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Cultural Voyeurism: A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction

Cultural Voyeurism: A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup... Abstract Communication research on race may overlook noteworthy progress in cross-racial communication and interaction. Bold new thinking is necessary to simultaneously leverage research on racial representations, acknowledge evidence of racial discord, and recognize and explore progress toward positive change in race relations. An indicator of progress may be increasing instances of mediated intergroup interaction, facilitated though a process of cultural voyeurism. Cultural voyeurism describes the process by which mediated experiences provide a window into a culture that would otherwise be difficult for the voyeur to access. Cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive interracial interaction. The acquisition of knowledge derived from cultural voyeurism can aide cross-cultural understanding and contribute to the reduction of racial prejudice. Much of the communication research on race and ethnicity grew from or was initiated by social or cultural movements that sought equality, fairness, and intergroup harmony. Scholars in this area expressed concern with unfavorable media depictions of racial/ethnic minorities, and the effects of negative cultural stereotypes on audiences and on intergroup relations. This work generally focused on representations and stereotypical portrayals of racial minority groups in news, entertainment media, and advertising (e.g., Atkin, 1992; Dixon & Linz, 2000; Mastro & Stern, 2003). Current communication research on race appropriately identifies and studies racial conflict, division, and miscommunication, but may overlook noteworthy progress in cross-racial communication and interaction. Bold new thinking is necessary to simultaneously leverage historical research on racial representations, acknowledge and expose evidence of racial discord, and properly recognize and explore progress toward positive change in race relations. One key indicator of progress may be increasing instances of mediated intergroup interaction, facilitated though a process of cultural voyeurism. This paper will briefly discuss: (a) the relationship among cultural voyeurism, racial stereotypes, and mediated intergroup interaction; (b) the factors that drive cultural voyeurism; and (c) the noteworthy impacts cultural voyeurism has on society. Cultural voyeurism and mediated intergroup interaction Cultural voyeurism describes the process by which mediated or indirect experiences provide a window into a culture or subculture that would otherwise be difficult for the voyeur to observe or access. Cultural voyeurism is a deliberate, recurrent, and proactive effort to acquire information about another culture or cultural phenomenon, sometimes from a distance and sometimes as a participant observer. The cultural voyeur—like the archetypal sexual voyeur, Peeping Tom—observes others. However, unlike the average Peeping Tom, the cultural voyeur generally looks through a media-enabled lens to observe and learn about the actions and attributes of a different cultural group. This voyeuristic process is driven by an individual’s interest in, fascination with, and/or identification with another culture or subculture to which he or she may not normally have easy access or be allowed entry. In lieu of direct contact with different cultural groups, media can help its audience gather information about and develop perceptions of outgroups. Media portrayals of racial and ethnic minorities are increasingly pervasive, and audiences are seeking out more diverse media content. Reality television and social media, for example, provide opportunities for the public to voyeuristically trawl through and consume the lives of people from different cultures. Social media, in particular, can facilitate cultural voyeurism through the ubiquitous availability of and easy access to information about other cultural groups. Racial and ethnic stereotypes remain deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of society, and are often acquired indirectly from exposure to media (Devine & Elliot, 1995). Thus, media can be powerful in developing, reinforcing, and validating stereotypical beliefs and expectations concerning certain segments of the population—particularly racial and ethnic groups—with subsequent impacts on interracial interaction. Many stereotypes hamper cross-cultural relations because they tend to skew negative and facilitate the development of ideologies that justify prejudiced behavior against racial outgroups (Sigelman & Tuch, 1997). Even positive associations about a specific group can have adverse effects that reify and lend credence to negative stereotypes about other groups (Power, Murphy, & Coover, 1996). Czopp and Monteith (2006) demonstrated