Michael and the Arms of Pope Clement X Altieri, 1670–1674, Pen and brown ink, with brown wash and watercolour, 38.6 x 26.7 cm, Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017. Fig. 4. View largeDownload slide Johann Paul Schor, Design for a Tapestry with St Michael and the Arms of Pope Clement X Altieri, 1670–1674, Pen and brown ink, with brown wash and watercolour, 38.6 x 26.7 cm, Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017. A large room opposite the chapel (Fig. 2, no. 10?) seems to have been essentially used for storage (it held altar frontals, a portable wooden altar, and nine leather cushions), and led to a room that allowed access to the Scalinata. The next room (Fig. 2, no. 11), entered by way of a small staircase, held a number of paintings, all of which were said by the compiler of the inventory to have been left in the room by Paluzzo’s brother, Angelo (fol. 564v).33 They included landscapes, a battle scene, and portraits of a woman and two warriors, none of which were given attributions. One of these works was a large unframed painting of a warrior wearing the Cross of Malta; this was no doubt the same portrait of a Knight of Malta listed in a 1672 inventory of Angelo’s apartment.34 The same inventory lists a painting of the Visitation, which also seems to have been left behind for Paluzzo.35 The next room (Fig. 2, no. 12) held some of the tapestries for which Palazzo Altieri was known. In addition to two over-door panels, four narrative tapestry pieces were displayed here, each with a border that featured the motto ‘Divina Palladij Arte picturam superavit Acus’ (By the divine art of Pallas, the needle conquers painting); the same set continued in the next room of the apartment with another four pieces (fol. 564v; Fig. 1, no. 13). The first room in particular was decorated as a kind of ‘total environment’, entirely defined by the tapestries. It contained no independent easel paintings, but did include canvases painted as fictive tapestries, described as ‘cantonate’ (corners) and ‘pilastri’ (pilasters) (fol. 564v.). One featured a soldier holding a shield and the other a putto with a helmet, suggesting a playful martial theme. Rather than directly indicating the subjects or theme of the set, the ‘Divina Palladij’ inscription in the tapestries identifies the weavers as the Brussels-based workshop of Jacques Geubels ii.36 The same inscription can be found on some editions of an Alexander series after Jacob Jordaens, as well as on a Triumph of Agememnon from a Trojan War series after Rubens, both of which were produced in Geubels ii’s workshop.37 The Story of Alexander series was first produced around 1630 and is noted for its drama and inspiration from the work of Rubens.38 Philip IV of Spain purchased a Story of Alexander set produced by Geubels ii and Jan Raes. That the Spanish king potentially owned a very similar set would have given the Altieri tapestries added prestige, which was even better given that the Spanish royal court was particularly known for tapestry collecting thanks to the efforts of Philip II.39 The Geubels workshop was also involved with the production of the Triumph of the Eucharist series after designs by Rubens for the Infanta Isabel, producing eight pieces of the tapestry set; a portion of the set was in Madrid after 1628.40 The importance of the identity and origin of tapestry makers can be seen in a legal complaint made by Antwerp tapestry workers that foreign customers were sending them the marks of Brussels weavers ‘counterfeited on paper’ so that they could get tapestries that appeared to come from the same high quality workshops.41 Although the Altieri tapestries have not been identified, they would clearly have held high prestige based on the site of their manufacture, the stature of the artists involved, and the connection to the Spanish monarchy. The two rooms with the tapestries contained many chairs and studioli, and the second room featured a fireplace, indicating they were spaces intended for winter use. The second room featured a variety of objects, including small tables, two ebony studioletti, and a large crucifix with an ivory statue of Christ on an ebony cross.42 The small tables were left behind by Angelo, while the studioletti, ornamented with figures in ivory, are further specified as having been family heirlooms (‘antichi della casa’) also left behind by Angelo (fol. 564v). The room featured a white marble bust of Christ together with a porphyry bust of an unidentified subject with drapery in pietra bigia (fol. 565v). This arrangement echoes the pairing of the busts of Clement X and Marcus Aurelius several rooms before. Without knowing the identity of the individual portrayed in the pietra bigia bust it is impossible to speculate on the precise meaning of the two works, but one strongly suspects that the papal/imperial binary here shifted to a Christian/pagan one. The tapestry collection continued in the next room (Fig. 2, no. 14), with a verdure set of four large pieces. They were displayed with three smaller pieces that may well have been from different sets, as well as painted canvases to complete the ensemble, an entirely typical approach for a seicento Roman palace interior.43 Many other tapestries appear in the inventory, but with scant information. In addition to those listed in the various rooms of Paluzzo’s apartment, more were listed in the guardarobba, several of which had been in Pesaro and were returned to Rome at his death. Those in storage when the cardinal died included a thirteen-piece set of Bacchanals; a sixteen-piece set of Roman Triumphs with accompanying base and corner pieces showing landscapes, baskets of fruit, and vases of flowers (fol. 577v); an altar frontal with St Anthony preaching; and another six-piece set of verdure with figures. Tapestries can be more difficult than other works to trace and locate, as they were seasonal and mobile, and tended to be moved frequently according to season or occasion and thus do not always appear in inventories.44 Paluzzo’s tapestries are typical in their elusiveness. The final room in the upper piano nobile apartment proper – before the guardarobba, which is the next room surveyed in the inventory – was at the corner of the Palazzo looking on to Piazza del Gesù (Fig. 2, no. 15).45 This was the room where Paluzzo died, and was presumably his bedroom.46 It contained all the furnishings necessary for a bedroom including a commode, a bed, mattresses, a resting chair with footstool, a crucifix and a small box with devotional crosses, and a maiolica vase for washing. Four large tapestries showing the Months decorated the walls; the inventory identifies them as ‘the same as those bought by Cardinal Mellini’ and as ‘second-hand’ (usati) (fol. 566r). The Mellini, like the Albertoni, the family into which Paluzzo was born, were old Roman aristocracy who had gained prestige through the elevation of family members to the cardinalate, including Giovanni Garzia Mellini, in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Unlike the Altieri, they failed to rise as far as the papacy and their status remained, financially and socially, more modest. In 1675 a Roman avviso reported that Paluzzo was ‘doing everything in his power to advance the Mellini family’, including arranging for one of the Mellini daughters to marry the Marchese Muti.47 In Paluzzo’s inventory and the 1675 avviso we can detect traces of the strong ties between Rome’s old élite and of the economy of favours that structured early modern Italian life. As a patron-protector Paluzzo supported the Mellini family by arranging marriages; it is possible that he received the tapestries in return, as gifts in recognition of his efforts to advance the family. The room’s garden theme continued in four large paintings of boscareccie and green taffeta wall coverings, which were designed to fit around the painted decoration. The inventory explicitly states that this decorative ensemble had been left behind by Angelo at his departure, and the green taffeta was clearly to his taste rather than Paluzzo’s. It was also perhaps slightly outmoded by this time, when damask wall hangings were highly fashionable. The objects in the room, however, reflect Paluzzo’s piety – quite different from the more secular taste of his brother. These included a large crucifix with a silver figure of Christ on a black pear wood cross and a ‘bambino di Lucca’, a popular type of devotional doll of the Madonna and Christ child.48 The Madonna wore a veil and stood on a starry globe ornamented with a golden band, and the ensemble was set on its own carved and gilded base (fol. 567r). Around the bed where the Cardinal died were a number of small devotional pictures, one on copper of St Nicolas of Bari, and a small painting of the Madonna hanging from a ribbon, and another small painting on copper of Fra Domenico della Scala.49 Francis Gage has recently drawn attention to the protective role of devotional paintings in the domestic realm, and argued that small paintings on copper above the bed often assumed a talismanic function.50 In this case both the small painting of the Madonna on the wall and the bambino di Lucca may have been displayed here for protective as well as aesthetic or purely pious reasons. In contrast, a more elaborate sacred work depicting the Pietà was stowed away in the guardarobba at his death. It was a relief panel, cast in silver, with small angels and ‘other ornaments’ in silver above. The silverwork was set (interziato) on a black pear wood backing and the whole ensemble was kept in a pyramidal case, itself gilded (fol. 588v). It, and other works notable for their materials – a two palmi tall ivory statue of Fame blowing a trumpet set on a gilded wooden base (fol. 581v) and a painting of fictive lapis lazuli encircled by a silver frame carved with figures in relief and the cardinal’s coat of arms kept inside a silvered box (fol. 581v) – must have come out only on special occasions. The room also contained another ‘sedia da riposo’, and a remarkable assortment of diverse objects, including clocks, tortoiseshell boxes, Agnus Dei, silver vases, and the Cardinal’s personal breviary with his coat of arms, in four volumes, bound in leather and decorated with gilded silver.51 Cabinets held bells, pens, letters, medals, bezoars, and coins, rings and other jewels. Only one object spoke directly to Paluzzo’s years as a cardinal nephew: the gilded silver hammer and spade (cocchiara) that Clement X used to open the Porta Santa in the 1675 Holy Year (fol. 590r). On the whole, the objects in this room and in the guardarobba, like the paintings in the Sala dei Quadri discussed in Part i of this study, indicate that Paluzzo was a modest collector with focused interests; in the case of his personal objects, those interests lay in technology, the natural world, and the protection of the physical body. Paluzzo’s attention to technological marvels is attested by a notable number of clocks of various kinds, several of them quite elaborate. One, a large pendulum clock, stood on its own small ebony table. It was decorated with two small bronze lions, each holding up a silver star; the ensemble was topped with a gilded metal statue of a seated figure (fol. 562r). The silver stars suggest the clock was custom-made for him or for another member of the Altieri family; it is identifiable with an existing nocturnal clock still in the palace.52 It features a painting of Time taking Minerva by the Arm, with symbols of art and science strewn around them. The smaller picture at the top depicts a villa and garden, with a fountain in the foreground. The two bronze lions appear to have lost the silver stars they were originally holding, but the presence of the seated statue decorating the top of the clock makes its identification with the inventory entry certain. It is a nocturnal clock, a type designed to be backlit by a candle or oil lamp so that the light would shine from a small oil lamp inside through the pierced Roman numerals which were on discs that rotated. In this way, the time could be read in the darkness of night.53 As mechanical marvels they were extremely fashionable in the second half of the seventeenth century. Another clock, an ‘orologio a mostra’ (indicating a clock with wheels and dials) two palmi high, was very similar. It too was decorated with two colonettes, gilded and intarsiated turtle shell (‘con diverse tartaruche interziate d’alchimia’), and a figure of Time ‘che legge la mostra,’ that is who self-referentially reads the clock’s dial (fol. 567r). Another particularly elaborate clock took the form of a vase with silver flowers; the clock’s dial was placed on the vase inside a leather-covered case (fol. 589v).54 Some of the clocks were of sufficient significance for Paluzzo to leave them as gifts in his will: a gold clock ‘con cassa bollettata’ and a green dial was intended for an Abbate Baglioni (fol. 568r), while a ‘clock to be placed on a small table’ went to Don Agostino Chigi (fol. 589v).55 Paluzzo also had two sundials in the room: one in brass and another in the form of a round dish in gilded brass with its own red damask purse (the purse suggesting this dial was portable) (fol. 567v). The sundials were probably valued as much for their cultural and scientific connotations as for their potential practical function. Paluzzo’s scientific interests were modest; he had nothing comparable to the objects owned by Cardinal Mario Albizzi, which indicate instead an active scientific curiosity. Albizzi owned a microscope with an ivory handle, a large number of lenses, a glass triangle ‘that makes different colours’ and a telescope without its lenses (‘pezzi di canne d’occhialoni senza vetri’).56 He also had a notable collection of herbs and salves in an ebony studiolo: ‘quintassenza di Contrerba’, ‘Balsamo Apopletico’, ‘Balsamum Vite’, ‘Alchermes di Padova’ (a sweet liquor with a red coloration derived from the dried bodies of cochineal insects), and drinkable gold (fol. 217r).57 In Paluzzo’s case it is more likely the sundials were valued for their spiritual associations: in the view of Jesuit father Louis Richeome, sundials served to recall earthly mortality and the timelessness of the afterlife, reminding their users to seek Christian salvation.58 One clock, an amber hourglass (‘orologio a polvere d’ambra’ fol.585v), combined the Cardinal’s apparent interest in timepieces with an interest in natural magic. Like any well-rounded seventeenth-century collector, Paluzzo gathered objects whose materials were believed to have magical – most often healing – properties. The two materials that dominate in his collection are amber and rock crystal, substances that were closely linked in early modern scientific thought.59 Paluzzo owned amber boxes (fol. 585r), cups and cutlery (fol. 585v), a mirror frame (fol. 585v), and a bowl (fol. 582r, although this may only have been amber-veneered as it is described as ‘di pelle d’ambra’). Amber was believed to have cleansing properties, purifying liquids and air; it was kept in stock by Roman pharmacists (speziari) from the fifteenth century and through the end of the seventeenth century was used to make elaborate collector’s pieces (Fig. 5).60 Thought to be an efficacious remedy against a range of maladies, both emotional and physical, it was also believed to detect poisons.61 It was particularly held to be effective against the plague, a constant concern for early modern Italians, and for Romans especially after the plague of 1656–7.62 Fig. 5. View largeDownload slide Casket, attributed to Michel Redlin (German, documented 1688), c.1680, Polish, Gdansk (Danzig), Amber, gold foil, gilt brass, wood, silk satin, paper, Overall: 30 × 33 × 21 cm; Pedestal: 38.1 × 61 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Walter and Leonore Annenberg Acquisitions Endowment Fund, 2006, 2006.452a–c. Public domain. Fig. 5. View largeDownload slide Casket, attributed to Michel Redlin (German, documented 1688), c.1680, Polish, Gdansk (Danzig), Amber, gold foil, gilt brass, wood, silk satin, paper, Overall: 30 × 33 × 21 cm; Pedestal: 38.1 × 61 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Walter and Leonore Annenberg Acquisitions Endowment Fund, 2006, 2006.452a–c. Public domain. Paluzzo’s rock crystal objects were even more numerous, and included a small container with matching ampullae (fol. 585r); small boxes (fols 582r and 585v); containers for holy water (fols 582r and 585v), one with a relic of San Carlo Borromeo inside; and a crucifix (fol. 585v). In antiquity, Pliny identified rock crystal as water solidified by intense freezing; the belief carried through into the early modern period and was reiterated by Georg Agricola (who believed amber to similarly be produced when liquid from the earth took solid form) and by Lorenzo Magalotti.63 Medieval writers added layers of Christian significance, associating rock crystal’s key qualities – its transparency and hardness, and production by a process of metamorphosis – with the sacrament of baptism, the Incarnation of Christ, resurrection, and the incorruptibility of the bodies of saints.64 Rock crystal featured moreover in analogies of the interaction of the human and the divine, as the material could be suffused and altered by light.65 Finally, many sources identified rock crystal as the product of distant lands: Pliny said that it came from India and Asia Minor, as well as the Alps, and Alfonso X of Castile claimed that the best quality rock crystal came from Ethiopia.66 The material thus had a threefold cachet for early modern collectors: ‘exotic’ origins, healing properties, and theological significance. It was, perhaps, fear of disease or physical harm that led Paluzzo to collect a number of bezoars. Hardened masses found in the gastrointestinal systems of animals, bezoars were also believed to have powerful healing properties, acting as an antidote to any poison and as plague prevention.67 They were so popular that by the seventeenth century they were artificially produced by Jesuits in Goa, and are often also known as Goa stones. Paluzzo had four, which were embellished with silver and gold filigree (fols 568r and 588v) and kept in brocaded purses and silver-handled boxes (Fig. 6). One is identified as a ‘belzuarro occidentale’, a ‘Western bezoar’, indicating that it came from the Americas, as opposed to Asia – the West (rather than the East) Indies.68 Bezoars were something of a standard in personal collections; Cardinal Mario Albizzi (d. 1680) similarly had both ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ bezoars, although his are described as of various sizes and partly broken, and were kept in a drawer, without the elaborate filigrees in precious metals that ornamented those in Paluzzo’s collection.69 Fig. 6. View largeDownload slide Bezoar stone with case and stand, seventeenth century, attributed to India. Container: silver; pierced, chased, and mercury-gilded Goa stone: compound of organic and inorganic materials; mercury-gilded. