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Verbstellungsvariation in weil- Sätzen: Lexikalische Differenzierung mit grammatischen Folgen

Abstract This paper investigates the variation in the position of the finite verb in n>£//-sentences of colloquial German. I argue that the variation is a consequence of a difference in the lexical systems of causal conjunctions in colloquial and standard German: Where standard German has weil, denn and , colloquial German has (at least) two variants of weil. This polysemy of weil is analysed in a modular way, strictly separating syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties. Thereby, current assumptions on wetf-sentences in colloquial German are either refuted or made more precise. 1. Einleitung Gegenstand der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die uneinheitliche Stellung des finiten Verbs in wei/-Sätzen des heutigen Deutsch.1 Neben Verbletztstellung ist seit einiger Zeit2 auch Verbzweitstellung zu beobachten, vgl. (1) vs (2): (1) (2) Peter kommt zu spät, weil er keinen Parkplatz gefunden hat. Peter kommt zu spät, weil er hat keinen Parkplatz gefunden. i Dabei sind die Termini ,,Verbzweitstellung" und ,,Verbletztstellung" auf die bekannte Feldergliederung des deutschen Satzes bezogen, die im Kern auf Drach (1937) zurückgeht:3 1 Das Vorliegende ist eine stark überarbeitete Fassung von Uhmann (1996). Frühere Versionen habe ich 16.11.1996 im Linguistischen Kolloquium (Universität Dortmund) und am 03.07.1997 am IDS (Mannheim) vorgetragen. Für Kommentare danke http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft de Gruyter
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