that among Whites there is a positive correlation between Black complimentary stereotypes and Black negative prejudice. That is, Whites who positively characterized Blacks as athletic and musical were just as likely to negatively stereotype Blacks as lazy and criminal. These stereotypes can, in turn, encourage and guide cultural voyeurism. Cultural voyeurism initiates, in part, from curiosity that is fostered from or facilitated by positive or negative group-based stereotypes. Stereotypes can spark interest in or curiosity for other cultural groups that motivate individuals to seek out and sometimes engage with the culture of the stereotyped group. That is, people deliberately choose certain cultures or members from cultural groups to follow because these members have been stereotypically characterized as possessing specific traits and attributes that are desirable, intriguing, or novel. Factors that drive cultural voyeurism Individuals may seek real or fictional characters in media to gain general or specific information about an outgroup culture, which can be later used to guide their speech patterns, dress, mannerisms, values, or overall understanding. There are a number of factors that drive people to engage in cultural voyeurism, including: (a) self-expansion; (b) personal distinctiveness; (c) identification with aspirational groups; and (d) desire to be cool. Any one of these factors is sufficient to initiate the voyeuristic process. The more factors that apply, the greater the strength and likelihood of cultural voyeurism. Self-expansion Some people may enthusiastically and proactively seek out interactions and relationships with outgroup members as a means of broadening the self (Aron & Aron, 1986; Dys-Steenbergen, Wright, & Aron, 2016). Dys-Steenbergen and colleagues argue that “rather than seeing outgroup members as targets of fear, conflict, or even tolerance,” self-expansion “proposes that outgroup members might be seen as attractive opportunities for self-growth” (2016, p. 61). People have a basic motivation to acquire new resources, perspectives, and identities for self-growth and personal fulfillment, which can be satisfied through intergroup interaction (Aron & Aron, 1986; Wright, Aron, & Tropp, 2002). Personal distinctiveness Cultural voyeurs may observe or even emulate characteristics of another culture to distinguish or separate themselves from mainstream culture and skew more toward a different, new, or unusual counterculture. A counterculture can be described as the values, norms, and behavior of a cultural group, or subculture, that deviate from the social mainstream (Blanton & Christie, 2003). People will deviate from the norm (e.g., ingroup) in the pursuit of a desirable counter-normative alternative (e.g., outgroup) that will allow them to stand out or distinguish themselves from others in a good way (Blanton & Christie, 2003). People are motivated to stand out in ways that allow them to gain social approval from meaningful others. Individuals will generally perceive characteristics that provide them a sense of distinctiveness as central to their identity, and will oftentimes think and behave in ways that demonstrate their distinctiveness from others (Vignoles, Chryssochoou, & Breakwell, 2000). Seeking and exploring other racial and ethnic groups via the media can satisfy the need for distinctiveness by helping cultural voyeurs acquire information about outgroups that allow them to stand out from mainstream or traditional ingroups. Identification with aspirational groups People are likely to identify with and imitate attitudes or behaviors of aspirational or reference group members because they are in a particular social group (e.g., lawyer, athlete, fraternity, social class, racial group) to which they aspire or whose members are perceived to possess admirable qualities (see Siegel & Siegel, 1957). Individuals select sources or groups to identify with based on perceived similarities between themselves and the source (Kelman, 1961). For some groups, race or ethnicity can be a significant cue of similarity leading to identification, whereas for other groups occupational status or social class cues may determine perceived similarity between themselves and a source. Scholars argue that characteristics such as personal appearance, dialect style, values, and socio-economic status may have a tremendous impact on a person’s perceived similarity to and identification with a source (Coleman, Jussim, & Kelley, 1995). Therefore, when a person (e.g., a Black individual) believes that a source (e.g., hillbillies) possesses comparable traits (e.g., working class, stigmatized, anti-establishment), he or she is likely to identify with them and be affected by the media content in which these comparable White and Black characters appear (e.g., Duck Dynasty, television news). Bearden and Etzel (1982) argue that people often align