Mis/Education and Zero Tolerance: Disposable Youth and the Politics of Domestic Militarization

Mis/Education and Zero Tolerance: Disposable Youth and the Politics of Domestic Militarization boundary 2 / Fall 2001 aged to address public issues that would benefit the larger collective good. Substantive citizenship also recognized that, for democracy to work, individuals must feel a connection with each other that transcends the selfishness, competitiveness, and brutal self-interests unleashed by an ever expanding market economy. In this context, the state was forced at times to offer a modicum of social services and forums designed to meet basic social needs. State-supported social provisions paralleled modest efforts to affirm public goods such as schools and to provide public spaces in which diverse individuals had the opportunity to debate, deliberate, and acquire the knowhow to be critical and effective citizens. This is not meant to suggest that before neoliberalism’s current onslaught on all things public, liberal, democratic culture encouraged widespread critical thinking and inclusive debate. On the contrary, liberal democracy offered little more than the swindle of formalistic, ritualized democracy, but at least it contained a referent for addressing the deep gap between the promise of a radical democracy and the existing reality. With the rise of neoliberalism, referents for imagining even a weak democracy, or, for that matter, understanding the tensions between capitalism and democracy, which http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png boundary 2: an international journal of literature and culture Duke University Press

Mis/Education and Zero Tolerance: Disposable Youth and the Politics of Domestic Militarization

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Publisher
Duke University Press
Copyright
Copyright 2001 by Duke University Press
ISSN
0190-3659
eISSN
1527-2141
DOI
10.1215/01903659-28-3-61
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

boundary 2 / Fall 2001 aged to address public issues that would benefit the larger collective good. Substantive citizenship also recognized that, for democracy to work, individuals must feel a connection with each other that transcends the selfishness, competitiveness, and brutal self-interests unleashed by an ever expanding market economy. In this context, the state was forced at times to offer a modicum of social services and forums designed to meet basic social needs. State-supported social provisions paralleled modest efforts to affirm public goods such as schools and to provide public spaces in which diverse individuals had the opportunity to debate, deliberate, and acquire the knowhow to be critical and effective citizens. This is not meant to suggest that before neoliberalism’s current onslaught on all things public, liberal, democratic culture encouraged widespread critical thinking and inclusive debate. On the contrary, liberal democracy offered little more than the swindle of formalistic, ritualized democracy, but at least it contained a referent for addressing the deep gap between the promise of a radical democracy and the existing reality. With the rise of neoliberalism, referents for imagining even a weak democracy, or, for that matter, understanding the tensions between capitalism and democracy, which

Journal

boundary 2: an international journal of literature and cultureDuke University Press

Published: Sep 1, 2001

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