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Mr and Mrs Gordon S. Haight, 1980, 1980.228.1, 2a, b, 3. Public domain. Fig. 6. View largeDownload slide Bezoar stone with case and stand, seventeenth century, attributed to India. Container: silver; pierced, chased, and mercury-gilded Goa stone: compound of organic and inorganic materials; mercury-gilded. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Mr and Mrs Gordon S. Haight, 1980, 1980.228.1, 2a, b, 3. Public domain. Europeans first learned that bezoars could be found in the Americas in a book on medicine published by Sevillian doctor Nicolás Monardes in 1571.70 In it, Monardes recounted Spanish soldiers’ discovery just a few years prior that Andean camelids – llamas, vicuñas, and other species – produced bezoars.71 Like those from the east, western bezoars were prized for their ability to detect and neutralize poisons.72 Western bezoars came to figure in the Spanish battle against New World idolatry, as bezoars were also treasured by indigenous Andeans as objects with sacred power.73 Paluzzo’s western bezoar had a more elaborate setting than the other two. It was set in a basket (una canestra) with silver handles and a silver lock, lined inside with pink taffeta. The bezoar was encased in gold filigree and kept together with two crowns made of a kind of plant known as ambretta, decorated with gold.74 Perhaps the western bezoar was given special treatment as a reflection of its American origins and rarity. Paluzzo’s collection of bezoars was rounded out by a ‘pietra di Porcospino’ bound in gilded filigree and kept in a coconut box (fol. 568r). This was a bezoar also known as a ‘Malaca stone,’ said to be drawn from the bodies of porcupines in Southeast Asia, and as a result very expensive. They were often presented as luxury gifts: Ferdinando I de’ Medici, for example, gave one to Eleonora de’ Medici, Duchess of Mantua in 1608.75 Although the porcupine bezoars were also thought to be useful against poisoning, their main purpose was to protect against disease, and for this reason they were often mounted in filigree casings and worn on the body.76 The one owned by Paluzzo was mounted in just such a casing.77 Similar motives of personal physical protection also no doubt led Paluzzo to collect two rhinoceros horns (fol. 582r), as well as the horn of a ‘marine horse’ (fol. 584r), presumably a reference to a walrus or narwhal. Like bezoars, both rhinoceros horn and walrus tusk were believed to detect and protect against poison, in a kind of extension of, and conflation with, the mythical powers of unicorn horn.78 Francis Bacon in 1638 recommended grinding up materials like bezoars and rhinoceros horns into powders so that they could be consumed in liquid (bezoars in particular were to be mixed with wine or cinnamon water and served cool) in order to prolong life.79 Rhinoceros horns were quite common in Roman collections and were very often displayed in ornate casings or on stands as works of art. Cardinal Flavio Chigi owned six objects made of rhinoceros horn, some of which were cups or receptacles, but at least one of which was displayed as the actual horn.80 Paluzzo also owned two fingernails (or claws) of the ‘Gran Bestia’ (Great Beast), objects also thought to have talismanic properties, specifically against epilepsy. These were commonly found in Roman collections in the seventeenth century. If ‘real’ they were comprised of a slice of elk’s hoof, but like the bezoars there were a great many fakes on the market. Cardinal Massimo kept ‘a handle [made] of the nail of the Great Beast’ (‘una maniglia dell’Unghia della gran bestia’) in a drawer of a studiolo in his private apartment together with objects associated with devotion such as rosaries, and medals of various saints.81 Cardinal Albizi also owned ‘a point of the nail of the Great Beast, bound in silver’ (‘una punta d’ugnia della Gran Bestia legato in argento’), which he kept in a studiolo with various other objects, including the tooth of a wolf, as well as a small cup made of bone and bound in silver.82 All of these objects in a variety of collections suggest a shared culture of curiosity in natural wonders and a belief in their healing power. In terms of natural materials, Paluzzo also owned a number of objects featuring coral. These were not cutlery or jewellery – a common use for coral, since it was a material also associated with the ability to ward off disease, detect poison, and protect against the evil eye – but works of sacred art (fol. 584v). He had a small portrait of St Dominic embellished with corals, garnets, and pearls set in a gilded frame and covered by a curtain, and two octagonal ‘quadri’ that were formed from coral: a Madonna ‘di coralli con suo ornamento di coralli intorno’ (‘a Madonna made of coral with its coral ornament around [it]’) held in a leather box, and a St Michael ‘di coralli’ with a gilded pear-wood and copper frame (fol. 584v). Like amber and rock crystal, the fascination with coral lay in its status as the proof of metamorphosis, with what was believed to be a soft substance under water hardening to stone when exposed to air.83 The inventory also reveals some of the cardinal’s more personal tastes, in particular a fondness for chocolate. He owned a utilitarian cioccolattiera – a bowl for melting chocolate – in Flemish tin with a stirring-stick used to froth the melted chocolate (fol. 573v.). He also had a much more elaborate affair for serving the American delicacy: an ebony tray decorated with gilded silver filigree, with four small cups (called chicchere, from the Spanish xícara or jícara, taken in turn from the Nahua xicalli)84 made of ‘Indian gourd’ (cocuzza d’India) decorated with the same filigree, and accompanied by four silver-gilt spoons (fol. 582r.).85 At his death, Paluzzo owed a certain Domenico Mercurio twenty-four scudi for chocolate (fol. 598v). Drinking chocolate was brought from the Americas and introduced first in Spain in the 1590s and in Italy shortly after, but it took several decades for the beverage to become fashionable.86 The Jesuits were importing chocolate to Rome by 1624, and in general the introduction of chocolate to Europe was associated with returning ecclesiastics.87 In 1631, the Spanish author of a treatise on chocolate, Antonio Colmenero de Ledesma, noted that drinking chocolate was common throughout Europe, including Italy. Colmenero de Ledesma’s treatise was published in Latin in 1644 and in Italian in 1667; in 1664 an Italian cardinal, Francesco Maria Brancaccio, published his own treatise on the subject, suggesting an increasing interest in the beverage on the peninsula in the late seventeenth century.88 Similar chocolate-drinking accessories were recorded in the inventories of Bernardino Spada and Cardinal Giovan Carlo de’ Medici, and Orazio Spada’s love of the drink was a cause of worry to his wife.89 Contemporary Italian thinking about chocolate – its possible benefits or hazards to the health – were mixed, but in his elaborate chocolate serving set and notable purchases of the imported luxury, Cardinal Paluzzo was staying on top of trends in conspicuous consumption.90 That said, he does not seem to have partaken in other luxuries arriving from the New World, such as tobacco. Nothing in his belongings suggests an interest in the American stimulant, unlike his contemporaries Cardinal Mario Albizi, who owned implements for storing and using tobacco, and Cardinal Domenico Maria Corsi, who owned a Dutch genre picture of five people smoking around a table.91 Of the New World imports, chocolate seems to have made the greatest impression on the Altieri cardinal. As a whole, Paluzzo’s second apartment was somewhat fractured in its displays and decor. The rooms with the friezes of the Ages of Man, with their crimson hangings and representational objects suggest some visitors may have been admitted to these spaces; in particular the zampanaro and harpsichord were elaborately decorated. However, the paucity of works by ‘big name’ artists, the presence of gifts from other Romans of old but somewhat lesser nobility (the Tassi, Vitelleschi, and Mellini), the unfinished pedestal for the ‘Marcus Aurelius’ (Septimius Severus), and entire decorative ensembles left behind by his brother Angelo, suggest that Paluzzo did not spend lavishly on decorating this apartment. At some point toward the end of his life Paluzzo gave up some of his rooms to his grandnephew, the once powerful cardinal nephew making room for the next generation. His bedroom and guardarobba reveal an overriding concern with his physical and spiritual health, as the objects in thaumaturgical materials and the small sacred pictures and associated religious objects attest. A number of the objects, such as the Albertoni ‘family heirlooms’ left behind by Angelo, indicate a continued connection to his birth family. In thinking about long term family identities and attachments, it is worth noting that in his will Paluzzo left richly embroidered chasubles to the chapel of St Anthony in Santa Maria in Aracoeli – which had long belonged to the Albertoni family and contained Albertoni tombs – and to that of the Beata Ludovica Albertoni in S. Francesco a Ripa (fol. 574r).92 He also left an ornamented box for holding gloves to Suora Donna Maria Cecilia Orsini, a nun in Naples.93 This was his great niece: she was born Giovanna Orsini in 1674, the second child of Domenico Orsini and Luigia Albertoni Altieri.94 Luigia was the daughter of Angelo Albertoni Altieri, Paluzzo’s brother, and his wife Vittoria Parabiacchi. Paluzzo had brokered the Albertoni Altieri-Orsini wedding, to sharp criticism by some contemporaries who thought he was working to advance the Albertoni line at the expense of the Altieri.95 The marriage must truly have been of some significance to him, if he remembered a great niece that came of it over two decades later. Paluzzo did not exclude the Altieri from his will however. To Laura Caterina, his niece by marriage and adoption and the real means by which he, his brother, and his nephew ascended to wealth and power, he left the slightly ominous gift of a statue of cast silver with a sickle on one side and a round clock on the other (fol. 591r). Perhaps the most telling proof of the deep hold of blood relationships can be found in Paluzzo’s burial arrangements, and his desire to be buried with other members of the Albertoni family. The inventory records the expenses related to Paluzzo’s mortal remains. At his death, his body was prepared for burial by a certain Ippolito Magnasci, who was paid 30 scudi ‘to open the cadaver of His Eminence’ (fol. 599r). Paluzzo’s funeral was held in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, at a cost of around 2,500 scudi (fol. 598r). Significantly, he was not buried in the Altieri chapel in the Minerva; instead his body was carried to the Albertoni family’s original parish church of Santa Maria in Campitelli, the church that stands opposite the Albertoni palace. Paluzzo was buried there in a chapel designed and built by Giovanni Battista Contini between 1693 and 1697 (Fig. 7).96 The chapel is located in the pseudo-transept and is beside the burial chapel of his brother and principal heir Angelo and Angelo’s wife Vittoria Parabiacchi. It was dedicated to St John the Baptist and features a vault fresco by Ludovico Gimignani of the saint in glory; the original altarpiece, by Baciccio, now hangs on the wall to the left of the altar.97 Fig. 7. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, Chapel of Beato Giovanni Leonardi (originally John the Baptist), 1693–1697, Santa Maria in Campitelli. Photo, authors. Fig. 7. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, Chapel of Beato Giovanni Leonardi (originally John the Baptist), 1693–1697, Santa Maria in Campitelli. Photo, authors. Paluzzo’s choice of burial site is revealing. Unlike former cardinal nephews Pietro Aldobrandini, Scipione Borghese, and Flavio Chigi, all of whom were buried in the family chapels of the respective uncles, or Ludovico Ludovisi who was memorialized in the same tomb as his uncle, for his final resting place Paluzzo instead returned to a space associated with his birth family.98 In not being buried alongside his uncle, he is more akin to adopted nephew Cinzio Passeri Aldobrandini, who is buried in S. Pietro in Vincoli rather than the Aldobrandini Chapel in S. Maria sopra Minerva, or cardinal Camillo Astalli, one-time nephew of Innocent X Pamphilj before the name was removed from him in disgrace, who is buried far away from Rome and any Pamphilj monuments in Catania, Sicily.99 Choosing to be buried in the Albertoni family’s traditional church, alongside other members of his birth family, suggests Paluzzo’s abiding loyalty to his blood kin. However, the inscription on his tomb is carefully worded. It reads: palvtivs miseratione divina episcopvs portven cardinalis de alteriis sanctÆ romanÆ ecclesiÆ camerarivs obiit in domino die xxix ivnii mdcxcviii Ætatis suÆ annorvm lxxv (Paluzzo, by divine mercy Bishop of Porto, Cardinal de’ Altieri Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church Met the Lord on 29 June 1698 At the age of 75)100 In naming himself he makes no reference to the Albertoni family, identifying only as Cardinal Paluzzo Altieri. However, he also makes no explicit reference to his status as cardinal nephew, mentioning only his titles of bishop, cardinal, and camerlengo.101 The inscription presents a balancing act similar to that of the decoration of his two apartments at the Altieri family palace. In both he succeeded in presenting a public face as the dutiful papal nephew while also cleaving to his birth family and attending to his own personal concerns. Studying the entirety of his collection and domestic spaces draws attention to the complex interactions of the personal and the political in seicento Rome. Notes and references 1 For Part i see L. Beaven and K. J. Lloyd, ‘Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri and his picture collection in the Palazzo Altieri: the evidence of the 1698 death inventory. Part i,’ Journal of the History of Collections, July 2015; doi: 10.1093/jhc/fhv024. A full transcription of the remainder of the inventory is not included here, since the length is prohibitive. 