themselves with individuals outside their membership groups to shape their attitudes and behaviors. Aspirational or reference groups are those groups in which a person aspires to attain membership (Siegel & Siegel, 1957). Reference groups expose people to behavior and lifestyles, influence self-concept development, and contribute to the formation of values and attitudes (Bearden & Etzel, 1982). Even under conditions where there is minimal interaction, reference groups can have an instrumental influence on a person’s decision-making and behavior (Stallen, Smidts, & Sanfey, 2010). Desire to be cool There is an insatiable appetite among many people, particularly young people, to discover cool things and cool people, and to be regarded as cool. When people desire to be cool they attempt to display their individuality and distinctiveness from a banal ingroup while often simultaneously seeking to align with or belong to a highly-desirable, non-conformist outgroup. “Cool” is a highly-coveted position within society that has virtually become a more important status symbol than even social class for many who seek it, partly because cool can be harder to attain than wealth or education. Although cool hunters was a term coined by Gladwell (1997) to describe marketers seeking trends among specific, small groups of style innovators, many of today’s cool hunters are cultural voyeurs who use television, social media, and outgroups’ clubs, schools, and neighborhoods to identify elements of cool within specific people or within a specific cultural group. These cool hunters are “observers of cool, outsiders peering into the fishbowl of cool” (O’Donnell & Wardlow, 2000, p. 13) searching for things, people, and cultures that are admired for their trendsetting and coolness. Potential impact of cultural voyeurism Cultural voyeurism can yield both positive and negative outcomes. Positive outcomes may include improved knowledge and understanding of other cultures, more favorable attitudes towards different cultural groups, and the facilitation of meaningful interracial interactions. Conversely, negative outcomes might include cultural appropriation, whereby racial and cultural-specific styles, behaviors, and products are reduced to commodities for commercial profit and purpose (Rodriquez, 2006; Tate, 2003), or reinforcement of negative racial stereotypes (e.g., Blacks are violent, Whites are racist) that can be harmful for or prevent positive interracial contact (MacInnis & Hodson, 2012). Similarly, cultural voyeurism can positively or negatively shape, support, or influence cultural stereotypes. Like society at large, the cultural voyeur begins with a set of stereotypes and beliefs, some of which were acquired directly or indirectly from exposure to media. For the cultural voyeur, mediated views into less-known cultures and subcultures help to build, clarify, reinforce, and validate stereotypical beliefs and expectations about certain groups. Scholars have recently begun to examine favorable beliefs or positive stereotypes about social groups in an effort to better understand the effects of favorable associations on outgroup members and on interracial relations (e.g., Czopp & Monteith, 2006). The nature of stereotyped depictions of racial minority groups, on television in particular, has changed from previous decades (Cummings, 1988), with a greater spectrum of character representations, strongly linked to program genre (e.g., sitcoms, news, dramas; see Cummings, 1988; Entman & Rojecki, 2000). For example, television entertainment programs tend to overstate the real-life success of Blacks, whereas television news shows tend to inflate the real-life poverty and criminal behavior of Blacks (Entman & Rojecki, 2000). In fact, studies have shown that people who watch more entertainment television are more likely to believe that Blacks are affluent and successful; whereas those who watch more television news are more likely to believe Blacks are poor and criminal (Armstrong, Neuendorf, & Brentar, 1992). These findings are not surprising, given news media have historically linked Blacks to crime (Abraham, 2003; Abraham & Appiah, 2006; Dixon & Linz, 2000) whereas entertainment media have depicted Blacks as educated, employed, and comfortably in the middle class (Busselle & Crandall, 2002). While the negative impacts of stereotypes and media racial representations are well-documented, there is an opportunity for communication research to give more consideration to the potentially redeeming effects of stereotypes that may facilitate positive intergroup relations, in part through cultural voyeurism. The messages the media convey about specific racial groups are important given media content shape majority and minority group members’ knowledge and beliefs about racial and ethnic groups and initiate the process of intergroup interaction (Faber, O’Guinn, & Meyer, 1987; Mastro, 2003). In