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Rythmes, Pouvoir, Mondialisation

Rythmes, Pouvoir, Mondialisation 1 Another strain of analysis (Anthony Giddens and Zygmunt Bauman) urges that we try to slow down these processes so that new forms of power can be realized. 2 He deliberately sets aside the work of philosophers during the period, such as Bergson. After 1940, the idea of rhythm was largely abandoned by social science—for example, by various types of structuralism. There were exceptions, of course, such as Foucault’s Surveiller et punir, which Michon cites. BOOK REVIEWS/171 of subjectivity, acting in an individualistic and almost secular way, but in winter they live in close interactive dependence with an intense religious life and collective legal norms. Evans-Pritchard, in his study of the Nuer, revealed that social movements are organized not only around seasonal movements of gathering and dispersion but by terms of alliance and conflict inside and outside the society (57). In recovering the work of these thinkers, Michon does not ignore their limitations—here, for instance, he acknowledges that Mauss and Evans-Pritchard remained under the sway of an evolutionary view of individuality and were thus drawn into sweeping, inaccurate generalizations (101)—but he also does not let methodological or empirical problems discredit their contributions. From social rhythm, Michon moves to http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Comparative Literature Duke University Press

Rythmes, Pouvoir, Mondialisation

Steele, Meili
Comparative Literature , Volume 58 (2) – Jan 1, 2006
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Publisher
Duke University Press
Copyright
Copyright 2006 by University of Oregon
ISSN
0010-4124
eISSN
1945-8517
DOI
10.1215/-58-2-170
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Abstract

1 Another strain of analysis (Anthony Giddens and Zygmunt Bauman) urges that we try to slow down these processes so that new forms of power can be realized. 2 He deliberately sets aside the work of philosophers during the period, such as Bergson. After 1940, the idea of rhythm was largely abandoned by social science—for example, by various types of structuralism. There were exceptions, of course, such as Foucault’s Surveiller et punir, which Michon cites. BOOK REVIEWS/171 of subjectivity, acting in an individualistic and almost secular way, but in winter they live in close interactive dependence with an intense religious life and collective legal norms. Evans-Pritchard, in his study of the Nuer, revealed that social movements are organized not only around seasonal movements of gathering and dispersion but by terms of alliance and conflict inside and outside the society (57). In recovering the work of these thinkers, Michon does not ignore their limitations—here, for instance, he acknowledges that Mauss and Evans-Pritchard remained under the sway of an evolutionary view of individuality and were thus drawn into sweeping, inaccurate generalizations (101)—but he also does not let methodological or empirical problems discredit their contributions. From social rhythm, Michon moves to

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Comparative Literature – Duke University Press

Published: Jan 1, 2006

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