2 For a consideration of Francesco Barberini as ex-nipote (Harper’s useful wording), see J. G. Harper, ‘The Sun also Riseth: the Barberini Apollo series as an allegory of Rise, Fall, and Return’, in Tapestry in the Baroque. New aspects of production and patronage, ed. T. Campbell (New York and New Haven, 2010), pp. 204–31. 3 P. Rossini, Il Mercurio errante delle grandezze di Roma, tanto antiche, che . . ., vol. iii (Rome, 1700), p. 46. 4 F. Borsi et al., Palazzo Altieri (Rome, 1991), pp. 155–6. Contini’s plan was made a decade after Paluzzo’s death, in the context of a dispute between Paluzzo’s brother, Gaspare, and Gaspare’s sons over the apportioning of the rooms in the palace. The plan seems to show a proposed solution to the problem, creating three distinct apartment spaces for Gaspare, Giambattista and Girolamo, with the apartments of the two secular members of the family, Gaspare and Girolamo, communicating between them. The general layout is therefore the same as when Paluzzo occupied the entirety of the space, but some elements, such as the placement of doors, are inaccurate. Thanks to Justin St P. Walsh for his help with the plan. The ‘cardinal’ indicated on the plan is Lorenzo Altieri, Gaspare and Laura Caterina’s second-born son, who was elected to the cardinalate in 1690. The ‘Monsignore’ should be Giambattista Altieri, Gaspare and Laura Caterina’s third-born son, although he was not ordained until 1724, when he was also made a cardinal. A. Schiavo, Palazzo Altieri (Rome, 1960), pp. 191–2. 5 M. de Blainville, Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland but especially Italy, vol. iii (London, 1757), p. 78. Perhaps the two polychrome marble busts of emperors in the first anticamera can be identified with two similar busts currently in the Altieri collection: one in white marble, nero antico, and red and yellow breccia, and another in white and black marble and alabastro fiorito. They are now identified as, respectively, Menander and Septimius Severus. For illustrations see S. Fox, ‘Le antichità del Palazzo e della Villa Altieri a Roma. I materiali’, Xenia antiqua (1997), cat. 31 and 32, pp. 189–90. 6 Fox, op. cit. (note 5), cat. 3, pp. 168–9. By 1745 the sitter was identified as Septimus Severus; Blainville, in his description of the Altieri palace wrote: ‘The following singularities are to be seen in the same Apartment; the busts of Trajan, of Seneca, of Valerian, of Gallian, of Maximian; a very particular statue of Septimus Severus.’ M. de Blainville, Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland, vol. iii (London, 1745), p. 78. 7 M.G. Picozzi, ‘Una collezione romana di antichità tra xvii e xviii secolo: la raccolta Vitelleschi’, Bolletino d’Arte 78 (1993), pp. 72–3, notes 59 and 60. The suggestion is also mentioned by Fox, op. cit. (note 5), p. 169. 8 M. G. Picozzi, ‘Restauri del xviii secolo per sculture appartenute alla collezione Vitelleschi’, Illuminismo e ilusración: le antichità e i loro protagonisti in Spagna e in Italia nelxviiisecolo, ed. J. Beltrán Fortes (Rome, 2003), p. 311. 9 A description of the palace decorations from the early 1670s describes this room as ‘a cantiere aperto’ (in the process of construction) and ‘Nella quarta stanza non vi è ancora figurata cosa veruna.’ (Nothing is painted yet in the fourth room). It has remained undecorated. Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 200. 10 During his visit to the palace in 1688, Nicodemus Tessin mentioned seeing a bronze bust of Clement X that he was told was by Bernini; it was, however, located in Gaspare’s apartments, in a gallery on the west side of the palace’s first courtyard. M. Laine and B. Magnusson, Nicodemus Tessin the Younger: Sources, works, collections. Travel notes 1673–77 and 1687–88 (Stockholm, 2002), p. 318. The location of this second bust would seem to be confirmed by G. P. Pinaroli (Trattato delle cose più memorabili di Roma, vol. iii (Rome, 1725), p. 152) who mentions a bronze bust of Pope Clement X in a ‘picciola Galleria’ on the first floor of Palazzo Altieri. V. Martinelli, I ritratti dei pontefici (Rome, 1956), p. 53. There is one such surviving bronze that has been attributed to Bernini; it is currently in the Minneapolis Museum of Art, where it is attributed to the ‘circle of Bernini’; unfortunately, at the moment it is impossible to definitively link it to the 1698 inventory. A. Bacchi, C. Hess, and J. Montagu (eds), Bernini and the Birth of Portrait Sculpture (Los Angeles and Ottawa, 2008), cat. d10, p. 94. 11 Carlo Coppetti appears in Livio Odescalchi’s diary of 1676, seemingly as an art dealer. ‘B. mi rosolsi, e feci attacare la carozza, et in pari andassimo dal Signor Carlo Coppetti havendo mandato Rocco dal Signor Borbone a sapere la sua casa, ma non fuori di Roma che restassimo mortificati havendo spiegata tutta la giornata, mi promise però di parlare per anche alcuni del Connestabile. Questo è massimamente dicesi hanno in paesi di Salvatora, e prospettive, e figurine compagno di Ghiolfo. S’andò da Lazaro Baldi viddi i miei angeloti quasi finiti, et diario, che mi piaceva lo lasciai con Lazaro, et io andai a schola a pranso.’ http://enbach.uniroma1.it/en/databases/digital-collections/livio-odescalchi/journal-of-livio-odescalchi,-may-1676.aspx. 12 M. P. Mezzatesta, ‘Marcus Aurelius, Fray Antonio de Guevara, and the ideal of the Perfect Prince in the sixteenth century’, Art Bulletin 66 no. 4 (1984), p. 621. 13 Ibid, p. 621. J. Bruch and K. Herrmann, ‘The reception of the philosopher-king in antiquity and the medieval age’, in A Companion to Marcus Aurelius (Chichester, uk, and Malden, ma, 2012), pp. 484–5. 14 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 194. The corner room was left undecorated. 15 Ibid., p. 200. 16 It is difficult to know precisely who this was. Clement X’s mother was Vittoria Delfini, but she died in 1647: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 165, n. 3. There is also Anna Vittoria Altieri, Laura Caterina’s sister and Paluzzo’s niece by adoption, who married into the Colonna family in 1676. Paluzzo’s sister-in-law was Vittoria Parabiacchi Albertoni Altieri. She died in 1687: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 184. 17 Blainville, op. cit. (note 5), p. 78: ‘an admirable Descent of the Cross, made in Alabaster, by the celebrated Daniel de Volterre’. 18 For more on harpsicords, and harpsicord makers in Rome in the seventeenth century, see P. Barbieri, ‘Harpsicords and spinnets in late Baroque Rome’, Early Music 40 (2012), pp. 55–72. 19 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 196. 20 Ibid., p. 194. 21 John Evelyn described one of these in the Villa Borghese as follows: ‘a chayre to sleepe in with the leggs stretcht out, with books, and pieces of wood to draw out longer or shorter.’ J. Evelyn, Memoirs illustrative of the Life and Writings of John Evelyn, . . . comprising his diary, from the years 1641 to 1705–6 and a selection of his familiar letters, ed. W. Bray (New York, 1870), p. 93. 22 Archivio di Stato di Roma (hereafter asr), Testament of Cardinal deacon Domenico Maria Corsi. Not. A.C., Fatius Paulus, vol. 2612, fols 1047 ss. 11 December 1697, later pages unpaginated. ‘Una sedia da riposo coperta di marrocchino cremisi con tutti i suoi appoggi per starci a giacere, e dormire con fusti di noce.’ 23 S. Walker, ‘State Beds’, in Display of Art in Roman Palaces, 1550–1750, ed. G. Feigenbaum (Los Angeles, 2014), pp. 160–1. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 220. 27 P. Rossini, Il Mercurio errante (Rome, 1704), p. 45. Keyssler’s much later travel account discusses the bedchamber of Gaspare Altieri and then mentions the Cardinal’s ‘bed of state’ or zampanaro in the next sentence, reporting that it was valued at 40,000 scudi. See J. G. Keyssler, Travels Through Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Switzerland, Italy, and Lorrain: Giving a true and just description of the present state of those countries . . ., vol. ii (London, 1760), p. 342. 28 Rossini, op. cit. (note 27), p. 46. The king was said to have given the bed to Cardinal Marescotti, who in turn passed it on to Cardinal Altieri. 29 Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 191. 30 Beaven and Lloyd, op. cit. (note 1), p. 6. 31 L. Rice, The Altars and Altarpieces of New St. Peter’s: Outfitting the basilica (1621–1666) (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 88–9, L. Beaven, An Ardent Patron: Cardinal Camillo Massimo and his antiquarian and artistic circle (London, 2010), pp. 198–9; J. Beldon Scott, Images of Nepotism: The painted ceilings of Palazzo Barberini (Princeton, 1991), pp. 99, 112. 32 S. Walker, ‘Design for a tapestry with Saint Michael and the arms of Pope Clement X Altieri’, in Life and the Arts in the Baroque Palaces of Rome, Ambiente Barocco, ed. S. Walker and F. Hammond (New York, New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 173–4. 33 The change in levels in the two rooms is a result of the various construction phases of the palace; room no. 11 is in the body of the oldest portion of the building. 34 Archivio Capitolino. Protocollo 3. Fascicolo 59. 27 August 1672. 49r. ‘Quadro ritratto del S. Mastro di Malta con cornice dorata.’ 35 Paluzzo expanded into spaces that had belonged to Angelo. Angelo outlived Paluzzo, dying in 1705. However, Angelo moved back to Palazzo Albertoni toward the end of his life. He is recorded there in the parish records of Santa Maria in Campitelli from 1692 until his death. See, for example Archivio Vicariato, Stati d’Anime, Santa Maria in Campitelli, 1692, 246r. 36 G. Delmarcel, ‘Tapestry in the Spanish Netherlands, 1625–60’, in Tapestry in the Baroque: Threads of Splendor, ed. T. P. Campbell (New Haven, 2007), p. 214. Keyssler mentions tapestries representing the histories of Cyrus, Massinissa, and Cleopatra: Keyssler, op. cit. (note 27), vol. ii, p. 341. 37 Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), p. 214. The Agamemnon hanging is now in the collection of the confraternity of Santa Rita of Cassia, Madrid. Our thanks go to Pascal-François Bertrand, Concha Herrero Carretero, and Florence Patrizi for their help with the inscription and tapestries. An Alexander wounded at the Battle of Issus from the Story of Alexander set with the Divina Palladis inscription is in the Civiche Raccolte d’Arte Applicata, Milan. See Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), fig. 104, p. 209. 38 Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), p. 209. 39 Ibid., p. 203. 40 C. Herrero Carretero, cats. 19–24, p. 230 in Campbell, op. cit. (note 36); A. Wollett, ‘Faith and glory. The Infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia and the Triumph of the Eucharist’, in Spectacular Rubens, The Triumph of the Eucharist, ed. A. Vergara and A. Woollett (Los Angeles and Madrid, 2014), pp. 18, 32. 41 G. Delmarcel, Flemish Tapestry, trans. A. Weir (New York, 1999/2000), pp. 215–18. 42 Studioletti: fol. 565v. Archivio Capitolino, Pr. 2, Fasc. 54, 1298r. 11 October 1666, primogeniture and inventory of Angelo Paluzzi de Albertoni. ‘Un Christo d’Avorio grande posto in croce d’Ebano.’ 43 On Contini’s plan of the palace, room nos 13, 14, and 15 are not connected by enfilade doors. However, very faint lines on the walls at room no. 14 indicate the one-time presence of doors, which would have been there when Paluzzo occupied the apartment. Borsi et al., op cit. (note 4), p. 155. On the highly flexible use of tapestry see J. G. Harper, The Barberini Tapestries, Woven Monuments of Baroque Rome (Milan 2017), pp. 146–7. 44 P-F. Bertrand, Les tapisseries des Barberini et la décoration d’intérieur dans la Roma baroque (Turnhout, 2005), p. 30. See also Harper, op. cit. (note 43), pp. 141–7. 45 No location is indicated for the guardarobba. As it follows room no. 15 (Fig. 1), perhaps the two were attached; it may then have been in the west wing of the palace, in the rooms facing on to the Via del Gesù. 46 The inventory states that the sheets and cushions were lifted off the mattresses on the day of the Cardinal’s death: (fol. 566v.) ‘Due Materazzi con suo Capezzale di serliccio, le lensole del quale, e Coscini si dicono levati nel giorno della morte di S. E.’ 47 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (hereafter bav, Barb lat. 6413, 314v. 31 August 1675. ‘Il Cardinale Altieri fa ogni potere per tirar avatij la Casa Mellinij, in virtù di che si tratta di maritare la terza sorella di tal casa col Marchese Mutij.’ 48 Policarpo Petrocchi’s 1894 Nòvo dizionàrio universale della lingua italiana defines a ‘bambino di Lucca’ as the same as an ‘angiolino di Lucca.’ P. Petrocchi, Nòvo dizionàrio universale della lingua italiana (Milan, 1894), p. 202. ‘Angiolini di Lucca’ are described in the notes to a seventeenth-century edition of the poem Malmantile racquistato as statuettes of wax, gesso, or other materials, produced in Lucca, that were finished with glossy polychrome skin tones. L. Lippi, Malmantile racquistato, with notes by P. Lamoni (P. Minucci), (Florence, 1668), p. 351. 49 Fol. 566v.: ‘Un quadretto d’un palmo, e mezo con Cornice Indorata rappresentante l’effigie della Santissima Vergine attaccata al muro con fettuccia.’ Referred to in the inventory as ‘un Religioso della Scala.’ The latter too came from Angelo, whose 1666 inventory included ‘a very small portrait on copper without a frame of Fra Domenico della Scala.’ Archivio Capitolino, Pr. 2. Fasc. 54, 1301v. 50 F. Gage, Painting as Medicine in Early Modern Rome: Giulio Mancini and the efficacy of art (University Park, pa, 2016), pp. 6–7. 51 Fol. 567v.: ‘Un Breviario in n.o quattro tomi coperti di pelle d’ambra con ornamento alle cantonate d’argento indorato, e fibie simili con Arme di S. Em.za’. 52 Nocturnal clock, inlaid with ebony and tortoise-shell, gilded bronze, 119 x 68 x 30, last quarter of the seventeenth century, Palazzo Altieri, Associazione Bancaria Italiana, cat. no. 75, in Fasto Romano: dipinti, sculture, arredi dai Palazzi di Roma, ed. A. González-Palacios, Fasto Romano, exh. cat., Palazzo Sacchetti (Rome, 1991), pp. 151–2. González-Palacios suggests that the gilded bronze lions at the base and the seated figure at the apex are of an early date, but not original to the clock. If the identification of this object with the inventory entry is correct however, the figure must have been added by 1698. 53 An example is a clock by Giovanni Battista Foggini at the Getty Museum, inv. no. 97.db.37. The night clock, also known as orologio silenzioso or orologio muto, was invented by the Campani brothers (Tommaso, Giuseppe, and Matteo) for Pope Alexander VII Chigi in the 1650s, after the Pope asked them to create a silent clock when he was suffering from insomnia (see Walker, op. cit. (note 32), cat. 62, p. 197). Thanks to Christina Ferando for her help on clocks. 54 Others were more conventional luxury objects, including ‘Un altro Orologio all’Inglese alto circa un palmo lasca d’ebano guarnita d’ottone indorato, e sua mostra d’argento con Christallo’ (fol. 567r) and an ‘orologio fatto a modo di torretta’ (fol. 591v), listed among Paluzzo’s Parisian silverwork. 55 Paluzzo had political ties to the Chigi. Flavio Chigi secured Paluzzo his first key role in the Curia, as uditore di camera to Pope Alexander VII, and pushed for his promotion to the cardinalate. Flavio Chigi displayed a portrait of Paluzzo by Baciccio in his apartment in his palace at SS. Apostoli. A. Stella, s.v. ‘Altieri: Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni’, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/paluzzo-altieri_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/; V. Golzio, Documenti artistici sul Seicento nell’Archivio chigi (Rome, 1939), p. 14. 56 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fols 208-358v. 1 November 1680, at 213r. 57 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fols 208-358v. 1 November 1680, at 216v, 217r. 58 D. Ribouillault, ‘Sundials on the Quirinal: astronomy and the early modern garden’, in Gardens, Knowledge, and the Sciences in the Early Modern Period, ed. H. Fischer, V. R. Remmert, J. Wolschke-Bulmahn (Switzerland, 2016), p. 123. 59 R. King, ‘Whale’s sperm, maiden’s tears and lynx’s urine. Baltic amber and the fascination for it in early modern Italy’, Ikonotheka 22 (2009), p. 170. R. King, ‘The shining example of “Prussian Gold”: amber and cross-cultural connections between Italy and the Baltic in the early modern period’, in Materiał rzez′by, ed. A. Lipin′ska (Wrocław, 2009), p. 461. 60 King, op. cit. [Shining example] (note 59), p. 458. 61 King, op. cit. [Whale’s sperm] (note 59), p. 171. 62 Ibid. 63 F. Barry, ‘Painting in Stone: The Symbolism of Colored Marbles in the Visual Arts and Literature from Antiquity until the Enlightenment’, Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University (2011), pp. 55, 156–7; King, op. cit. [Shining example] (note 59), p. 461. 