fact, studies examining the effects of stereotypical depictions of race on racial attitudes have found media effects to be even stronger in contexts where individuals have less interracial contact (Fujioka, 1999; Mastro & Tropp, 2004). Intergroup contact research suggests benefits may arise through indirect or imagined interracial contact (Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Tropp, 1997). A long history of research has revealed that interracial contact increases individuals’ knowledge about and empathy for outgroup members (Hewstone & Swart, 2011; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), which contributes to the reduction of prejudice and stereotyping (Galinsky & Ku, 2004) and improves interracial attitudes (Finlay & Stephan, 2000). Meaningful intergroup interaction, whether mediated or direct, can foster greater intergroup awareness and lead individuals to appreciate and value the perspectives and experiences of others (Walsh, 2007). A significant outcome of intergroup contact has been the creation of intergroup harmony and reduction of bias through interpersonal relationships (Pettigrew, Tropp, Wagner, & Christ, 2011). Research demonstrates even simple exposure to an outgroup member can significantly increase liking for that outgroup (Harmon-Jones & Allen, 2001), and this exposure can be realized not only by direct interpersonal intergroup interaction but also through media (Ortiz & Harwood, 2007; Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005). Hence, it is expected that cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive intergroup interaction. Despite the resurgence of racist sentiments among certain demographic groups of Whites, over the last few years, White mainstream Americans’ negative attitudes towards Blacks have actually waned, due in part to Whites’ broader liberalization of racial attitudes, increased acceptance of racial equality, greater motivation to act in accordance with social norms, and efforts to be more egalitarian (Abraham & Appiah, 2006; Veciana-Suarez, 2014). In fact, a growing body of literature indicates Whites’ attitudes toward Blacks have grown more favorable (Alexander, Brewer, & Livingston, 2005; Appiah, 2002; Appiah, Knobloch-Westerwick, & Alter, 2013), particularly among younger and better-educated Whites, who are more likely to sympathize with Blacks, often recognizing them as victims of discrimination (Sniderman, Piazza, Tetlock, & Kendrick, 1991). Despite highly-commercialized and -commodified Black cultural stereotypes, and often unfavorable representations of Blacks in the news media, many Whites now identify with and more favorably view Blacks (Appiah, 2002; Brayton, 2005; Southgate, 2003). These recent changes in attitudes may demonstrate society’s greater understanding of and appreciation for groups outside the mainstream, which may contribute to greater interest in, interaction with, and emulation of different cultural groups. One particularly intriguing aspect of cultural voyeurism is how racial ingroups can find racial outgroup members as appealing, and sometimes more preferable, than their own group (see for example, Appiah, 2002, 2004; Appiah et al., 2013). As an example, some of the stereotypes of Black people that were once considered unbecoming of a member of mainstream society are the very traits that are now often admired, imitated, and seen as highly desirable. Studies show when traits prescribed to outgroups that have been historically stigmatized become socially desired, they are actually liked more than traits affiliated with non-stigmatized ingroup members (Coleman et al., 1995). For example, Blacks are stereotypically characterized as possessing socially desirable traits (e.g., cool, musical, fashionable, athletic). Hence, many Whites are often more likely to embrace Blacks vis-a-vis Whites who personify hip-hop culture, speak Black slang, and are athletic. Thus, outgroup members, even more than the members of one’s own group, may be the beneficiaries of favorable information, just as they may be the victims of negatively-framed information (Dienstbier, 1970). Conclusion Much of the popular press and communication research point to a bleak future of race relations. However, the aforementioned work describing cultural voyeurism and mediated interracial contact provide a more optimistic view. Scholars have demonstrated that prejudice and bias are generally reduced when people of different racial and ethnic groups interact (Gurin, Nagda, & Zuniga, 2013). Cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive interracial interaction. The acquisition of knowledge derived from cultural voyeurism should aide cross-cultural understanding and contribute to the erosion of racial prejudice. 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Cultural Voyeurism: A New Framework for Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Mediated Intergroup Interaction

