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Bentham et l'economie: Une histoire d'utilite

Bentham et l'economie: Une histoire d'utilite Book Reviews do their churches [51]) and that theological language is unnecessary to responsible economic thought. Not all thinkers in this group accept classical or neoclassical doctrines outright; Stackhouse, for example, rejects the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill because it leaves no room for “the good” and prefers the Kantian model of duty, and Ronald Preston favors Keynes and believes original sin calls for greater intervention by the state. But what these thinkers have in common, according to Long, is method. He also calls this dominant tradition the “Weberian strategy,” in that it accepts Max Weber’s fact-value distinction with regard to social science and theology, viewing economics as an autonomous science that studies hard facts about human economic behavior, whereas theology considers the “values” or meanings that underlie and evolve from that behavior. Long critiques these theologians for sacrificing uniquely Christian theology and narrative in order to appear relevant to the current economic situation, thus reducing their thought to little more than capitalism with Christian meanings added on as an afterthought. The ironic result, he concludes, is irrelevance: “Theology does not matter to the economy . . . not from the lack of theological work in this area, http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png History of Political Economy Duke University Press

Bentham et l'economie: Une histoire d'utilite

History of Political Economy , Volume 36 (1) – Mar 1, 2004

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Publisher
Duke University Press
Copyright
Copyright 2004 by Duke University Press
ISSN
0018-2702
eISSN
1527-1919
DOI
10.1215/00182702-36-1-224
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

Book Reviews do their churches [51]) and that theological language is unnecessary to responsible economic thought. Not all thinkers in this group accept classical or neoclassical doctrines outright; Stackhouse, for example, rejects the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill because it leaves no room for “the good” and prefers the Kantian model of duty, and Ronald Preston favors Keynes and believes original sin calls for greater intervention by the state. But what these thinkers have in common, according to Long, is method. He also calls this dominant tradition the “Weberian strategy,” in that it accepts Max Weber’s fact-value distinction with regard to social science and theology, viewing economics as an autonomous science that studies hard facts about human economic behavior, whereas theology considers the “values” or meanings that underlie and evolve from that behavior. Long critiques these theologians for sacrificing uniquely Christian theology and narrative in order to appear relevant to the current economic situation, thus reducing their thought to little more than capitalism with Christian meanings added on as an afterthought. The ironic result, he concludes, is irrelevance: “Theology does not matter to the economy . . . not from the lack of theological work in this area,

Journal

History of Political EconomyDuke University Press

Published: Mar 1, 2004

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