64 S. Gerevini, ‘“Sicut crystallus quando est obiecta soli”. Rock crystal, transparency, and the Franciscan order’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 3 (2014), p. 272. See also S. Gerevini, ‘Christus crystallus. Rock crystal, theology and materiality in the medieval west’, in Matter of Faith: An interdisciplinary study of relics and relic veneration in the medieval period, ed. J. Robinson and L. de Beer, with A. Harden (London, 2014), pp. 92–9. 65 Ibid., p. 272. 66 Ibid., p. 257. 67 M. Stephenson, ‘From marvelous antidote to the poison of idolatry: the transatlantic role of Andean bezoar stones during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries’, Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2010), p. 4. 68 Ibid., p. 20. Paluzzo did have a few objects with a provenance in Asia or the New World. He owned a piece of fabric made in India with gold flowers and rosettes and with gold lace all around (fol. 583r). There were also three items finished in Chinese lacquer (vernice della China): a three-level box of fictive wood; a small cabinet (studioletto) that was used to hold handkerchiefs, caps, and pills or sweets (pastiglie) (fol. 588r); and a larger cabinet (studiolo) inlaid with ‘oriental’ mother-of-pearl (fol. 588v). It is possible that Paluzzo received such objects as gifts, and that they tell us little about his tastes. The Indian fabric is mentioned by Schiavo as a ‘counterpane embroidered in Indian style with flowers and animals in gold and silk of various colours’: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 81. 69 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fol. 216v. 1 November 1680. ‘Nel primo tiratore [of an ebony studiolo] una scattola coperta con fiori di seta con dentro Pietre di Bezuarro occidentale, parte intiere, e parte rotte di diverse grandezze, num.o dieci. Una scatoletta tonda d’India con dentro pietre di Bezuarro orientale tra grandi e piccole n.o sette.’ 70 N. Monardes, Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en medicina, published in three parts, 1565, 1571 and in an expanded version in 1574 as: Primera y segunda y tercera partes de la Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en medicina. Tratao de la piedra de bezaar y de la yerua escuerçonera. Dialogo de las grandezas del hierro y de sus virtudes medicinales. Tratado de la nieve y del bever frio (Seville, 1574). 71 Stephenson, op. cit. (note 67), pp. 15, 17. 72 Ibid., p. 23. 73 Ibid., p. 5. 74 ‘una canestra con manichi d’argento e scudo per la ferratura d’argento coperta dentro di taffettano incarnato con dentro tre bauletti di filograna d’argento con due corone d’ambretta guarnite d’oro et una pietra di belzuarro occidentale con filagrana d’oro’, fols 588r–588v. 75 P. Borschberg, ‘The Euro-Asian trade in bezoar stones (approx. 1500 to 1700)’, in Artistic and Cultural Exchanges Between Europe and Asia 1400–1900, ed. M. North (Farnham, 2010), p. 30. 76 Ibid, p. 30. G. Donzelli, Teatro farmaceutico, dogmatico, espagirico: aggiuntoni à contemplatione de i pii e diuoti professori vn catalogo de i Santi medici . . ., published by Giacinto Passaro (1675), p. 253. 77 Fol. 568r.: ‘Una pietra di Porcospino legata in filagrana dorata dentro scatola di coco’. 78 M. P. Stark, ‘Mounted bezoar stones, Seychelles nuts, and rhinoceros horns: decorative objects as antidotes in early modern Europe’, Studies in the Decorative Arts 11 no. 1 (2003–4), pp. 85, 89. 79 F. Bacon (Lord Verulam), The History of Life and Death with observations Naturall and Experimentall for the Prolonging of Life (London, 1638), pp. 133, 199–200, 225. 80 González-Palacios, op. cit. (note 52), pp. 214–15. 81 bav, Cod. Cappon. 260: Inventario dei beni ereditari della chiar: mem: dell’Em.mo Sig.re Cardinale Massimi, 11 Ottobre 1677, fol. 90v: ‘Una maniglia dell’Unghia della gran bestia’. 82 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062. 1 November 1680, fols 217v, 219r. 83 M. Cole, ‘Cellini’s blood’, Art Bulletin 81 no. 2 (1999), p. 229. 84 M. Norton, ‘Conquests of chocolate’, OAH Magazine of History 18 no. 3 (2004), p. 16. 85 On the use of the term ‘Indian’ to describe a variety of materials and objects in European inventories, see J. Keating and L. Markey, ‘“Indian” objects in Medici and Austrian-Habsburg Inventories’, Journal of the History of Collections 23 (2011), pp. 283–300. 86 M. Norton, ‘Tasting empire: chocolate and the European internalization of Mesoamerican aesthetics’, American Historical Review 111 no. 3 (2006), p. 666. S. Cavallo and T. Storey, Healthy Living in Late Renaissance Italy (Oxford, 2013), p. 229. 87 Norton, op. cit. (note 86), p. 680. 88 Ibid., p. 666. 89 Cavallo and Storey, op. cit. (note 86), p. 230. 90 Ibid., p. 230. 91 Albizi had numerous small boxes to hold tobacco along with small forks and tubes, apparently for sniffing. Albizi, asr, fol. 217r. ‘Tabacchiere tonde n.o cinque di vernice con sui forchietti e boccagli di avolio, / cinque altre tabacchiere di avolio diverse, /un’altra tabacchieretta di vetro di diversi colori con suo piede di rame.’ asr, Testament of Cardinal Deacon Domenico Maria Corsi. Not. A.C., Fatius Paulus, vol. 2612, fols 1047 ss. 11 Decembre 1697. unpaginated. ‘Un [quadro] con tabacchiera, dove si fuma il tabacco in tavola con cinque figure alto palmij due con cornice nera e battenti dorato si disse di maniera olandese.’ 92 He also left money to the fathers at the Aracoeli to say masses for his soul, fol. 598v, and a chasuble to the nuns of Santa Chiara. 93 ‘una guantiera di filagrana d’argento con stella, o fiore di filagrana d’argento in mezo di peso libre otto on sette lasciata in testamento alla S.a D. Maria Cecilia Orsini monaca in Napoli’, fol. 590r 94 http://www.genmarenostrum.com/comitato.htm 95 Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Fonds Italiens, 690, unpaginated. 96 C. A. Erra, Storia dell’imagine, e chiesa di Santa Maria in Portico di Campitelli (Rome, 1750), p. 65. On the decoration of the Altieri chapel see Beaven, op. cit. (note 31), pp. 338–42. Paluzzo reportedly donated 12,000 scudi for the completion of the church. Erra, op. cit., p. 52. Paluzzo left a further 659 scudi and 33.5 denarii to mason Antonio Rinaldi ‘per diverse misure del S.re Contini Architetto’, (fol. 599r). 97 The dedication was changed to the Beato Giovanni Leonardi in the nineteenth century. F. Di Napoli Rampolla, ‘Roma, S. Maria in Portico in Campitelli. La Cappella Altieri’, I beni culturali 5 (1997), p. 54. Paluzzo had three pictures in his Stanza dei Quadri featuring St John the Baptist, but on the whole, there was no strong indication of his devotion to the saint in his personal collection. See Beaven and Lloyd, op. cit. (note 1). 98 Scipione Borghese is a particularly relevant comparison, as he was not a Borghese by birth; he was the son of Paul V’s sister, and was born Scipione Caffarelli. He was given the Borghese name after Camillo Borghese’s election as Pope Paul V. 99 On Cinzio and the tomb see K. Lloyd, ‘“Moving Mortals to Tears and Devotion”: Cinzio Passeri Aldobrandini, Torquato Tasso, and the Sorrowing Virgin’, Sixteenth Century Journal 46 no. 1 (2015), pp. 26–7. 100 Thanks to Laura Carlson for her assistance with the Latin translation. 101 As opposed to Francesco Barberini, whose memorial inscription proclaims him ‘d. o. m / francisco cardinali barberino / vrbani viii.p.m.fratris filio / et svpremo administro /. . .’ or Ludovico Ludovisi, who although he is identified simply by name, is commemorated in the same tomb as his uncle, and in a visually subordinate, lower, portion of the monument. There are no tomb inscriptions for Pietro Aldobrandini, Scipione Borghese, or Flavio Chigi. For information on monuments and inscriptions see the online database of the Requiem Project (Die Römischen Papst- und Kardinalsgrabmäler der Frühen Neuzeit), http://requiem-projekt.de. © The Author 2018. Published by Oxford University Press. 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Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri and his collection in the Palazzo Altieri: The evidence of the 1698 death inventory, Part ii

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Abstract

Abstract This article is the second part of a study of the collection of Cardinal Paluzzo Altieri based on the evidence of his 1698 death inventory. Part i considered his paintings collection, housed on the first piano nobile of the palace. This study moves to the second piano nobile apartment and considers a broader range of material objects, including sculpture, tapestry, devotional objects, and naturalia, some of which (such as the American import, chocolate) reflect the globalization of the early modern world. A study of this space is key to fully understanding the nature of Paluzzo’s character as a collector, as well as the status of the ex-cardinal nephew and the complex interactions of the personal and the political in seicento Rome. It is invaluable for furthering our understanding of the broader landscape of collecting and display in Rome at this time. For six years, from 1670 to 1676, while his adopted uncle Clement X sat on the papal throne, Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri (Fig. 1) was, at least in theory, one of the most influential people in Rome. He ensured that substantial sums of money were funnelled into the construction of a newly expanded and appropriately grandiose Altieri palace, as a monument to the perpetual memory and status of his adopted family. He, along with his brother Angelo and nephew Gaspare, directed the decoration of the palace with remarkable frescoes by Carlo Maratti, Domenico Maria Canuti, and others. He also created a room for the display of his paintings in his representational apartment, as discussed in Part i of this study, with notable works by famed artists such as Pietro da Cortona, Veronese, and Guido Reni.1 In many key ways he played the typical role of the powerful cardinal nephew, serving his uncle and dynasty. And yet further study of his inventory, and particularly of the contents of his second apartment, reveals cautious collecting habits that go back to his roots in an ancient, noble but impoverished Roman family, the Albertoni. A study of his living spaces uncovers a number of objects that had a talismanic purpose, designed to protect his body and his soul. It also reveals the gap between representational apartments and private living spaces in Roman palaces. A study of his second apartment is key to fully understanding the specific case of Paluzzo’s character as a collector, and is particularly instructive as the inventory offers a glimpse into his life as an ‘ex-nipote’, a cardinal nephew whose uncle-protector has died – a position at once potentially powerful and perilous, and one that required careful management.2 Fig. 1. View largeDownload slide Baciccio (G.B. Gaulli, called Il Baciccia), Portrait of Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri, c.1666. Oil on canvas. 73.5 x 60.7 cm. Photo: Annette Fischer / Heike Kohler, Stattliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, Germany, Art Resource, ny. Fig. 1. View largeDownload slide Baciccio (G.B. Gaulli, called Il Baciccia), Portrait of Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri, c.1666. Oil on canvas. 73.5 x 60.7 cm. Photo: Annette Fischer / Heike Kohler, Stattliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, Germany, Art Resource, ny. Paluzzo’s second apartment was on the upper piano nobile of the Palazzo Altieri. Although still surely used to receive guests and entertain visitors, it also contained his more private quarters, such as bedrooms and a study. It was more extensive – reaching along both of the main façades of the Altieri palace – in comparison to his representational apartment on the floor below, and was particularly noted for its tapestries but otherwise was furnished far more simply.3 The layout of this floor of the palace is recorded in a plan by Giovanni Battista Contini (Fig. 2) from 1711.4 Considering the plan alongside the inventory made at Paluzzo’s death, which goes through the apartment room by room, allows for a reconstruction and analysis of the arrangement, decoration, and use of Cardinal Paluzzo’s second piano nobile apartment. The Sala (Fig. 2, no. 1) was the initial room in an apartment that stretched east along the façade of the palace, toward the Piazza di San Marco. It was lined with chests, and contained only a bed and a large candelabrum for a single candle to light the room. It was followed by two anticamere (Fig. 2, nos 2 and 3), the first featuring two polychrome marble busts of emperors placed on walnut and gold-painted wooden pedestals embellished with ‘heads’ – presumably profiles – and a gold star (fol. 561r). The second anticamera contained a larger ensemble of sculptures: five polychrome marble busts and a standing statue said to be of Marcus Aurelius with his sword resting on his arm, set on an unfinished white pedestal (fol. 541v). The five busts are identifiable with those described by Blainville as busts of Trajan, Seneca, Valerian, Gallian, and Maximian.5 The ‘Marcus Aurelius’, a statue of a bearded emperor with his right hand raised in adlocutio and the hilt of a sword resting on his outstretched left palm, remains in the Palazzo Altieri and is now recognized as a portrait of Septimius Severus (Fig. 3).6 Maria Grazia Picozzi suggested that it could be identified with a work left to Cardinal Altieri by the Marchesa Sulpizia Vitelleschi at her death in 1685.7 The inventory confirms Picozzi’s hypothesis: the statue is ‘said to have been left to His Eminence by Marchese Tassi’, who must be Antonio Tassi, Sulpizia Vitelleschi’s second husband.8 In Vitelleschi’s will the statue is described as a representation of Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius’ co-emperor. In Paluzzo’s apartment its identity shifted to the better known of the two emperors. It was the only life-size, full-figure statue in Paluzzo’s apartment, and was clearly of some importance. However, more than a decade after Vitelleschi left it to Paluzzo, it still lacked a finished pedestal, suggesting that its display was not of the highest priority. Fig. 2. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, plan of second piano nobile of Palazzo Altieri, 1711. Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notai dell’A.C., Reg. 5125, Seconda Pianta del econdo Piano Nobbile [sic]. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le attività culturali. Fig. 2. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, plan of second piano nobile of Palazzo Altieri, 1711. Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notai dell’A.C., Reg. 5125, Seconda Pianta del econdo Piano Nobbile [sic]. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le attività culturali. Fig. 3. View largeDownload slide Statue of Septimius Severus, Palazzo Altieri, Rome. Photo, authors. Fig. 3. View largeDownload slide Statue of Septimius Severus, Palazzo Altieri, Rome. Photo, authors. The final room in this sequence was the Stanza della Ringhiera (Fig. 2, no. 4), the corner room, which was furnished with twenty-four chairs and two small ebony tables.9 The only painting was a Crucifixion with a gilded frame, attributed to Procaccini (fol. 562r). The sculptures in this room epitomize the themes of the decorations of the apartment as a whole. There was a bust of Paluzzo’s benefactor, Pope Clement X, in metal (presumably bronze) which was displayed on a pedestal of black pear wood edged with gold (fol. 561v).10 The bust of Clement X was paired with a bust of Marcus Aurelius in bronze and alabaster, set on a pedestal of gialla antica marble; the Marcus Aurelius was said to have been left to Paluzzo by Carlo Coppetti (fol. 562r).11 In addition to positing the continuity between imperial and papal rule, the pairing suggests that Paluzzo was working to shape Clement X’s image for posterity. Marcus Aurelius, the philosopher emperor, was generally celebrated in early modern sources as a peacemaker.12 His gesture of the outstretched right hand in the equestrian statue on the Capitoline was at times explicitly identified as one of clemency.13 By pairing the bust of Clement X with that of Marcus Aurelius, a pairing reinforced by their shared material of bronze, Paluzzo sought to underscore the quality that the Altieri pope himself had chosen to define his reign, namely mercy. In these two reception rooms, Paluzzo drew out the legacy of Marcus Aurelius to create a meaningful sequence. In the second anticamera, Marcus Aurelius featured as an ideal emperor, an authoritative figure physically towering over the marble busts also displayed in the space, underscoring his status as the archetypal ruler and orator. When his bust was paired with that of Clement X in the corner room of the apartment, the message was fine-tuned, and the emphasis was placed instead on the humanity and shared values of emperor and pope, namely their mercy and reasoned authority. From the corner room a sequence of three further rooms led to the corner of the palace on Via degli Astalli. This sequence of rooms was unified by a decorative theme running through the painted friezes. Of the plans to illustrate ‘the Four Ages’, only three were completed: the Ages of Gold, Silver, and Metal.14 The combination of the richly ornamental imagery and moralizing theme suggest that these were Paluzzo’s personal rooms, intended for his private use, while allowing a degree of public access to guests. Unlike the previous suite, the walls of these rooms, beginning with the corner room with the busts of Marcus Aurelius and Clement X, were lined with rich crimson damask, like some of the representational rooms on the piano nobile below, revealing that they were furnished according to Paluzzo’s personal taste. Despite the classical theme, the subjects were biblical; the Metal Age, for example, was illustrated by the story of Noah and the Ark. The earliest stories are in the Golden Age (e.g. the Creation of the Angels) and the latest are in the Metal Age (e.g. Noah and the Ark). The decoration is a Christian gloss on the classical theme: the world was created perfect, and then declined. Underscoring the premonitory nature of the imagery, the narratives of the Silver Age are flanked by allegorical figures of Fragility, Fear, and Repentance. The Metal Age, however, introduces a more positive note, suggesting pathways out of sin through allegorical figures of Zeal toward God, Obedience, Clemency, Prayer, and Peace.15 The Age of Metal and Age of Silver rooms (Fig. 2, nos 5 and 6 respectively), were furnished in a similar manner, with minimal but luxurious furnishings. Both were hung with crimson damask wall hangings and contained a letto a credenza. The bed in the Age of Metal room, left to Paluzzo by Principessa D. Vittoria Altieri, (fol. 562v), was ornamented with an alabaster Pietà displayed within a gilded wooden surround.16 This can be identified, perhaps, with the alabaster Descent from the Cross described by Blainville in this apartment, which he attributed to Daniele da Volterra.17 The room was further distinguished by a standard three-register harpsichord, an instrument that was in something of a vogue in Rome at the time.18 The Age of Silver room – with its frieze scenes of the Creation of Eve, Adam Naming the Animals, Original Sin (The Temptation), and Expulsion from Paradise – on the other hand, seems to have been intended for study or, perhaps, for prayer.19 In addition to the bed, it contained a small ebony studioletto, inlaid with ivory and featuring a small (one palmo high) alabaster statue of a female saint holding a crucifix (‘una Santa di Alabastro longa un palmo colcata con un Christo in mano’). These two rooms seem to have had distinct purposes – music-making and reflection – but probably also served more prosaic needs as well, as the beds were of the cheapest wood (poplar) and essentially were elaborate chests designed to store linens and bedding. The final room in this sequence (Fig. 2, no. 7), the corner room above the balcony facing the Gesù, celebrated the Golden Age.20 The room contained a ‘sedia di riposo’, a reclining chair to stretch out on, similar to that described by John Evelyn in the Villa Ludovisi.21 Cardinal Domenico Maria Corsi also owned a similar chair that was placed in one of the two rooms ‘where the Cardinal slept’; his is further described as accompanied by ‘all its supports for lying down and sleeping’.22 Paluzzo’s Golden Age room also contained a prie-dieu with damask cushions, as well as a small alabaster carving of Christ taken down from the Cross (one palmo high) that was kept in a box covered in gilded leather, which was placed on a small ebony table. Also in this room was a sumptuous zampanaro (ceremonial bed) made of taffeta from Avignon. In spite of the presence of the representational bed and the rich wall hangings, there was no formal seating in this room, and its minimal furnishings, almost all associated with private prayer, suggest its function as a private retreat for contemplation and relaxation. The three ‘Ages’ rooms feature a range of early modern bed types: ceremonial, multifunctional, and informal. Several notable beds in the Palazzo Altieri have been linked to Paluzzo in modern and seventeenth-century sources. Nicodemus Tessin associated an extremely elaborate bed that he attributed to Giovanni Paolo Schor with the cardinal.23 It incorporated gilded sculptural decoration including putti holding cornucopias functioning as bedposts, and a painted mirror by Carlo Maratta in the headboard.24 He describes it as set in an alcove decorated with paintings by Fabrizio Chiari, and hung with white curtains and a tester with white feathers.25 No such bed appears in the contents of the 1698 inventory; the most likely explanation is that Tessin saw this somewhere else in the palace. Indeed, the highly decorative nature of the bed Tessin describes (cupids, including one making a ‘hush’ gesture, and rose-filled cornucopias) does not seem in keeping with the Cardinal’s pious and somewhat austere tastes. Such a bed was more suited to the flamboyant style of Prince Gaspare’s apartment, with its frescoed ceilings of Apollo and Venus (in the Camera d’Amore) and altogether more sensuous decoration. Moreover, Fabrizio Chiari was active as a decorator in Gaspare’s apartment.26 The 1704 edition of the Mercurio errante places the bed in Gaspare’s apartment.27 It also relates a story dearly relished by later Grand Tourists, namely that Paluzzo slept in a bed that had once belonged to Philip IV, King of Spain.28 No trace of this royal hand-me-down appears in the inventory, and even Paluzzo’s representational bed seems to have been far less elaborate than that featured in his secular nephew’s apartment. A second wing of Paluzzo’s second-floor apartment faced on to the Piazza del Gesù. The first room following the Sala (Fig. 2, no. 8) contained eighteen chairs and a ‘used’ walnut table. The table had belonged to Paluzzo’s brother Angelo; the inventory mentions that Paluzzo left the table as well as other objects (chairs and paintings) in the room when he gave the apartment to another cardinal, presumably Gaspare’s son Lorenzo, who was elevated to the purple in 1690.29 At some point, then, Paluzzo must have given his younger nephew use of part of the upper apartment, while the goods in it remained technically in his possession. The considerable quantity of seating suggests a semi-public function for the room. It featured four paintings showing the four parts of the world, and an unframed picture of the Visitation (fol. 563v). From this room, one could access the chapel (Fig. 2, no. 9), which featured a painted altarpiece of St Michael holding a balance (fol. 563v). The altarpiece and presumed dedication of the chapel confirm Paluzzo’s devotion to the powerful archangel, which was suggested by the presence of a silver statue of Michael fighting the Devil in the apartment on the main piano nobile.30 Such a devotion was not uncommon in seicento Rome: Urban VIII was also devoted to St Michael, Cardinal Camillo Massimi had an abiding dedication to the Archangel Raphael, and Taddeo Barberini had an oratory in the Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane painted with imagery of his personal guardian angel.31 A devotion to St Michael may in fact have been shared by the Altieri nephews. A tapestry design by Johann Paul Schor features the archangel dressed in classicizing armour; his shield is decorated with the Altieri stemma of six stars, while below the same stemma on a shield appears again with the ducal crown of Gaspare Altieri, surrounded by military motifs (Fig. 4).32 As General of the Church, Gaspare could claim a particular connection to the martial archangel, but in Rome Michael was also associated with the protection of the city against plague, giving him broad appeal. Fig. 4. View largeDownload slide Johann Paul Schor, Design for a Tapestry with St Michael and the Arms of Pope Clement X Altieri, 1670–1674, Pen and brown ink, with brown wash and watercolour, 38.6 x 26.7 cm, Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017. Fig. 4. View largeDownload slide Johann Paul Schor, Design for a Tapestry with St Michael and the Arms of Pope Clement X Altieri, 1670–1674, Pen and brown ink, with brown wash and watercolour, 38.6 x 26.7 cm, Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2017. A large room opposite the chapel (Fig. 2, no. 10?) seems to have been essentially used for storage (it held altar frontals, a portable wooden altar, and nine leather cushions), and led to a room that allowed access to the Scalinata. The next room (Fig. 2, no. 11), entered by way of a small staircase, held a number of paintings, all of which were said by the compiler of the inventory to have been left in the room by Paluzzo’s brother, Angelo (fol. 564v).33 They included landscapes, a battle scene, and portraits of a woman and two warriors, none of which were given attributions. One of these works was a large unframed painting of a warrior wearing the Cross of Malta; this was no doubt the same portrait of a Knight of Malta listed in a 1672 inventory of Angelo’s apartment.34 The same inventory lists a painting of the Visitation, which also seems to have been left behind for Paluzzo.35 The next room (Fig. 2, no. 12) held some of the tapestries for which Palazzo Altieri was known. In addition to two over-door panels, four narrative tapestry pieces were displayed here, each with a border that featured the motto ‘Divina Palladij Arte picturam superavit Acus’ (By the divine art of Pallas, the needle conquers painting); the same set continued in the next room of the apartment with another four pieces (fol. 564v; Fig. 1, no. 13). The first room in particular was decorated as a kind of ‘total environment’, entirely defined by the tapestries. It contained no independent easel paintings, but did include canvases painted as fictive tapestries, described as ‘cantonate’ (corners) and ‘pilastri’ (pilasters) (fol. 564v.). One featured a soldier holding a shield and the other a putto with a helmet, suggesting a playful martial theme. Rather than directly indicating the subjects or theme of the set, the ‘Divina Palladij’ inscription in the tapestries identifies the weavers as the Brussels-based workshop of Jacques Geubels ii.36 The same inscription can be found on some editions of an Alexander series after Jacob Jordaens, as well as on a Triumph of Agememnon from a Trojan War series after Rubens, both of which were produced in Geubels ii’s workshop.37 The Story of Alexander series was first produced around 1630 and is noted for its drama and inspiration from the work of Rubens.38 Philip IV of Spain purchased a Story of Alexander set produced by Geubels ii and Jan Raes. That the Spanish king potentially owned a very similar set would have given the Altieri tapestries added prestige, which was even better given that the Spanish royal court was particularly known for tapestry collecting thanks to the efforts of Philip II.39 The Geubels workshop was also involved with the production of the Triumph of the Eucharist series after designs by Rubens for the Infanta Isabel, producing eight pieces of the tapestry set; a portion of the set was in Madrid after 1628.40 The importance of the identity and origin of tapestry makers can be seen in a legal complaint made by Antwerp tapestry workers that foreign customers were sending them the marks of Brussels weavers ‘counterfeited on paper’ so that they could get tapestries that appeared to come from the same high quality workshops.41 Although the Altieri tapestries have not been identified, they would clearly have held high prestige based on the site of their manufacture, the stature of the artists involved, and the connection to the Spanish monarchy. The two rooms with the tapestries contained many chairs and studioli, and the second room featured a fireplace, indicating they were spaces intended for winter use. The second room featured a variety of objects, including small tables, two ebony studioletti, and a large crucifix with an ivory statue of Christ on an ebony cross.42 The small tables were left behind by Angelo, while the studioletti, ornamented with figures in ivory, are further specified as having been family heirlooms (‘antichi della casa’) also left behind by Angelo (fol. 564v). The room featured a white marble bust of Christ together with a porphyry bust of an unidentified subject with drapery in pietra bigia (fol. 565v). This arrangement echoes the pairing of the busts of Clement X and Marcus Aurelius several rooms before. Without knowing the identity of the individual portrayed in the pietra bigia bust it is impossible to speculate on the precise meaning of the two works, but one strongly suspects that the papal/imperial binary here shifted to a Christian/pagan one. The tapestry collection continued in the next room (Fig. 2, no. 14), with a verdure set of four large pieces. They were displayed with three smaller pieces that may well have been from different sets, as well as painted canvases to complete the ensemble, an entirely typical approach for a seicento Roman palace interior.43 Many other tapestries appear in the inventory, but with scant information. In addition to those listed in the various rooms of Paluzzo’s apartment, more were listed in the guardarobba, several of which had been in Pesaro and were returned to Rome at his death. Those in storage when the cardinal died included a thirteen-piece set of Bacchanals; a sixteen-piece set of Roman Triumphs with accompanying base and corner pieces showing landscapes, baskets of fruit, and vases of flowers (fol. 577v); an altar frontal with St Anthony preaching; and another six-piece set of verdure with figures. Tapestries can be more difficult than other works to trace and locate, as they were seasonal and mobile, and tended to be moved frequently according to season or occasion and thus do not always appear in inventories.44 Paluzzo’s tapestries are typical in their elusiveness. The final room in the upper piano nobile apartment proper – before the guardarobba, which is the next room surveyed in the inventory – was at the corner of the Palazzo looking on to Piazza del Gesù (Fig. 2, no. 15).45 This was the room where Paluzzo died, and was presumably his bedroom.46 It contained all the furnishings necessary for a bedroom including a commode, a bed, mattresses, a resting chair with footstool, a crucifix and a small box with devotional crosses, and a maiolica vase for washing. Four large tapestries showing the Months decorated the walls; the inventory identifies them as ‘the same as those bought by Cardinal Mellini’ and as ‘second-hand’ (usati) (fol. 566r). The Mellini, like the Albertoni, the family into which Paluzzo was born, were old Roman aristocracy who had gained prestige through the elevation of family members to the cardinalate, including Giovanni Garzia Mellini, in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Unlike the Altieri, they failed to rise as far as the papacy and their status remained, financially and socially, more modest. In 1675 a Roman avviso reported that Paluzzo was ‘doing everything in his power to advance the Mellini family’, including arranging for one of the Mellini daughters to marry the Marchese Muti.47 In Paluzzo’s inventory and the 1675 avviso we can detect traces of the strong ties between Rome’s old élite and of the economy of favours that structured early modern Italian life. As a patron-protector Paluzzo supported the Mellini family by arranging marriages; it is possible that he received the tapestries in return, as gifts in recognition of his efforts to advance the family. The room’s garden theme continued in four large paintings of boscareccie and green taffeta wall coverings, which were designed to fit around the painted decoration. The inventory explicitly states that this decorative ensemble had been left behind by Angelo at his departure, and the green taffeta was clearly to his taste rather than Paluzzo’s. It was also perhaps slightly outmoded by this time, when damask wall hangings were highly fashionable. The objects in the room, however, reflect Paluzzo’s piety – quite different from the more secular taste