Appiah, Osei
Journal of Communication , Volume 68 (2) – Apr 1, 2018
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Abstract

Abstract Communication research on race may overlook noteworthy progress in cross-racial communication and interaction. Bold new thinking is necessary to simultaneously leverage research on racial representations, acknowledge evidence of racial discord, and recognize and explore progress toward positive change in race relations. An indicator of progress may be increasing instances of mediated intergroup interaction, facilitated though a process of cultural voyeurism. Cultural voyeurism describes the process by which mediated experiences provide a window into a culture that would otherwise be difficult for the voyeur to access. Cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive interracial interaction. The acquisition of knowledge derived from cultural voyeurism can aide cross-cultural understanding and contribute to the reduction of racial prejudice. Much of the communication research on race and ethnicity grew from or was initiated by social or cultural movements that sought equality, fairness, and intergroup harmony. Scholars in this area expressed concern with unfavorable media depictions of racial/ethnic minorities, and the effects of negative cultural stereotypes on audiences and on intergroup relations. This work generally focused on representations and stereotypical portrayals of racial minority groups in news, entertainment media, and advertising (e.g., Atkin, 1992; Dixon & Linz, 2000; Mastro & Stern, 2003). Current communication research on race appropriately identifies and studies racial conflict, division, and miscommunication, but may overlook noteworthy progress in cross-racial communication and interaction. Bold new thinking is necessary to simultaneously leverage historical research on racial representations, acknowledge and expose evidence of racial discord, and properly recognize and explore progress toward positive change in race relations. One key indicator of progress may be increasing instances of mediated intergroup interaction, facilitated though a process of cultural voyeurism. This paper will briefly discuss: (a) the relationship among cultural voyeurism, racial stereotypes, and mediated intergroup interaction; (b) the factors that drive cultural voyeurism; and (c) the noteworthy impacts cultural voyeurism has on society. Cultural voyeurism and mediated intergroup interaction Cultural voyeurism describes the process by which mediated or indirect experiences provide a window into a culture or subculture that would otherwise be difficult for the voyeur to observe or access. Cultural voyeurism is a deliberate, recurrent, and proactive effort to acquire information about another culture or cultural phenomenon, sometimes from a distance and sometimes as a participant observer. The cultural voyeur—like the archetypal sexual voyeur, Peeping Tom—observes others. However, unlike the average Peeping Tom, the cultural voyeur generally looks through a media-enabled lens to observe and learn about the actions and attributes of a different cultural group. This voyeuristic process is driven by an individual’s interest in, fascination with, and/or identification with another culture or subculture to which he or she may not normally have easy access or be allowed entry. In lieu of direct contact with different cultural groups, media can help its audience gather information about and develop perceptions of outgroups. Media portrayals of racial and ethnic minorities are increasingly pervasive, and audiences are seeking out more diverse media content. Reality television and social media, for example, provide opportunities for the public to voyeuristically trawl through and consume the lives of people from different cultures. Social media, in particular, can facilitate cultural voyeurism through the ubiquitous availability of and easy access to information about other cultural groups. Racial and ethnic stereotypes remain deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of society, and are often acquired indirectly from exposure to media (Devine & Elliot, 1995). Thus, media can be powerful in developing, reinforcing, and validating stereotypical beliefs and expectations concerning certain segments of the population—particularly racial and ethnic groups—with subsequent impacts on interracial interaction. Many stereotypes hamper cross-cultural relations because they tend to skew negative and facilitate the development of ideologies that justify prejudiced behavior against racial outgroups (Sigelman & Tuch, 1997). Even positive associations about a specific group can have adverse effects that reify and lend credence to negative stereotypes about other groups (Power, Murphy, & Coover, 1996). Czopp and Monteith (2006) demonstrated that among Whites there is a positive correlation between