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/lp/de-gruyter/reconsidering-resistance-ainu-cultural-revival-as-protest-S0GSZJ2TLb
- Publisher
- de Gruyter
- Copyright
- © 2022 Courtney Powell, published by Sciendo
- eISSN
- 2521-7038
- DOI
- 10.2478/vjeas-2022-0001
- Publisher site
- See Article on Publisher Site
Abstract
This article aims to explore how different Ainu groups have resisted continual control and assimilation by the Japanese government in the late twentieth century. First, it provides a brief analysis of early resistance strategies of ethnic groups to colonial power, contrasting it with contemporary methods of protest in the post-war era. This is to show the different modes of resistance and to analyse why and how they changed over time. The article highlights the period between the 1970s and 1990s, during which violent resistance committed by Japanese progressive activists in the name of Ainu liberation was gradually succeeded by peaceful protest enacted by Ainu themselves, resulting in a movement using artwork in pursuing their political goals. The article argues that this latter kind of resistance represents the core of Ainu activism. I will analyse cultural resistance efforts such as literary publications, commemorative monuments, and educational programmes since the 1970s. Special attention will be given to three children’s books produced by prominent Ainu activist Kayano Shigeru to discuss how the author’s cultural activism during this period shaped Ainu methods of contesting authority through cultural pride and maintenance. Keywords: Ainu, resistance, literature, language, cultural revitalisation, Kayano Shigeru Powell, Courtney. 2022. “Reconsidering Resistance: Ainu Cultural Revival as Protest.” Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, 14, pp. 1–23. https://doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2022-0001 Submitted: 23.06.2021, accepted: 28.02.2022 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Introduction Hokkaidō 北海道, the second largest and northernmost island of Japan, was originally inhabited by the Ainu people. The island’s internal colonisation by Japan in the nineteenth century resulted in catastrophic consequences for the Ainu population, including disenfranchisement of their lands, culture, and customs. This was working towards an end goal of submission and complete assimilation of the Ainu people into Japanese ways of life. They were declared a “dying race” by outsiders due to the backwardness of their habits and “poverty of blood” (Landor 1893: 296). The Japanese perception that they were barbaric and inferior was perpetuated by paternalistic legislation, for example, the Natives Protection Act (Dojin hogohō 土人 保護法), which was enacted against them. These policies were legitimised by the belief that indigenous people would inevitably die out and the legislation was supposed to civilise and “protect” them. Ainu were actively prohibited from engaging with their culture and were instead coerced to assimilate, discouraged from continuing to practice their cultural ceremonies, wear traditional dress, engage in tattooing traditions, whereas men were forced to cut their long hair (Siddle 1996: 41). Even the name of the legislation signified their perceived inferiority: The word dojin 土 人, despite commonly used in the sense of “native,” has the literal reading “person of the soil.” It is indicative of Japanese attitudes towards Ainu at that time, carrying connotations of uncivilisedness, with the term being considered derogatory today. The Japanese state policies, combined with public messaging about the Ainu’s (supposed) inherent inferiority, instilled generational shame associated with claiming an Ainu identity. This resulted in many Ainu hiding their backgrounds even from their descendants (Grunow et al. 2019; Smith 1987). Struggles to recognise and promote Ainu identity have been ongoing even into the twenty-first century. Legislated assimilation has resulted in turning Ainu communities’ assertion of their cultural rights into a form of protest, or at least of non-cooperation. When continually plagued by assimilation efforts or even denied their existence as a separate, indigenous people, practising customs and embracing aspects of traditional Ainu culture is a significantly defiant act. The article relies on the seminal works of Richard Siddle on the Ainu, applying his assertion that “[p]olitical mobilisation among indigenous peoples has been accompanied by a dramatic cultural renaissance” (1996: 20). To unpack this, the article is rooted in work that explores cultural movements as protest. Nepstead, Kurtz, and Coy (2012) recognise that civil resistance through protests and non-cooperation has been paramount in achieving political and The origins of the Ainu people are debated, and previous studies have suggested they migrated to this part of the region in prehistoric times. Regardless, the Ainu people were some of the earliest inhabitants of the northern parts of the Japanese islands. A resolution was adopted by the Japanese government to recognise the Ainu as indigenous to Hokkaidō in 2008. Powell, Courtney (2022) social gains for oppressed groups throughout history. With regard to Ainu, this has been