of his brother. These included a large crucifix with a silver figure of Christ on a black pear wood cross and a ‘bambino di Lucca’, a popular type of devotional doll of the Madonna and Christ child.48 The Madonna wore a veil and stood on a starry globe ornamented with a golden band, and the ensemble was set on its own carved and gilded base (fol. 567r). Around the bed where the Cardinal died were a number of small devotional pictures, one on copper of St Nicolas of Bari, and a small painting of the Madonna hanging from a ribbon, and another small painting on copper of Fra Domenico della Scala.49 Francis Gage has recently drawn attention to the protective role of devotional paintings in the domestic realm, and argued that small paintings on copper above the bed often assumed a talismanic function.50 In this case both the small painting of the Madonna on the wall and the bambino di Lucca may have been displayed here for protective as well as aesthetic or purely pious reasons. In contrast, a more elaborate sacred work depicting the Pietà was stowed away in the guardarobba at his death. It was a relief panel, cast in silver, with small angels and ‘other ornaments’ in silver above. The silverwork was set (interziato) on a black pear wood backing and the whole ensemble was kept in a pyramidal case, itself gilded (fol. 588v). It, and other works notable for their materials – a two palmi tall ivory statue of Fame blowing a trumpet set on a gilded wooden base (fol. 581v) and a painting of fictive lapis lazuli encircled by a silver frame carved with figures in relief and the cardinal’s coat of arms kept inside a silvered box (fol. 581v) – must have come out only on special occasions. The room also contained another ‘sedia da riposo’, and a remarkable assortment of diverse objects, including clocks, tortoiseshell boxes, Agnus Dei, silver vases, and the Cardinal’s personal breviary with his coat of arms, in four volumes, bound in leather and decorated with gilded silver.51 Cabinets held bells, pens, letters, medals, bezoars, and coins, rings and other jewels. Only one object spoke directly to Paluzzo’s years as a cardinal nephew: the gilded silver hammer and spade (cocchiara) that Clement X used to open the Porta Santa in the 1675 Holy Year (fol. 590r). On the whole, the objects in this room and in the guardarobba, like the paintings in the Sala dei Quadri discussed in Part i of this study, indicate that Paluzzo was a modest collector with focused interests; in the case of his personal objects, those interests lay in technology, the natural world, and the protection of the physical body. Paluzzo’s attention to technological marvels is attested by a notable number of clocks of various kinds, several of them quite elaborate. One, a large pendulum clock, stood on its own small ebony table. It was decorated with two small bronze lions, each holding up a silver star; the ensemble was topped with a gilded metal statue of a seated figure (fol. 562r). The silver stars suggest the clock was custom-made for him or for another member of the Altieri family; it is identifiable with an existing nocturnal clock still in the palace.52 It features a painting of Time taking Minerva by the Arm, with symbols of art and science strewn around them. The smaller picture at the top depicts a villa and garden, with a fountain in the foreground. The two bronze lions appear to have lost the silver stars they were originally holding, but the presence of the seated statue decorating the top of the clock makes its identification with the inventory entry certain. It is a nocturnal clock, a type designed to be backlit by a candle or oil lamp so that the light would shine from a small oil lamp inside through the pierced Roman numerals which were on discs that rotated. In this way, the time could be read in the darkness of night.53 As mechanical marvels they were extremely fashionable in the second half of the seventeenth century. Another clock, an ‘orologio a mostra’ (indicating a clock with wheels and dials) two palmi high, was very similar. It too was decorated with two colonettes, gilded and intarsiated turtle shell (‘con diverse tartaruche interziate d’alchimia’), and a figure of Time ‘che legge la mostra,’ that is who self-referentially reads the clock’s dial (fol. 567r). Another particularly elaborate clock took the form of a vase with silver flowers; the clock’s dial was placed on the vase inside a leather-covered case (fol. 589v).54 Some of the clocks were of sufficient significance for Paluzzo to leave them as gifts in his will: a gold clock ‘con cassa bollettata’ and a green dial was intended for an Abbate Baglioni (fol. 568r), while a ‘clock to be placed on a small table’ went to Don Agostino Chigi (fol. 589v).55 Paluzzo also had two sundials in the room: one in brass and another in the form of a round dish in gilded brass with its own red damask purse (the purse suggesting this dial was portable) (fol. 567v). The sundials were probably valued as much for their cultural and scientific connotations as for their potential practical function. Paluzzo’s scientific interests were modest; he had nothing comparable to the objects owned by Cardinal Mario Albizzi, which indicate instead an active scientific curiosity. Albizzi owned a microscope with an ivory handle, a large number of lenses, a glass triangle ‘that makes different colours’ and a telescope without its lenses (‘pezzi di canne d’occhialoni senza vetri’).56 He also had a notable collection of herbs and salves in an ebony studiolo: ‘quintassenza di Contrerba’, ‘Balsamo Apopletico’, ‘Balsamum Vite’, ‘Alchermes di Padova’ (a sweet liquor with a red coloration derived from the dried bodies of cochineal insects), and drinkable gold (fol. 217r).57 In Paluzzo’s case it is more likely the sundials were valued for their spiritual associations: in the view of Jesuit father Louis Richeome, sundials served to recall earthly mortality and the timelessness of the afterlife, reminding their users to seek Christian salvation.58 One clock, an amber hourglass (‘orologio a polvere d’ambra’ fol.585v), combined the Cardinal’s apparent interest in timepieces with an interest in natural magic. Like any well-rounded seventeenth-century collector, Paluzzo gathered objects whose materials were believed to have magical – most often healing – properties. The two materials that dominate in his collection are amber and rock crystal, substances that were closely linked in early modern scientific thought.59 Paluzzo owned amber boxes (fol. 585r), cups and cutlery (fol. 585v), a mirror frame (fol. 585v), and a bowl (fol. 582r, although this may only have been amber-veneered as it is described as ‘di pelle d’ambra’). Amber was believed to have cleansing properties, purifying liquids and air; it was kept in stock by Roman pharmacists (speziari) from the fifteenth century and through the end of the seventeenth century was used to make elaborate collector’s pieces (Fig. 5).60 Thought to be an efficacious remedy against a range of maladies, both emotional and physical, it was also believed to detect poisons.61 It was particularly held to be effective against the plague, a constant concern for early modern Italians, and for Romans especially after the plague of 1656–7.62 Fig. 5. View largeDownload slide Casket, attributed to Michel Redlin (German, documented 1688), c.1680, Polish, Gdansk (Danzig), Amber, gold foil, gilt brass, wood, silk satin, paper, Overall: 30 × 33 × 21 cm; Pedestal: 38.1 × 61 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Walter and Leonore Annenberg Acquisitions Endowment Fund, 2006, 2006.452a–c. Public domain. Fig. 5. View largeDownload slide Casket, attributed to Michel Redlin (German, documented 1688), c.1680, Polish, Gdansk (Danzig), Amber, gold foil, gilt brass, wood, silk satin, paper, Overall: 30 × 33 × 21 cm; Pedestal: 38.1 × 61 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Walter and Leonore Annenberg Acquisitions Endowment Fund, 2006, 2006.452a–c. Public domain. Paluzzo’s rock crystal objects were even more numerous, and included a small container with matching ampullae (fol. 585r); small boxes (fols 582r and 585v); containers for holy water (fols 582r and 585v), one with a relic of San Carlo Borromeo inside; and a crucifix (fol. 585v). In antiquity, Pliny identified rock crystal as water solidified by intense freezing; the belief carried through into the early modern period and was reiterated by Georg Agricola (who believed amber to similarly be produced when liquid from the earth took solid form) and by Lorenzo Magalotti.63 Medieval writers added layers of Christian significance, associating rock crystal’s key qualities – its transparency and hardness, and production by a process of metamorphosis – with the sacrament of baptism, the Incarnation of Christ, resurrection, and the incorruptibility of the bodies of saints.64 Rock crystal featured moreover in analogies of the interaction of the human and the divine, as the material could be suffused and altered by light.65 Finally, many sources identified rock crystal as the product of distant lands: Pliny said that it came from India and Asia Minor, as well as the Alps, and Alfonso X of Castile claimed that the best quality rock crystal came from Ethiopia.66 The material thus had a threefold cachet for early modern collectors: ‘exotic’ origins, healing properties, and theological significance. It was, perhaps, fear of disease or physical harm that led Paluzzo to collect a number of bezoars. Hardened masses found in the gastrointestinal systems of animals, bezoars were also believed to have powerful healing properties, acting as an antidote to any poison and as plague prevention.67 They were so popular that by the seventeenth century they were artificially produced by Jesuits in Goa, and are often also known as Goa stones. Paluzzo had four, which were embellished with silver and gold filigree (fols 568r and 588v) and kept in brocaded purses and silver-handled boxes (Fig. 6). One is identified as a ‘belzuarro occidentale’, a ‘Western bezoar’, indicating that it came from the Americas, as opposed to Asia – the West (rather than the East) Indies.68 Bezoars were something of a standard in personal collections; Cardinal Mario Albizzi (d. 1680) similarly had both ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ bezoars, although his are described as of various sizes and partly broken, and were kept in a drawer, without the elaborate filigrees in precious metals that ornamented those in Paluzzo’s collection.69 Fig. 6. View largeDownload slide Bezoar stone with case and stand, seventeenth century, attributed to India. Container: silver; pierced, chased, and mercury-gilded Goa stone: compound of organic and inorganic materials; mercury-gilded. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Mr and Mrs Gordon S. Haight, 1980, 1980.228.1, 2a, b, 3. Public domain. Fig. 6. View largeDownload slide Bezoar stone with case and stand, seventeenth century, attributed to India. Container: silver; pierced, chased, and mercury-gilded Goa stone: compound of organic and inorganic materials; mercury-gilded. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Mr and Mrs Gordon S. Haight, 1980, 1980.228.1, 2a, b, 3. Public domain. Europeans first learned that bezoars could be found in the Americas in a book on medicine published by Sevillian doctor Nicolás Monardes in 1571.70 In it, Monardes recounted Spanish soldiers’ discovery just a few years prior that Andean camelids – llamas, vicuñas, and other species – produced bezoars.71 Like those from the east, western bezoars were prized for their ability to detect and neutralize poisons.72 Western bezoars came to figure in the Spanish battle against New World idolatry, as bezoars were also treasured by indigenous Andeans as objects with sacred power.73 Paluzzo’s western bezoar had a more elaborate setting than the other two. It was set in a basket (una canestra) with silver handles and a silver lock, lined inside with pink taffeta. The bezoar was encased in gold filigree and kept together with two crowns made of a kind of plant known as ambretta, decorated with gold.74 Perhaps the western bezoar was given special treatment as a reflection of its American origins and rarity. Paluzzo’s collection of bezoars was rounded out by a ‘pietra di Porcospino’ bound in gilded filigree and kept in a coconut box (fol. 568r). This was a bezoar also known as a ‘Malaca stone,’ said to be drawn from the bodies of porcupines in Southeast Asia, and as a result very expensive. They were often presented as luxury gifts: Ferdinando I de’ Medici, for example, gave one to Eleonora de’ Medici, Duchess of Mantua in 1608.75 Although the porcupine bezoars were also thought to be useful against poisoning, their main purpose was to protect against disease, and for this reason they were often mounted in filigree casings and worn on the body.76 The one owned by Paluzzo was mounted in just such a casing.77 Similar motives of personal physical protection also no doubt led Paluzzo to collect two rhinoceros horns (fol. 582r), as well as the horn of a ‘marine horse’ (fol. 584r), presumably a reference to a walrus or narwhal. Like bezoars, both rhinoceros horn and walrus tusk were believed to detect and protect against poison, in a kind of extension of, and conflation with, the mythical powers of unicorn horn.78 Francis Bacon in 1638 recommended grinding up materials like bezoars and rhinoceros horns into powders so that they could be consumed in liquid (bezoars in particular were to be mixed with wine or cinnamon water and served cool) in order to prolong life.79 Rhinoceros horns were quite common in Roman collections and were very often displayed in ornate casings or on stands as works of art. Cardinal Flavio Chigi owned six objects made of rhinoceros horn, some of which were cups or receptacles, but at least one of which was displayed as the actual horn.80 Paluzzo also owned two fingernails (or claws) of the ‘Gran Bestia’ (Great Beast), objects also thought to have talismanic properties, specifically against epilepsy. These were commonly found in Roman collections in the seventeenth century. If ‘real’ they were comprised of a slice of elk’s hoof, but like the bezoars there were a great many fakes on the market. Cardinal Massimo kept ‘a handle [made] of the nail of the Great Beast’ (‘una maniglia dell’Unghia della gran bestia’) in a drawer of a studiolo in his private apartment together with objects associated with devotion such as rosaries, and medals of various saints.81 Cardinal Albizi also owned ‘a point of the nail of the Great Beast, bound in silver’ (‘una punta d’ugnia della Gran Bestia legato in argento’), which he kept in a studiolo with various other objects, including the tooth of a wolf, as well as a small cup made of bone and bound in silver.82 All of these objects in a variety of collections suggest a shared culture of curiosity in natural wonders and a belief in their healing power. In terms of natural materials, Paluzzo also owned a number of objects featuring coral. These were not cutlery or jewellery – a common use for coral, since it was a material also associated with the ability to ward off disease, detect poison, and protect against the evil eye – but works of sacred art (fol. 584v). He had a small portrait of St Dominic embellished with corals, garnets, and pearls set in a gilded frame and covered by a curtain, and two octagonal ‘quadri’ that were formed from coral: a Madonna ‘di coralli con suo ornamento di coralli intorno’ (‘a Madonna made of coral with its coral ornament around [it]’) held in a leather box, and a St Michael ‘di coralli’ with a gilded pear-wood and copper frame (fol. 584v). Like amber and rock crystal, the fascination with coral lay in its status as the proof of metamorphosis, with what was believed to be a soft substance under water hardening to stone when exposed to air.83 The inventory also reveals some of the cardinal’s more personal tastes, in particular a fondness for chocolate. He owned a utilitarian cioccolattiera – a bowl for melting chocolate – in Flemish tin with a stirring-stick used to froth the melted chocolate (fol. 573v.). He also had a much more elaborate affair for serving the American delicacy: an ebony tray decorated with gilded silver filigree, with four small cups (called chicchere, from the Spanish xícara or jícara, taken in turn from the Nahua xicalli)84 made of ‘Indian gourd’ (cocuzza d’India) decorated with the same filigree, and accompanied by four silver-gilt spoons (fol. 582r.).85 At his death, Paluzzo owed a certain Domenico Mercurio twenty-four scudi for chocolate (fol. 598v). Drinking chocolate was brought from the Americas and introduced