Black complimentary stereotypes and Black negative prejudice. That is, Whites who positively characterized Blacks as athletic and musical were just as likely to negatively stereotype Blacks as lazy and criminal. These stereotypes can, in turn, encourage and guide cultural voyeurism. Cultural voyeurism initiates, in part, from curiosity that is fostered from or facilitated by positive or negative group-based stereotypes. Stereotypes can spark interest in or curiosity for other cultural groups that motivate individuals to seek out and sometimes engage with the culture of the stereotyped group. That is, people deliberately choose certain cultures or members from cultural groups to follow because these members have been stereotypically characterized as possessing specific traits and attributes that are desirable, intriguing, or novel. Factors that drive cultural voyeurism Individuals may seek real or fictional characters in media to gain general or specific information about an outgroup culture, which can be later used to guide their speech patterns, dress, mannerisms, values, or overall understanding. There are a number of factors that drive people to engage in cultural voyeurism, including: (a) self-expansion; (b) personal distinctiveness; (c) identification with aspirational groups; and (d) desire to be cool. Any one of these factors is sufficient to initiate the voyeuristic process. The more factors that apply, the greater the strength and likelihood of cultural voyeurism. Self-expansion Some people may enthusiastically and proactively seek out interactions and relationships with outgroup members as a means of broadening the self (Aron & Aron, 1986; Dys-Steenbergen, Wright, & Aron, 2016). Dys-Steenbergen and colleagues argue that “rather than seeing outgroup members as targets of fear, conflict, or even tolerance,” self-expansion “proposes that outgroup members might be seen as attractive opportunities for self-growth” (2016, p. 61). People have a basic motivation to acquire new resources, perspectives, and identities for self-growth and personal fulfillment, which can be satisfied through intergroup interaction (Aron & Aron, 1986; Wright, Aron, & Tropp, 2002). Personal distinctiveness Cultural voyeurs may observe or even emulate characteristics of another culture to distinguish or separate themselves from mainstream culture and skew more toward a different, new, or unusual counterculture. A counterculture can be described as the values, norms, and behavior of a cultural group, or subculture, that deviate from the social mainstream (Blanton & Christie, 2003). People will deviate from the norm (e.g., ingroup) in the pursuit of a desirable counter-normative alternative (e.g., outgroup) that will allow them to stand out or distinguish themselves from others in a good way (Blanton & Christie, 2003). People are motivated to stand out in ways that allow them to gain social approval from meaningful others. Individuals will generally perceive characteristics that provide them a sense of distinctiveness as central to their identity, and will oftentimes think and behave in ways that demonstrate their distinctiveness from others (Vignoles, Chryssochoou, & Breakwell, 2000). Seeking and exploring other racial and ethnic groups via the media can satisfy the need for distinctiveness by helping cultural voyeurs acquire information about outgroups that allow them to stand out from mainstream or traditional ingroups. Identification with aspirational groups People are likely to identify with and imitate attitudes or behaviors of aspirational or reference group members because they are in a particular social group (e.g., lawyer, athlete, fraternity, social class, racial group) to which they aspire or whose members are perceived to possess admirable qualities (see Siegel & Siegel, 1957). Individuals select sources or groups to identify with based on perceived similarities between themselves and the source (Kelman, 1961). For some groups, race or ethnicity can be a significant cue of similarity leading to identification, whereas for other groups occupational status or social class cues may determine perceived similarity between themselves and a source. Scholars argue that characteristics such as personal appearance, dialect style, values, and socio-economic status may have a tremendous impact on a person’s perceived similarity to and identification with a source (Coleman, Jussim, & Kelley, 1995). Therefore, when a person (e.g., a Black individual) believes that a source (e.g., hillbillies) possesses comparable traits (e.g., working class, stigmatized, anti-establishment), he or she is likely to identify with them and be affected by the media content in which these comparable White and Black characters appear (e.g., Duck Dynasty, television news). Bearden and Etzel (1982) argue that people often align themselves with individuals outside their membership groups to