particularly prominent from the 1970s onwards. K. David Harrison has taken these concepts and applied them to linguistics. When commenting on the Ainu language, he argued that to use an endangered language was a form of resistance against those who oppressed its use (Budgen and Bassetti 2020). Uzawa Kanako has furthermore brought this concept into the realm of indigenous studies by applying it to an Ainu context. Her discussion centres on how Ainu living in Tokyo connect to their heritage, and she claims that “[e]ating traditional food constitutes an ‘everyday act of resurgence’” (2018: 198). This article intends to build on these ideas by applying them to the artistic, linguistic, and literary endeavours during the Ainu cultural revitalisation period of the 1970s–1990s. I will firstly engage briefly with early violent resistance in order to contrast it with contemporary efforts that have often-times pursued more subtle forms of protest. Against the backdrop of increasingly violent acts committed in the name of Ainu causes by Japanese activists during the 1970s, this article examines how Ainu people have later considered non-violent alternatives rooted in cultural pride. It will trace the burgeoning patterns of cultural resistance in the 1970s in response to the continual demand for assimilation by the Japanese government. Additionally, it will acknowledge the efforts to fight against prejudiced attitudes in support of such policies among Ainu communities. This continues to explore the language revitalisation programmes established in the 1980s to combat the “doomed race” perception of Ainu and prevent language extinction. The general development of theories surrounding identity in the 1990s culminated in the emergence of Japanese-language children’s literature centred on Ainu topics. This article aims to highlight the work of Kayano Shigeru 萱野茂 (1926– 2006), an Ainu activist whose involvement was ongoing throughout the thirty-year period discussed here. Of particular focus are his books aimed at younger Japanese and Ainu children that put Ainu history and cosmology at the forefront. These texts act as a mode of resistance when they enable Ainu to reassert their histories and communicate their worldview. The significance of these works lies in their longevity; being published originally in the 1970s and then republished in the 1990s, they display the relevancy of Kayano’s work. These texts will be analysed as a culmination of late- twentieth century Ainu activism in the cultural domain. I will focus on how these efforts from the 1970s–1990s have contributed to the Ainu being able to reclaim the autonomy that was taken from them. Experiences of colonialism are not exclusive to Ainu and exist in a context that is applicable to other indigenous communities worldwide. Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand, for example, have an expansive and continual history of resistance to colonial control across various modes as do other indigenous groups across the world. Within the scope of the contemporary cultural domain this article is focusing on, art has been continually utilised as a form of peaceful protest and is Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies considered a valid expression of resistance. Māori artist Rangi Kipa proposed “art as a tool for autochthonous cultural recovery, as well as advocacy for internal reflection and debate” (May 2011). His perspective on practices such as Ta Moko (traditional Māori tattooing) as a method of communicating heritage imbued it with meaning by asserting cultural counter-narratives to the overwhelmingly prevailing understanding of Pākehā (ethnically European New Zealanders). These comments provide a basis for interpreting the artistic and literary endeavours as works of resistance. The article aims to additionally recognise cross-cultural indigenous connections between Ainu and Māori, showing that Ainu people experiment with similar resistance efforts in the spheres of art and culture. Early Resistance to Japanese Domination Early resistance to Japanese domination by the Ainu occurred prior to the subsequent colonisation of their territory, one of the most prominent instances being Shakushain’s War (Shakushain no tatakai シャクシャインの戦い) from 1669. The revolt was led by prominent Ainu leader Shakushain against the representative Japanese Matsumae Domain (Matsumae-shi 松前藩) of the Tokugawa Shogunate (Tokugawa bakufu 徳 川幕府) to assert Ainu independence and control over trade relations. Matsumae and certain Ainu communities had sustained trading relationships, but economic conflict plagued the interactions (Howell 2005). This included accessibility to other trade markets and the physical exploitation of Ainu workers by the Japanese. Discontent grew over the unequal relations between Ainu groups and Matsumae resulting in certain Ainu communities coming together under Shakushain’s leadership during the war. Ainu fighters attacked Japanese traders and miners, targeting their vessels, and causing the deaths of an estimated 200 to 400 Japanese (Siddle 1996: 117). However, they were unable to successfully defeat the Matsumae Domain. Shakushain was assassinated at a peace talk and the smaller revolts following his death were quashed soon