first in Spain in the 1590s and in Italy shortly after, but it took several decades for the beverage to become fashionable.86 The Jesuits were importing chocolate to Rome by 1624, and in general the introduction of chocolate to Europe was associated with returning ecclesiastics.87 In 1631, the Spanish author of a treatise on chocolate, Antonio Colmenero de Ledesma, noted that drinking chocolate was common throughout Europe, including Italy. Colmenero de Ledesma’s treatise was published in Latin in 1644 and in Italian in 1667; in 1664 an Italian cardinal, Francesco Maria Brancaccio, published his own treatise on the subject, suggesting an increasing interest in the beverage on the peninsula in the late seventeenth century.88 Similar chocolate-drinking accessories were recorded in the inventories of Bernardino Spada and Cardinal Giovan Carlo de’ Medici, and Orazio Spada’s love of the drink was a cause of worry to his wife.89 Contemporary Italian thinking about chocolate – its possible benefits or hazards to the health – were mixed, but in his elaborate chocolate serving set and notable purchases of the imported luxury, Cardinal Paluzzo was staying on top of trends in conspicuous consumption.90 That said, he does not seem to have partaken in other luxuries arriving from the New World, such as tobacco. Nothing in his belongings suggests an interest in the American stimulant, unlike his contemporaries Cardinal Mario Albizi, who owned implements for storing and using tobacco, and Cardinal Domenico Maria Corsi, who owned a Dutch genre picture of five people smoking around a table.91 Of the New World imports, chocolate seems to have made the greatest impression on the Altieri cardinal. As a whole, Paluzzo’s second apartment was somewhat fractured in its displays and decor. The rooms with the friezes of the Ages of Man, with their crimson hangings and representational objects suggest some visitors may have been admitted to these spaces; in particular the zampanaro and harpsichord were elaborately decorated. However, the paucity of works by ‘big name’ artists, the presence of gifts from other Romans of old but somewhat lesser nobility (the Tassi, Vitelleschi, and Mellini), the unfinished pedestal for the ‘Marcus Aurelius’ (Septimius Severus), and entire decorative ensembles left behind by his brother Angelo, suggest that Paluzzo did not spend lavishly on decorating this apartment. At some point toward the end of his life Paluzzo gave up some of his rooms to his grandnephew, the once powerful cardinal nephew making room for the next generation. His bedroom and guardarobba reveal an overriding concern with his physical and spiritual health, as the objects in thaumaturgical materials and the small sacred pictures and associated religious objects attest. A number of the objects, such as the Albertoni ‘family heirlooms’ left behind by Angelo, indicate a continued connection to his birth family. In thinking about long term family identities and attachments, it is worth noting that in his will Paluzzo left richly embroidered chasubles to the chapel of St Anthony in Santa Maria in Aracoeli – which had long belonged to the Albertoni family and contained Albertoni tombs – and to that of the Beata Ludovica Albertoni in S. Francesco a Ripa (fol. 574r).92 He also left an ornamented box for holding gloves to Suora Donna Maria Cecilia Orsini, a nun in Naples.93 This was his great niece: she was born Giovanna Orsini in 1674, the second child of Domenico Orsini and Luigia Albertoni Altieri.94 Luigia was the daughter of Angelo Albertoni Altieri, Paluzzo’s brother, and his wife Vittoria Parabiacchi. Paluzzo had brokered the Albertoni Altieri-Orsini wedding, to sharp criticism by some contemporaries who thought he was working to advance the Albertoni line at the expense of the Altieri.95 The marriage must truly have been of some significance to him, if he remembered a great niece that came of it over two decades later. Paluzzo did not exclude the Altieri from his will however. To Laura Caterina, his niece by marriage and adoption and the real means by which he, his brother, and his nephew ascended to wealth and power, he left the slightly ominous gift of a statue of cast silver with a sickle on one side and a round clock on the other (fol. 591r). Perhaps the most telling proof of the deep hold of blood relationships can be found in Paluzzo’s burial arrangements, and his desire to be buried with other members of the Albertoni family. The inventory records the expenses related to Paluzzo’s mortal remains. At his death, his body was prepared for burial by a certain Ippolito Magnasci, who was paid 30 scudi ‘to open the cadaver of His Eminence’ (fol. 599r). Paluzzo’s funeral was held in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, at a cost of around 2,500 scudi (fol. 598r). Significantly, he was not buried in the Altieri chapel in the Minerva; instead his body was carried to the Albertoni family’s original parish church of Santa Maria in Campitelli, the church that stands opposite the Albertoni palace. Paluzzo was buried there in a chapel designed and built by Giovanni Battista Contini between 1693 and 1697 (Fig. 7).96 The chapel is located in the pseudo-transept and is beside the burial chapel of his brother and principal heir Angelo and Angelo’s wife Vittoria Parabiacchi. It was dedicated to St John the Baptist and features a vault fresco by Ludovico Gimignani of the saint in glory; the original altarpiece, by Baciccio, now hangs on the wall to the left of the altar.97 Fig. 7. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, Chapel of Beato Giovanni Leonardi (originally John the Baptist), 1693–1697, Santa Maria in Campitelli. Photo, authors. Fig. 7. View largeDownload slide Giovanni Battista Contini, Chapel of Beato Giovanni Leonardi (originally John the Baptist), 1693–1697, Santa Maria in Campitelli. Photo, authors. Paluzzo’s choice of burial site is revealing. Unlike former cardinal nephews Pietro Aldobrandini, Scipione Borghese, and Flavio Chigi, all of whom were buried in the family chapels of the respective uncles, or Ludovico Ludovisi who was memorialized in the same tomb as his uncle, for his final resting place Paluzzo instead returned to a space associated with his birth family.98 In not being buried alongside his uncle, he is more akin to adopted nephew Cinzio Passeri Aldobrandini, who is buried in S. Pietro in Vincoli rather than the Aldobrandini Chapel in S. Maria sopra Minerva, or cardinal Camillo Astalli, one-time nephew of Innocent X Pamphilj before the name was removed from him in disgrace, who is buried far away from Rome and any Pamphilj monuments in Catania, Sicily.99 Choosing to be buried in the Albertoni family’s traditional church, alongside other members of his birth family, suggests Paluzzo’s abiding loyalty to his blood kin. However, the inscription on his tomb is carefully worded. It reads: palvtivs miseratione divina episcopvs portven cardinalis de alteriis sanctÆ romanÆ ecclesiÆ camerarivs obiit in domino die xxix ivnii mdcxcviii Ætatis suÆ annorvm lxxv (Paluzzo, by divine mercy Bishop of Porto, Cardinal de’ Altieri Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church Met the Lord on 29 June 1698 At the age of 75)100 In naming himself he makes no reference to the Albertoni family, identifying only as Cardinal Paluzzo Altieri. However, he also makes no explicit reference to his status as cardinal nephew, mentioning only his titles of bishop, cardinal, and camerlengo.101 The inscription presents a balancing act similar to that of the decoration of his two apartments at the Altieri family palace. In both he succeeded in presenting a public face as the dutiful papal nephew while also cleaving to his birth family and attending to his own personal concerns. Studying the entirety of his collection and domestic spaces draws attention to the complex interactions of the personal and the political in seicento Rome. Notes and references 1 For Part i see L. Beaven and K. J. Lloyd, ‘Cardinal Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni Altieri and his picture collection in the Palazzo Altieri: the evidence of the 1698 death inventory. Part i,’ Journal of the History of Collections, July 2015; doi: 10.1093/jhc/fhv024. A full transcription of the remainder of the inventory is not included here, since the length is prohibitive. 2 For a consideration of Francesco Barberini as ex-nipote (Harper’s useful wording), see J. G. Harper, ‘The Sun also Riseth: the Barberini Apollo series as an allegory of Rise, Fall, and Return’, in Tapestry in the Baroque. New aspects of production and patronage, ed. T. Campbell (New York and New Haven, 2010), pp. 204–31. 3 P. Rossini, Il Mercurio errante delle grandezze di Roma, tanto antiche, che . . ., vol. iii (Rome, 1700), p. 46. 4 F. Borsi et al., Palazzo Altieri (Rome, 1991), pp. 155–6. Contini’s plan was made a decade after Paluzzo’s death, in the context of a dispute between Paluzzo’s brother, Gaspare, and Gaspare’s sons over the apportioning of the rooms in the palace. The plan seems to show a proposed solution to the problem, creating three distinct apartment spaces for Gaspare, Giambattista and Girolamo, with the apartments of the two secular members of the family, Gaspare and Girolamo, communicating between them. The general layout is therefore the same as when Paluzzo occupied the entirety of the space, but some elements, such as the placement of doors, are inaccurate. Thanks to Justin St P. Walsh for his help with the plan. The ‘cardinal’ indicated on the plan is Lorenzo Altieri, Gaspare and Laura Caterina’s second-born son, who was elected to the cardinalate in 1690. The ‘Monsignore’ should be Giambattista Altieri, Gaspare and Laura Caterina’s third-born son, although he was not ordained until 1724, when he was also made a cardinal. A. Schiavo, Palazzo Altieri (Rome, 1960), pp. 191–2. 5 M. de Blainville, Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland but especially Italy, vol. iii (London, 1757), p. 78. Perhaps the two polychrome marble busts of emperors in the first anticamera can be identified with two similar busts currently in the Altieri collection: one in white marble, nero antico, and red and yellow breccia, and another in white and black marble and alabastro fiorito. They are now identified as, respectively, Menander and Septimius Severus. For illustrations see S. Fox, ‘Le antichità del Palazzo e della Villa Altieri a Roma. I materiali’, Xenia antiqua (1997), cat. 31 and 32, pp. 189–90. 6 Fox, op. cit. (note 5), cat. 3, pp. 168–9. By 1745 the sitter was identified as Septimus Severus; Blainville, in his description of the Altieri palace wrote: ‘The following singularities are to be seen in the same Apartment; the busts of Trajan, of Seneca, of Valerian, of Gallian, of Maximian; a very particular statue of Septimus Severus.’ M. de Blainville, Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland, vol. iii (London, 1745), p. 78. 7 M.G. Picozzi, ‘Una collezione romana di antichità tra xvii e xviii secolo: la raccolta Vitelleschi’, Bolletino d’Arte 78 (1993), pp. 72–3, notes 59 and 60. The suggestion is also mentioned by Fox, op. cit. (note 5), p. 169. 8 M. G. Picozzi, ‘Restauri del xviii secolo per sculture appartenute alla collezione Vitelleschi’, Illuminismo e ilusración: le antichità e i loro protagonisti in Spagna e in Italia nelxviiisecolo, ed. J. Beltrán Fortes (Rome, 2003), p. 311. 9 A description of the palace decorations from the early 1670s describes this room as ‘a cantiere aperto’ (in the process of construction) and ‘Nella quarta stanza non vi è ancora figurata cosa veruna.’ (Nothing is painted yet in the fourth room). It has remained undecorated. Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 200. 10 During his visit to the palace in 1688, Nicodemus Tessin mentioned seeing a bronze bust of Clement X that he was told was by Bernini; it was, however, located in Gaspare’s apartments, in a gallery on the west side of the palace’s first courtyard. M. Laine and B. Magnusson, Nicodemus Tessin the Younger: Sources, works, collections. Travel notes 1673–77 and 1687–88 (Stockholm, 2002), p. 318. The location of this second bust would seem to be confirmed by G. P. Pinaroli (Trattato delle cose più memorabili di Roma, vol. iii (Rome, 1725), p. 152) who mentions a bronze bust of Pope Clement X in a ‘picciola Galleria’ on the first floor of Palazzo Altieri. V. Martinelli, I ritratti dei pontefici (Rome, 1956), p. 53. There is one such surviving bronze that has been attributed to Bernini; it is currently in the Minneapolis Museum of Art, where it is attributed to the ‘circle of Bernini’; unfortunately, at the moment it is impossible to definitively link it to the 1698 inventory. A. Bacchi, C. Hess, and J. Montagu (eds), Bernini and the Birth of Portrait Sculpture (Los Angeles and Ottawa, 2008), cat. d10, p. 94. 11 Carlo Coppetti appears in Livio Odescalchi’s diary of 1676, seemingly as an art dealer. ‘B. mi rosolsi, e feci attacare la carozza, et in pari andassimo dal Signor Carlo Coppetti havendo mandato Rocco dal Signor Borbone a sapere la sua casa, ma non fuori di Roma che restassimo mortificati havendo spiegata tutta la giornata, mi promise però di parlare per anche alcuni del Connestabile. Questo è massimamente dicesi hanno in paesi di Salvatora, e prospettive, e figurine compagno di Ghiolfo. S’andò da Lazaro Baldi viddi i miei angeloti quasi finiti, et diario, che mi piaceva lo lasciai con Lazaro, et io andai a schola a pranso.’ http://enbach.uniroma1.it/en/databases/digital-collections/livio-odescalchi/journal-of-livio-odescalchi,-may-1676.aspx. 12 M. P. Mezzatesta, ‘Marcus Aurelius, Fray Antonio de Guevara, and the ideal of the Perfect Prince in the sixteenth century’, Art Bulletin 66 no. 4 (1984), p. 621. 13 Ibid, p. 621. J. Bruch and K. Herrmann, ‘The reception of the philosopher-king in antiquity and the medieval age’, in A Companion to Marcus Aurelius (Chichester, uk, and Malden, ma, 2012), pp. 484–5. 14 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 194. The corner room was left undecorated. 15 Ibid., p. 200. 16 It is difficult to know precisely who this was. Clement X’s mother was Vittoria Delfini, but she died in 1647: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 165, n. 3. There is also Anna Vittoria Altieri, Laura Caterina’s sister and Paluzzo’s niece by adoption, who married into the Colonna family in 1676. Paluzzo’s sister-in-law was Vittoria Parabiacchi Albertoni Altieri. She died in 1687: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 184. 17 Blainville, op. cit. (note 5), p. 78: ‘an admirable Descent of the Cross, made in Alabaster, by the celebrated Daniel de Volterre’. 18 For more on harpsicords, and harpsicord makers in Rome in the seventeenth century, see P. Barbieri, ‘Harpsicords and spinnets in late Baroque Rome’, Early Music 40 (2012), pp. 55–72. 19 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 196. 20 Ibid., p. 194. 21 John Evelyn described one of these in the Villa Borghese as follows: ‘a chayre to sleepe in with the leggs stretcht out, with books, and pieces of wood to draw out longer or shorter.’ J. Evelyn, Memoirs illustrative of the Life and Writings of John Evelyn, . . . comprising his diary, from the years 1641 to 1705–6 and a selection of his familiar letters, ed. W. Bray (New York, 1870), p. 93. 22 Archivio di Stato di Roma (hereafter asr), Testament of Cardinal deacon Domenico Maria Corsi. Not. A.C., Fatius Paulus, vol. 2612, fols 1047 ss. 11 December 1697, later pages unpaginated. ‘Una sedia da riposo coperta di marrocchino cremisi con tutti i suoi appoggi per starci a giacere, e dormire con fusti di noce.’ 23 S. Walker, ‘State Beds’, in Display of Art in Roman Palaces, 1550–1750, ed. G. Feigenbaum (Los Angeles, 2014), pp. 160–1. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Borsi et al., op. cit. (note 4), p. 220. 27 P. Rossini, Il Mercurio errante (Rome, 1704), p. 45. Keyssler’s much later travel account discusses the bedchamber of Gaspare Altieri and then mentions the Cardinal’s ‘bed of state’ or zampanaro in the next sentence, reporting that it was valued at 40,000 scudi. See J. G. Keyssler, Travels Through Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Switzerland, Italy, and Lorrain: Giving a true and just description of the present state of those countries . . ., vol. ii (London, 1760), p. 342. 28 Rossini, op. cit. (note 27), p. 46. The king was said to have given the bed to Cardinal Marescotti, who in turn passed it on to Cardinal Altieri. 29 Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 191. 30 Beaven and Lloyd, op. cit. (note 1), p. 6. 