shape their attitudes and behaviors. Aspirational or reference groups are those groups in which a person aspires to attain membership (Siegel & Siegel, 1957). Reference groups expose people to behavior and lifestyles, influence self-concept development, and contribute to the formation of values and attitudes (Bearden & Etzel, 1982). Even under conditions where there is minimal interaction, reference groups can have an instrumental influence on a person’s decision-making and behavior (Stallen, Smidts, & Sanfey, 2010). Desire to be cool There is an insatiable appetite among many people, particularly young people, to discover cool things and cool people, and to be regarded as cool. When people desire to be cool they attempt to display their individuality and distinctiveness from a banal ingroup while often simultaneously seeking to align with or belong to a highly-desirable, non-conformist outgroup. “Cool” is a highly-coveted position within society that has virtually become a more important status symbol than even social class for many who seek it, partly because cool can be harder to attain than wealth or education. Although cool hunters was a term coined by Gladwell (1997) to describe marketers seeking trends among specific, small groups of style innovators, many of today’s cool hunters are cultural voyeurs who use television, social media, and outgroups’ clubs, schools, and neighborhoods to identify elements of cool within specific people or within a specific cultural group. These cool hunters are “observers of cool, outsiders peering into the fishbowl of cool” (O’Donnell & Wardlow, 2000, p. 13) searching for things, people, and cultures that are admired for their trendsetting and coolness. Potential impact of cultural voyeurism Cultural voyeurism can yield both positive and negative outcomes. Positive outcomes may include improved knowledge and understanding of other cultures, more favorable attitudes towards different cultural groups, and the facilitation of meaningful interracial interactions. Conversely, negative outcomes might include cultural appropriation, whereby racial and cultural-specific styles, behaviors, and products are reduced to commodities for commercial profit and purpose (Rodriquez, 2006; Tate, 2003), or reinforcement of negative racial stereotypes (e.g., Blacks are violent, Whites are racist) that can be harmful for or prevent positive interracial contact (MacInnis & Hodson, 2012). Similarly, cultural voyeurism can positively or negatively shape, support, or influence cultural stereotypes. Like society at large, the cultural voyeur begins with a set of stereotypes and beliefs, some of which were acquired directly or indirectly from exposure to media. For the cultural voyeur, mediated views into less-known cultures and subcultures help to build, clarify, reinforce, and validate stereotypical beliefs and expectations about certain groups. Scholars have recently begun to examine favorable beliefs or positive stereotypes about social groups in an effort to better understand the effects of favorable associations on outgroup members and on interracial relations (e.g., Czopp & Monteith, 2006). The nature of stereotyped depictions of racial minority groups, on television in particular, has changed from previous decades (Cummings, 1988), with a greater spectrum of character representations, strongly linked to program genre (e.g., sitcoms, news, dramas; see Cummings, 1988; Entman & Rojecki, 2000). For example, television entertainment programs tend to overstate the real-life success of Blacks, whereas television news shows tend to inflate the real-life poverty and criminal behavior of Blacks (Entman & Rojecki, 2000). In fact, studies have shown that people who watch more entertainment television are more likely to believe that Blacks are affluent and successful; whereas those who watch more television news are more likely to believe Blacks are poor and criminal (Armstrong, Neuendorf, & Brentar, 1992). These findings are not surprising, given news media have historically linked Blacks to crime (Abraham, 2003; Abraham & Appiah, 2006; Dixon & Linz, 2000) whereas entertainment media have depicted Blacks as educated, employed, and comfortably in the middle class (Busselle & Crandall, 2002). While the negative impacts of stereotypes and media racial representations are well-documented, there is an opportunity for communication research to give more consideration to the potentially redeeming effects of stereotypes that may facilitate positive intergroup relations, in part through cultural voyeurism. The messages the media convey about specific racial groups are important given media content shape majority and minority group members’ knowledge and beliefs about racial and ethnic groups and initiate the process of intergroup interaction (Faber, O’Guinn, & Meyer, 1987; Mastro, 2003). In fact, studies examining the effects of stereotypical depictions