after. Payments of indemnity were then expected from the defeated Ainu, and, despite some leaders refusing to pay, many accepted Matsumae’s demands out of fear that they would no longer be able to trade (Howell 2005: 114). It is essential to recognise that only certain Ainu groups fought with Shakushain during the war. Ainu lived in independent and autonomous communities and did not align under one leader. Nor was there a prevailing sense of Ainu ethnic identity; there was significant diversity among different groups in cultural practices and dialects, and Ainu people maintained localised identities that were linked to their respective communities. Interpersonal conflict among different Ainu communities was quite frequent and brought forth changing alliances. Such disagreements led to certain groups refusing to participate in the revolt if they valued their relationships with Matsumae more. In other words, Shakushain’s War demonstrated the diversity Powell, Courtney (2022) among Ainu communities during this period and displayed the considerable level of autonomy each group had in their interactions with Matsumae and each other. Independent leaders could exercise agency in deciding who they fought (or did not fight) with and for how long (Siddle 1996: 35). This response to control by the Tokugawa Shogunate and Matsumae Domain was vastly different from future resistance efforts. The variety of responses highlights once more the multiplicity of relationships between Edo-period Japan and the Ainu. The outcome of the war arguably marked the beginning of more active marginalisation of Ainu in retaliation for their uprising. It can be argued that the Ainu had more autonomy prior to the Meiji period, as evidenced by different decisions made around the time of Shakushain’s War and its fallout. Ainu leaders were more capable of exercising their will in the relationships they maintained with other communities and the Matsumae Domain. However, this kind of leeway would become increasingly restricted with formal colonisation and Japanese immigration into Hokkaidō. There was not yet a prevailing understanding of ethnic identity among the Ainu, as that identity remained localised to community and familial groups. This situation enabled more variability in alliances, impacting the reasons why certain leaders chose to participate in Shakushain’s War or not. However, the indemnity payments and restrictions placed on Ainu became a signifier of the future control that Japan would hold over the region and its people. Shakushain’s War was by no means the only effort to show resistance to the increasing exercise of Japanese control. Arguably, oppression and exploitation are similarly motivating factors of resistance across time for Ainu. Certain political contexts have shaped their actions, the successive early resistance coming as a response to the period’s political climate. This is evident in the shift to non-violent approaches becoming increasingly utilised after the loss of Shakushain’s War and into the twentieth century. After Hokkaidō was deemed terra nullius in 1869 and officially made a part of Japan, entire Ainu communities were often relocated for purposes of developing the land for settler colonialism. The largest relocation from Sakhalin saw Ainu taking a more passive resistant approach, again demonstrating the variability among these communities. Unable to prevent the initial relocation in 1875, Ainu were moved to Tsuishikari onto substandard land. However, many Ainu did not stay there permanently as expected and eventually returned to their traditional areas (Siddle 1999: 108). Refusing to cooperate by simply remaining on the land, the State’s attempt at further control failed to be successful during this period. Nepstead, Kurtz, and Coy (2012), as mentioned in the introduction, argue that ignoring state directives is a form of civil resistance. Ainu exemplify this when they continued to practice traditional customs even after they were outlawed. Some Ainu would continue to partake in traditional hunting and fishing practices and tattooing customs in secret, despite the assimilation policies enacted against them in the early twentieth century (Mason 2012: 10). At first glance, this might be viewed as just the Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies continuation of everyday life for the respective individuals and nothing particularly revolutionary. However, these acts were considered a crime under Japanese law. This elevates an Ainu person’s commitment to continuing certain customs to a significant display of defiance in the face of colonial control. Refusing to stop engaging with their traditions displays immense courage. However, not all Ainu were in a position to participate in these resistance acts. Siddle (1996: 127) emphasises that location was a key factor in dictating which communities could continue their practices; the more isolated a village was from the mass immigration of Japanese settlers, the more likely its inhabitants were able to successfully continue engaging with their culture. Resistance through non- compliance is what would ultimately enable certain aspects of Ainu traditional customs to survive and be passed on, although it is debatable how much longevity