31 L. Rice, The Altars and Altarpieces of New St. Peter’s: Outfitting the basilica (1621–1666) (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 88–9, L. Beaven, An Ardent Patron: Cardinal Camillo Massimo and his antiquarian and artistic circle (London, 2010), pp. 198–9; J. Beldon Scott, Images of Nepotism: The painted ceilings of Palazzo Barberini (Princeton, 1991), pp. 99, 112. 32 S. Walker, ‘Design for a tapestry with Saint Michael and the arms of Pope Clement X Altieri’, in Life and the Arts in the Baroque Palaces of Rome, Ambiente Barocco, ed. S. Walker and F. Hammond (New York, New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 173–4. 33 The change in levels in the two rooms is a result of the various construction phases of the palace; room no. 11 is in the body of the oldest portion of the building. 34 Archivio Capitolino. Protocollo 3. Fascicolo 59. 27 August 1672. 49r. ‘Quadro ritratto del S. Mastro di Malta con cornice dorata.’ 35 Paluzzo expanded into spaces that had belonged to Angelo. Angelo outlived Paluzzo, dying in 1705. However, Angelo moved back to Palazzo Albertoni toward the end of his life. He is recorded there in the parish records of Santa Maria in Campitelli from 1692 until his death. See, for example Archivio Vicariato, Stati d’Anime, Santa Maria in Campitelli, 1692, 246r. 36 G. Delmarcel, ‘Tapestry in the Spanish Netherlands, 1625–60’, in Tapestry in the Baroque: Threads of Splendor, ed. T. P. Campbell (New Haven, 2007), p. 214. Keyssler mentions tapestries representing the histories of Cyrus, Massinissa, and Cleopatra: Keyssler, op. cit. (note 27), vol. ii, p. 341. 37 Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), p. 214. The Agamemnon hanging is now in the collection of the confraternity of Santa Rita of Cassia, Madrid. Our thanks go to Pascal-François Bertrand, Concha Herrero Carretero, and Florence Patrizi for their help with the inscription and tapestries. An Alexander wounded at the Battle of Issus from the Story of Alexander set with the Divina Palladis inscription is in the Civiche Raccolte d’Arte Applicata, Milan. See Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), fig. 104, p. 209. 38 Delmarcel, op. cit. (note 36), p. 209. 39 Ibid., p. 203. 40 C. Herrero Carretero, cats. 19–24, p. 230 in Campbell, op. cit. (note 36); A. Wollett, ‘Faith and glory. The Infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia and the Triumph of the Eucharist’, in Spectacular Rubens, The Triumph of the Eucharist, ed. A. Vergara and A. Woollett (Los Angeles and Madrid, 2014), pp. 18, 32. 41 G. Delmarcel, Flemish Tapestry, trans. A. Weir (New York, 1999/2000), pp. 215–18. 42 Studioletti: fol. 565v. Archivio Capitolino, Pr. 2, Fasc. 54, 1298r. 11 October 1666, primogeniture and inventory of Angelo Paluzzi de Albertoni. ‘Un Christo d’Avorio grande posto in croce d’Ebano.’ 43 On Contini’s plan of the palace, room nos 13, 14, and 15 are not connected by enfilade doors. However, very faint lines on the walls at room no. 14 indicate the one-time presence of doors, which would have been there when Paluzzo occupied the apartment. Borsi et al., op cit. (note 4), p. 155. On the highly flexible use of tapestry see J. G. Harper, The Barberini Tapestries, Woven Monuments of Baroque Rome (Milan 2017), pp. 146–7. 44 P-F. Bertrand, Les tapisseries des Barberini et la décoration d’intérieur dans la Roma baroque (Turnhout, 2005), p. 30. See also Harper, op. cit. (note 43), pp. 141–7. 45 No location is indicated for the guardarobba. As it follows room no. 15 (Fig. 1), perhaps the two were attached; it may then have been in the west wing of the palace, in the rooms facing on to the Via del Gesù. 46 The inventory states that the sheets and cushions were lifted off the mattresses on the day of the Cardinal’s death: (fol. 566v.) ‘Due Materazzi con suo Capezzale di serliccio, le lensole del quale, e Coscini si dicono levati nel giorno della morte di S. E.’ 47 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (hereafter bav, Barb lat. 6413, 314v. 31 August 1675. ‘Il Cardinale Altieri fa ogni potere per tirar avatij la Casa Mellinij, in virtù di che si tratta di maritare la terza sorella di tal casa col Marchese Mutij.’ 48 Policarpo Petrocchi’s 1894 Nòvo dizionàrio universale della lingua italiana defines a ‘bambino di Lucca’ as the same as an ‘angiolino di Lucca.’ P. Petrocchi, Nòvo dizionàrio universale della lingua italiana (Milan, 1894), p. 202. ‘Angiolini di Lucca’ are described in the notes to a seventeenth-century edition of the poem Malmantile racquistato as statuettes of wax, gesso, or other materials, produced in Lucca, that were finished with glossy polychrome skin tones. L. Lippi, Malmantile racquistato, with notes by P. Lamoni (P. Minucci), (Florence, 1668), p. 351. 49 Fol. 566v.: ‘Un quadretto d’un palmo, e mezo con Cornice Indorata rappresentante l’effigie della Santissima Vergine attaccata al muro con fettuccia.’ Referred to in the inventory as ‘un Religioso della Scala.’ The latter too came from Angelo, whose 1666 inventory included ‘a very small portrait on copper without a frame of Fra Domenico della Scala.’ Archivio Capitolino, Pr. 2. Fasc. 54, 1301v. 50 F. Gage, Painting as Medicine in Early Modern Rome: Giulio Mancini and the efficacy of art (University Park, pa, 2016), pp. 6–7. 51 Fol. 567v.: ‘Un Breviario in n.o quattro tomi coperti di pelle d’ambra con ornamento alle cantonate d’argento indorato, e fibie simili con Arme di S. Em.za’. 52 Nocturnal clock, inlaid with ebony and tortoise-shell, gilded bronze, 119 x 68 x 30, last quarter of the seventeenth century, Palazzo Altieri, Associazione Bancaria Italiana, cat. no. 75, in Fasto Romano: dipinti, sculture, arredi dai Palazzi di Roma, ed. A. González-Palacios, Fasto Romano, exh. cat., Palazzo Sacchetti (Rome, 1991), pp. 151–2. González-Palacios suggests that the gilded bronze lions at the base and the seated figure at the apex are of an early date, but not original to the clock. If the identification of this object with the inventory entry is correct however, the figure must have been added by 1698. 53 An example is a clock by Giovanni Battista Foggini at the Getty Museum, inv. no. 97.db.37. The night clock, also known as orologio silenzioso or orologio muto, was invented by the Campani brothers (Tommaso, Giuseppe, and Matteo) for Pope Alexander VII Chigi in the 1650s, after the Pope asked them to create a silent clock when he was suffering from insomnia (see Walker, op. cit. (note 32), cat. 62, p. 197). Thanks to Christina Ferando for her help on clocks. 54 Others were more conventional luxury objects, including ‘Un altro Orologio all’Inglese alto circa un palmo lasca d’ebano guarnita d’ottone indorato, e sua mostra d’argento con Christallo’ (fol. 567r) and an ‘orologio fatto a modo di torretta’ (fol. 591v), listed among Paluzzo’s Parisian silverwork. 55 Paluzzo had political ties to the Chigi. Flavio Chigi secured Paluzzo his first key role in the Curia, as uditore di camera to Pope Alexander VII, and pushed for his promotion to the cardinalate. Flavio Chigi displayed a portrait of Paluzzo by Baciccio in his apartment in his palace at SS. Apostoli. A. Stella, s.v. ‘Altieri: Paluzzo Paluzzi degli Albertoni’, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/paluzzo-altieri_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/; V. Golzio, Documenti artistici sul Seicento nell’Archivio chigi (Rome, 1939), p. 14. 56 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fols 208-358v. 1 November 1680, at 213r. 57 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fols 208-358v. 1 November 1680, at 216v, 217r. 58 D. Ribouillault, ‘Sundials on the Quirinal: astronomy and the early modern garden’, in Gardens, Knowledge, and the Sciences in the Early Modern Period, ed. H. Fischer, V. R. Remmert, J. Wolschke-Bulmahn (Switzerland, 2016), p. 123. 59 R. King, ‘Whale’s sperm, maiden’s tears and lynx’s urine. Baltic amber and the fascination for it in early modern Italy’, Ikonotheka 22 (2009), p. 170. R. King, ‘The shining example of “Prussian Gold”: amber and cross-cultural connections between Italy and the Baltic in the early modern period’, in Materiał rzez′by, ed. A. Lipin′ska (Wrocław, 2009), p. 461. 60 King, op. cit. [Shining example] (note 59), p. 458. 61 King, op. cit. [Whale’s sperm] (note 59), p. 171. 62 Ibid. 63 F. Barry, ‘Painting in Stone: The Symbolism of Colored Marbles in the Visual Arts and Literature from Antiquity until the Enlightenment’, Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University (2011), pp. 55, 156–7; King, op. cit. [Shining example] (note 59), p. 461. 64 S. Gerevini, ‘“Sicut crystallus quando est obiecta soli”. Rock crystal, transparency, and the Franciscan order’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 3 (2014), p. 272. See also S. Gerevini, ‘Christus crystallus. Rock crystal, theology and materiality in the medieval west’, in Matter of Faith: An interdisciplinary study of relics and relic veneration in the medieval period, ed. J. Robinson and L. de Beer, with A. Harden (London, 2014), pp. 92–9. 65 Ibid., p. 272. 66 Ibid., p. 257. 67 M. Stephenson, ‘From marvelous antidote to the poison of idolatry: the transatlantic role of Andean bezoar stones during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries’, Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2010), p. 4. 68 Ibid., p. 20. Paluzzo did have a few objects with a provenance in Asia or the New World. He owned a piece of fabric made in India with gold flowers and rosettes and with gold lace all around (fol. 583r). There were also three items finished in Chinese lacquer (vernice della China): a three-level box of fictive wood; a small cabinet (studioletto) that was used to hold handkerchiefs, caps, and pills or sweets (pastiglie) (fol. 588r); and a larger cabinet (studiolo) inlaid with ‘oriental’ mother-of-pearl (fol. 588v). It is possible that Paluzzo received such objects as gifts, and that they tell us little about his tastes. The Indian fabric is mentioned by Schiavo as a ‘counterpane embroidered in Indian style with flowers and animals in gold and silk of various colours’: Schiavo, op. cit. (note 4), p. 81. 69 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albrizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062, fol. 216v. 1 November 1680. ‘Nel primo tiratore [of an ebony studiolo] una scattola coperta con fiori di seta con dentro Pietre di Bezuarro occidentale, parte intiere, e parte rotte di diverse grandezze, num.o dieci. Una scatoletta tonda d’India con dentro pietre di Bezuarro orientale tra grandi e piccole n.o sette.’ 70 N. Monardes, Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en medicina, published in three parts, 1565, 1571 and in an expanded version in 1574 as: Primera y segunda y tercera partes de la Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en medicina. Tratao de la piedra de bezaar y de la yerua escuerçonera. Dialogo de las grandezas del hierro y de sus virtudes medicinales. Tratado de la nieve y del bever frio (Seville, 1574). 71 Stephenson, op. cit. (note 67), pp. 15, 17. 72 Ibid., p. 23. 73 Ibid., p. 5. 74 ‘una canestra con manichi d’argento e scudo per la ferratura d’argento coperta dentro di taffettano incarnato con dentro tre bauletti di filograna d’argento con due corone d’ambretta guarnite d’oro et una pietra di belzuarro occidentale con filagrana d’oro’, fols 588r–588v. 75 P. Borschberg, ‘The Euro-Asian trade in bezoar stones (approx. 1500 to 1700)’, in Artistic and Cultural Exchanges Between Europe and Asia 1400–1900, ed. M. North (Farnham, 2010), p. 30. 76 Ibid, p. 30. G. Donzelli, Teatro farmaceutico, dogmatico, espagirico: aggiuntoni à contemplatione de i pii e diuoti professori vn catalogo de i Santi medici . . ., published by Giacinto Passaro (1675), p. 253. 77 Fol. 568r.: ‘Una pietra di Porcospino legata in filagrana dorata dentro scatola di coco’. 78 M. P. Stark, ‘Mounted bezoar stones, Seychelles nuts, and rhinoceros horns: decorative objects as antidotes in early modern Europe’, Studies in the Decorative Arts 11 no. 1 (2003–4), pp. 85, 89. 79 F. Bacon (Lord Verulam), The History of Life and Death with observations Naturall and Experimentall for the Prolonging of Life (London, 1638), pp. 133, 199–200, 225. 80 González-Palacios, op. cit. (note 52), pp. 214–15. 81 bav, Cod. Cappon. 260: Inventario dei beni ereditari della chiar: mem: dell’Em.mo Sig.re Cardinale Massimi, 11 Ottobre 1677, fol. 90v: ‘Una maniglia dell’Unghia della gran bestia’. 82 asr, Testament of Cardinal Mario Albizi. Not. A.C., Successor Malvetij, vol. 4062. 1 November 1680, fols 217v, 219r. 83 M. Cole, ‘Cellini’s blood’, Art Bulletin 81 no. 2 (1999), p. 229. 84 M. Norton, ‘Conquests of chocolate’, OAH Magazine of History 18 no. 3 (2004), p. 16. 85 On the use of the term ‘Indian’ to describe a variety of materials and objects in European inventories, see J. Keating and L. Markey, ‘“Indian” objects in Medici and Austrian-Habsburg Inventories’, Journal of the History of Collections 23 (2011), pp. 283–300. 86 M. Norton, ‘Tasting empire: chocolate and the European internalization of Mesoamerican aesthetics’, American Historical Review 111 no. 3 (2006), p. 666. S. Cavallo and T. Storey, Healthy Living in Late Renaissance Italy (Oxford, 2013), p. 229. 87 Norton, op. cit. (note 86), p. 680. 88 Ibid., p. 666. 89 Cavallo and Storey, op. cit. (note 86), p. 230. 90 Ibid., p. 230. 91 Albizi had numerous small boxes to hold tobacco along with small forks and tubes, apparently for sniffing. Albizi, asr, fol. 217r. ‘Tabacchiere tonde n.o cinque di vernice con sui forchietti e boccagli di avolio, / cinque altre tabacchiere di avolio diverse, /un’altra tabacchieretta di vetro di diversi colori con suo piede di rame.’ asr, Testament of Cardinal Deacon Domenico Maria Corsi. Not. A.C., Fatius Paulus, vol. 2612, fols 1047 ss. 11 Decembre 1697. unpaginated. ‘Un [quadro] con tabacchiera, dove si fuma il tabacco in tavola con cinque figure alto palmij due con cornice nera e battenti dorato si disse di maniera olandese.’ 92 He also left money to the fathers at the Aracoeli to say masses for his soul, fol. 598v, and a chasuble to the nuns of Santa Chiara. 93 ‘una guantiera di filagrana d’argento con stella, o fiore di filagrana d’argento in mezo di peso libre otto on sette lasciata in testamento alla S.a D. Maria Cecilia Orsini monaca in Napoli’, fol. 590r 94 http://www.genmarenostrum.com/comitato.htm 95 Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Fonds Italiens, 690, unpaginated. 96 C. A. Erra, Storia dell’imagine, e chiesa di Santa Maria in Portico di Campitelli (Rome, 1750), p. 65. On the decoration of the Altieri chapel see Beaven, op. cit. (note 31), pp. 338–42. Paluzzo reportedly donated 12,000 scudi for the completion of the church. Erra, op. cit., p. 52. Paluzzo left a further 659 scudi and 33.5 denarii to mason Antonio Rinaldi ‘per diverse misure del S.re Contini Architetto’, (fol. 599r). 97 The dedication was changed to the Beato Giovanni Leonardi in the nineteenth century. F. Di Napoli Rampolla, ‘Roma, S. Maria in Portico in Campitelli. La Cappella Altieri’, I beni culturali 5 (1997), p. 54. Paluzzo had three pictures in his Stanza dei Quadri featuring St John the Baptist, but on the whole, there was no strong indication of his devotion to the saint in his personal collection. See Beaven and Lloyd, op. cit. (note 1). 98 Scipione Borghese is a particularly relevant comparison, as he was not a Borghese by birth; he was the son of Paul V’s sister, and was born Scipione Caffarelli. He was given the Borghese name after Camillo Borghese’s election as Pope Paul V. 99 On Cinzio and the tomb see K. Lloyd, ‘“Moving Mortals to Tears and Devotion”: Cinzio Passeri Aldobrandini, Torquato Tasso, and the Sorrowing Virgin’, Sixteenth Century Journal 46 no. 1 (2015), pp. 26–7. 100 Thanks to Laura Carlson for her assistance with the Latin translation. 101 As opposed to Francesco Barberini, whose memorial inscription proclaims him ‘d. o. m / francisco cardinali barberino / vrbani viii.p.m.fratris filio / et svpremo administro /. . .’ or Ludovico Ludovisi, who although he is identified simply by name, is commemorated in the same tomb as his uncle, and in a visually subordinate, lower, portion of the monument. There are no tomb inscriptions for Pietro Aldobrandini, Scipione Borghese, or Flavio Chigi. For information on monuments and inscriptions see the online database of the Requiem Project (Die Römischen Papst- und Kardinalsgrabmäler der Frühen Neuzeit), http://requiem-projekt.de. © The Author 2018. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.

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Journal of the History of CollectionsOxford University Press

Published: Jan 29, 2018

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