of race on racial attitudes have found media effects to be even stronger in contexts where individuals have less interracial contact (Fujioka, 1999; Mastro & Tropp, 2004). Intergroup contact research suggests benefits may arise through indirect or imagined interracial contact (Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Tropp, 1997). A long history of research has revealed that interracial contact increases individuals’ knowledge about and empathy for outgroup members (Hewstone & Swart, 2011; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), which contributes to the reduction of prejudice and stereotyping (Galinsky & Ku, 2004) and improves interracial attitudes (Finlay & Stephan, 2000). Meaningful intergroup interaction, whether mediated or direct, can foster greater intergroup awareness and lead individuals to appreciate and value the perspectives and experiences of others (Walsh, 2007). A significant outcome of intergroup contact has been the creation of intergroup harmony and reduction of bias through interpersonal relationships (Pettigrew, Tropp, Wagner, & Christ, 2011). Research demonstrates even simple exposure to an outgroup member can significantly increase liking for that outgroup (Harmon-Jones & Allen, 2001), and this exposure can be realized not only by direct interpersonal intergroup interaction but also through media (Ortiz & Harwood, 2007; Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005). Hence, it is expected that cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive intergroup interaction. Despite the resurgence of racist sentiments among certain demographic groups of Whites, over the last few years, White mainstream Americans’ negative attitudes towards Blacks have actually waned, due in part to Whites’ broader liberalization of racial attitudes, increased acceptance of racial equality, greater motivation to act in accordance with social norms, and efforts to be more egalitarian (Abraham & Appiah, 2006; Veciana-Suarez, 2014). In fact, a growing body of literature indicates Whites’ attitudes toward Blacks have grown more favorable (Alexander, Brewer, & Livingston, 2005; Appiah, 2002; Appiah, Knobloch-Westerwick, & Alter, 2013), particularly among younger and better-educated Whites, who are more likely to sympathize with Blacks, often recognizing them as victims of discrimination (Sniderman, Piazza, Tetlock, & Kendrick, 1991). Despite highly-commercialized and -commodified Black cultural stereotypes, and often unfavorable representations of Blacks in the news media, many Whites now identify with and more favorably view Blacks (Appiah, 2002; Brayton, 2005; Southgate, 2003). These recent changes in attitudes may demonstrate society’s greater understanding of and appreciation for groups outside the mainstream, which may contribute to greater interest in, interaction with, and emulation of different cultural groups. One particularly intriguing aspect of cultural voyeurism is how racial ingroups can find racial outgroup members as appealing, and sometimes more preferable, than their own group (see for example, Appiah, 2002, 2004; Appiah et al., 2013). As an example, some of the stereotypes of Black people that were once considered unbecoming of a member of mainstream society are the very traits that are now often admired, imitated, and seen as highly desirable. Studies show when traits prescribed to outgroups that have been historically stigmatized become socially desired, they are actually liked more than traits affiliated with non-stigmatized ingroup members (Coleman et al., 1995). For example, Blacks are stereotypically characterized as possessing socially desirable traits (e.g., cool, musical, fashionable, athletic). Hence, many Whites are often more likely to embrace Blacks vis-a-vis Whites who personify hip-hop culture, speak Black slang, and are athletic. Thus, outgroup members, even more than the members of one’s own group, may be the beneficiaries of favorable information, just as they may be the victims of negatively-framed information (Dienstbier, 1970). Conclusion Much of the popular press and communication research point to a bleak future of race relations. However, the aforementioned work describing cultural voyeurism and mediated interracial contact provide a more optimistic view. Scholars have demonstrated that prejudice and bias are generally reduced when people of different racial and ethnic groups interact (Gurin, Nagda, & Zuniga, 2013). Cultural voyeurism facilitates meaningful mediated contact, which in turn helps promote positive interracial interaction. The acquisition of knowledge derived from cultural voyeurism should aide cross-cultural understanding and contribute to the erosion of racial prejudice. 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Journal of Communication – Oxford University Press

Published: Apr 1, 2018

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