the traditions were given into modern times. When considering the dissemination of knowledge to future generations, the assimilation efforts resulting in feelings of inferiority by Ainu would be far more successful at disrupting lines of transmission than the small acts of resistance would be at maintaining them. Considering cohesion once more, the lack of a larger, organised resistance to assimilation meant that the overall impact individual actions had was small. Unable to permeate a wider sphere, it led to an overall loss of many elements of Ainu culture. Associated with something illegal and shameful, Ainu identity—however cohesive or particular it might have been—began to be denied, and the majority committed to Japanese assimilation. The Case of Japanese Protest to Ainu Issues The Meiji period and formal colonisation of Hokkaidō saw Ainu resistance to assimilation shift to primarily non-violent forms that focused on continuing to engage with their culture against a colonial power that intended to strip it from them. In various ways, this strategy has been maintained up to this day, although it did not always appear to be this way. There is a significant history of Japanese activists committing violent acts in the name of Ainu liberation which, at the time, were believed to have been committed by Ainu themselves. The Ainu were variously impacted by the repercussions of these incidents. Ainu rights and marginality gained more attention during the late 1960s against the backdrop of increasing recognition of indigenous people’s rights internationally. This led to specific incidents of terrorism being consistently committed on behalf of Ainu during the early 1970s, including attacks on buildings, monuments, and people. This period saw the formation of groups such as the Ainu Mondai Kenkyūkai アイヌ問題研究会 (Society for the Study of Ainu Issues), which included Ainu and Japanese members. However, Ainu membership would oftentimes dwindle as the groups became dominated by more radical, Japanese left-wing Powell, Courtney (2022) activists. Many subscribed to the Japanese New Left movement that developed in Japan in the 1950s from Japan’s leftist culture and splits in the Japan Communist Party. The movement developed into the 1960s–1970s and was highly segmented. Local sectors were involved in the causes of indigenous communities, with the New Left including Ainu students and intellectuals, such as Yūki Shōji 結城庄司. It is important to acknowledge Ainu proponents like him; however, as evidenced by the Society for the Study of Ainu Issues, Ainu intentions to utilise the New Left movement for their benefit were often hijacked by Japanese activists. Once ousted from spaces that initially used to be their own, Ainu had little control over what was occurring in their name. Thus, many of the attacks during the decade were committed by ethnically Japanese New Left activists, seeking to protest on behalf of Ainu. Bombings took place from 1972 onwards, often attacking exhibitions or sites related to the Ainu. This was in protest of the commodification and commercialisation of Ainu traditions and culture by the Japanese for tourism purposes. A series of over thirty bombings were committed to these ends between 1973 and 1976 (lewallen 2006: 499). During that period, another incident occurred when the Japanese Mayor of Shiraoi was stabbed in the neck, but the attempted murder was unsuccessful. The perpetrator, Yagi Tatsumi 八木龍実, is cited as claiming the attack was in protest of Japanese businessmen exploiting Ainu in the tourism industry, commodifying their culture at their expense (Sala 1975: 51). Yagi’s reasoning was a valid problem for Ainu, but this was not how they were aiming to solve it. The violence climaxed with the bombing of the Hokkaidō Government Building on March 2, 1976, allegedly committed by a sect of the East Asia Anti-Japan Armed Front (Higashi Ajia Hannichi Busō Sensen 東アジア反日武 装戦線), which left two people dead (Siddle 1999: 113). These bombings were primarily carried out by Japanese activists, but until that was revealed by investigations, it appeared as if Ainu were responsible. The attacks, committed for the cause of Ainu liberation, brought the issues suffered by Ainu to the fore, but in a way that was unhelpful to their public image. By 1975 it was known that the bombings were primarily committed by Japanese activists and Ainu spoke out against them. Commenting on the events, Ainu activist Kaibazawa Hiroshi 海馬沢博 argued the acts committed on behalf of the Ainu population were an “unwanted interference” (cited in Siddle 1996: 166). Unfortunately, his comments were largely unhelpful to correcting wider public perception as too much harm had already been done. Sala’s (1975: 61) statement— “[t]he predominant image was of a belligerent, fierce Ainu minority fighting gamely against prefectural and national governments”—demonstrates the severity of the damage inflicted on the already low perception about the Ainu people—a damage that would not be so easily restored in popular consciousness when it confirmed preconceived bias about Ainu as a violent and barbaric people. As much as Ainu leaders tried to assert their lack of involvement, those beliefs persisted. Despite the Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Japanese perpetrators being found, destructive activities continued to be associated with Ainu, further damaging their reputation. However, witnessing what Japanese revolutionaries did in their name inspired some Ainu to take non-violent action themselves. It prompted young Ainu to raise their own voices, speaking on the issues that affected them. The activism displayed by Ainu, therefore, ran counter to that of the Japanese protesting on their behalf, taking an ultimately non-violent approach that focused, in significant ways, on enriching and revitalising the cultural lives of Ainu people. Emerging Cultural Resistance Assimilation remained an ongoing issue for Ainu communities into the late twentieth century. In 1930, the Hokkaidō Ainu Association (Hokkaidō Ainu Kyōkai 北海道ア イヌ協会) was established as a subset of the Hokkaidō government. It consistently promoted the rhetoric of assimilation to Ainu communities. Ainu leaders encouraged the wider community to comply with those policies, generating pressure to conform from within the community, working in conjunction with outside compulsion. Ongoing support for the policy by Japanese leaders is evidenced by the remarks made by a minister named Ueki in 1976: “we now sincerely hope that the Ainu people will identify themselves as Japanese” (cited in Larson, Johnson, and Murphy 2008: 60). Ueki acknowledged that Ainu considered themselves a separate group, but he still called for them to relinquish the Ainu identity. His disparaging remarks provide an understanding of the climate around Ainu identity in the 1970s. Ainu remained actively encouraged by both Japanese officials and their own communities to abandon their culture and heritage in favour of assimilation. It was statements like the above that spoke to the pushback by Ainu communities. The fruits of their efforts were manifested from the early 1970s. A concentrated rejection of assimilation attempts began to be significantly visible and, unlike previously, there were increasing endeavours among Ainu that focused on creating an all-encompassing ethnic identity. The linguistic and cultural diversity that was once highly prevalent among Ainu communities was made almost extinct by forced relocations and the passage of time. What remained paved the way for new developments. It would help to bring about the idea of a cohesive Ainu identity which was oftentimes spearheaded by young people. An understanding of ethnic identity that was absent during Shakushain’s War began to develop in ways that would benefit Ainu in their contemporary cultural endeavours. Its name was changed to the Hokkaidō Utari Association in 1961 due to negative associations with the word “Ainu” but was renamed a second time, resuming being called the Hokkaidō Ainu Association in 2009. It is now an independent organisation. Powell, Courtney (2022) The Meiji centennial celebrations in 1968 also coincided with and commemorated one hundred years of Japanese governance over Hokkaidō. However, the events excluded Ainu by failing to recognise their role prior to colonisation, or their subjugation during the colonial period. Ainu responded to the outright denial of their existence by erecting a 4.2 metre tall, reinforced plastic statue in 1970 (Hokkaidō Shimbun 2015). The monument depicted Shakushain, honouring the Ainu hero who had resisted the Matsumae Domain. Its placement was deliberate, overlooking both the Shizunai River and the Pacific Ocean, at the place where he had died (Sala 1975: 44). The statue refers to a significant cultural icon to Ainu, depicting this once great leader who revolted against their oppressors. The choice to honour the seventeenth- century heroic warrior imbued the act with a particular meaning. It recognised the history of resistance by reasserting Ainu were a continually living people, utilising art as a medium to combat an ahistorical narrative. The response to their exclusion through the non-violent form of commemoration has impactful, cultural significance. However, the statue was not entirely uncontroversial. It was a monument commemorating Ainu achievement, but it was designed by a Japanese sculptor, Takenaka Toshihiro 竹中敏洋, and included a plaque that bore the name of the then Japanese Governor of Hokkaidō, Machimura Kingo 町村金五. For these reasons, the statue became embroiled in the violent conflicts of the early 1970s. It was defaced in 1972 by having part of the inscription containing the Governor’s name chiselled off. This event was initially linked to the subsequent bombings of other cultural buildings and monuments. The defacement was the only instance among the heightened violence of the period to include an Ainu activist, Yūki Shōji, who, as discussed above, had links with some radical Japanese New Left thinkers. His involvement continued to perpetuate the idea that Ainu were violent in the minds of the Japanese population, even when it was ultimately unrelated to the later attacks. Today the statue remains a significant cultural monument to the Ainu despite its early controversy. An annual memorial service continues to be held for Shakushain at the statue site (Hokkaidō Shimbun 2015). As part of the memorial period, aspects of traditional Ainu culture are celebrated and promoted during the events, and celebrations are organised by Ainu for their own benefit rather than commercialised for tourists. These events contrast significantly with the attack on the mayor. The attempted murder was a violent protest committed on behalf of the Ainu by a Japanese person and failed to benefit Ainu communities long-term. Ainu themselves protesting their cultural erasure during the late twentieth century were significantly more peaceful than what would be enacted on their behalf. It exemplifies the way the majority of Ainu chose to commemorate and embrace their heritage which has developed into ongoing celebrations today. Shakushain’s monument remains a show of resistance against the continued oppression and marginalisation of Ainu communities in the wider historical narrative. Its importance is ongoing; a newer Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies statue was erected when the original fell into disrepair (Saitō 2016). It continues to be an important cultural monument and signifier of Ainu resistance. The establishment of an independent Ainu newspaper, Anutari Ainu アヌタリ アイヌ (We Humans), unattached to the recently name-changed Hokkaidō Utari Association, was another significant cultural development during the 1970s. The Utari Association had its own official periodical that resumed printing in 1971 after a pause. The publication was intended for an Ainu audience but the Association’s connection to the government remained controversial. As with the erection of the Shakushain monument, Anutari Ainu arguably acted as a form of protest when considering the content that was produced over its three-year run from 1973 until 1976. The newspaper was spearheaded by Dobashi Yoshimi 土橋芳美 née Hiramura 平村 along with other Ainu women, and the prominent Ainu figure Sasaki Masao 佐々木昌雄, who acted as editor for the early issues. The establishment of the newspaper is significant when the Ainu language was originally an exclusively oral language, and written Japanese was one such means forced onto Ainu in the expectation of assimilation. The contributors now utilised the tools that had been an integral part of their subordination to resist further marginalisation and encourage cultural pride and revitalisation. Sala (1975: 62) identified Anutari Ainu’s creation as a response to the attacks in 1972–1973, as part of the decision by young Ainu to take protesting into their own hands. It exemplifies the significantly different tactics employed by Ainu in comparison to the Japanese activists. The newspaper was printed monthly, continuing to be organised primarily by young Ainu women based in Sapporo. It published a wide variety of content such as articles discussing Ainu issues as well as artistic pieces including poetry and prose (Winchester 2009: 13). Young Ainu authors could promote their voices within this domain as well as create a platform for the exploration of their culture and heritage. The first issue discussed the matter of Ainu language revival (Maher 2001: 330; the efforts towards improving this are discussed later in the article). However, the acknowledgement of language issues as early as 1971 shows how some Ainu were thinking about the issues that affected them. The publication was evidently ahead of its time in addressing the cultural rights and needs of their community. In a conference, Ishihara Mai recalls learning of her mother’s involvement in Anutari Ainu as one of the main founders and contributors to the publication along with her uncle (Grunow et al. 2019). However, Ishihara was unaware of her family heritage until her mother revealed it to her when she was twelve years old. Before this revelation, Ishihara had believed herself to be of exclusively Japanese descent. It was common for parents aware of their Ainu heritage to hide it from their children, perceiving it to be something shameful that ought to be kept secret. Situations such as this expose how even those Ainu who were involved in early cultural promotion and indigenous activism could later return to hiding their identities. The assimilatory forces working against Ainu were overpowering and associating that identity was Powell, Courtney (2022) eventually seen as shameful even among their own communities. This highlights the significant difficulties experienced by those who attempted to be visibly and proudly Ainu. The case of Ishihara exemplifies the challenges which forced many Ainu towards feeling such discomfort that they would keep their ethnicity secret from future generations. It was made far easier to assimilate and pretend to be ethnically Japanese. Although the publication was short-lived, it is just one example of the Ainu collectives among the associations and publications that sprang up throughout the early 1970s. Literature by Ainu authors was published and works such as the children’s books written by Kayano Shigeru and illustrated by Saitō Hiroyuki 斎藤博 之in 1975 are discussed below. The promotion of Ainu culture through both periodical and fictional publications suggests diversity in the body of works that were being published, covering a range of topics capable of reaching as wide an audience as possible. Along with the Shakushain monument, the cultural domain in which these projects resided reveals a marked difference from early Ainu activism, with later movements focusing on embracing their heritage and uplifting their voices against silence and erasure. Not all these activists would manage to pursue these activities throughout their lives, but these moments of pride would contribute to the political fights that ran concurrently with them in the subsequent decades. Language Revitalisation as Resistance As addressed by Anutari Ainu, language revitalisation was a pressing cultural issue. It is difficult to determine how many speakers of the Ainu language there were at the time the article was written, but by the 1980s the Los Angeles Times reported that “[j]ust 40 or so elderly Ainu still speak the Ainu language” (Smith 1987). Language loss due to colonisation was a significant factor in the cultural destruction of Ainu ways of life. The process of assimilation included the imposed learning of the Japanese language. Within education, speaking anything other than Japanese was actively discouraged but banning the Ainu language was not an official policy under the Hokkaidō Former Natives Protection Act. Restricting the spaces Ainu could be used consequentially prevented traditions from being practised and subsequently passed down. As a result, the vitality of the language was weakened as the domains of use became smaller. This was a factor in the rapid deterioration of the number of Ainu speakers, creating a disparity and an age gap between those who could understand and speak the language and those who could not. Rice (2006: 15) surmises that “[t]he Ainu language and lifestyle almost completely disappeared within a couple of generations.” Language loss proves the effectiveness of assimilation even without official policy. However, the language still existed in the twentieth century, primarily among the elderly. Despite the disruption to traditional learning systems caused by assimilation, it was not too late to save the language. Activism shifted towards the Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies consideration of cultural rights causing activists to seek a way to revitalise and maintain their language. It was not just education for Ainu that was discriminatory. The depiction of Ainu in materials for Japanese school children was additionally damaging. The information was not only inaccurate but also culturally insensitive. Complaints were made by Ainu about their depiction in school textbooks (Tsutsui 2018: 53). The materials perpetuated ingrained beliefs which were expressed from the highest level of governance, as evidenced previously by the comments encouraging assimilation made by those with the most power. These educational materials maintained Japanese ignorance about Ainu in most of the population, and a negative perception that had been further confirmed by the bombings and attacks throughout the 1970s. The discriminatory portrayals of Ainu in education further promoted a one-sided perspective of historical events and continued to deny Ainu any assertion of their identity and history (Hammine 2019). Despite the Ainu’s attempts at a cultural revival and making space for themselves, in popular perception they were still broadly regarded as fully assimilated Japanese citizens. A progression from Minister Ueki’s 1976 expression of hope for the continued assimilation of the Ainu people is evident. The process obviously was considered complete in the following decades. In Japan’s report to the Human Rights Committee in 1980, it claimed that the country did not have minorities as outlined by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Human Rights Committee 1980: 12). This sentiment was later affirmed by Japanese Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro中曽根 康弘 when he spoke on his belief that Japan had no minorities and was a racially homogenous nation (Smith 1987). That belief was a pervasive myth in both national and international perception. However, these comments did not go uncontested by the minority groups living in Japan. As Maher (2001: 331) explains, “Ainu and other minorities in Japan, angered by this statement, reaffirm the need to assert their cultural, including linguistic, presence.” The disparaging remarks resulted in methods of protest that saw the cultural domain flourish, with Ainu pushback prompting the creation of more resources and spaces to facilitate language regeneration. Prevented from engaging with and unable to “affirm their language heritage” (Maher 1997: 117), impactful language revitalisation efforts only came rapidly to the fore in the latter half of the twentieth century. Ainu children historically received inferior education, starting schooling at an older age and ending schooling younger than Japanese students (Siddle 1996: 72). As briefly discussed, the Ainu language was discouraged from being spoken and Japanese would become the native language for most Ainu children. It was only in 1983, ten years after Anutari Ainu had published the article on language revitalisation, that the first Ainu language school would be established. Kayano Shigeru 萱野茂founded the first Ainu-medium educational institution, the Nibutani Ainu Language School (Nibutani Ainu-go Juku 二風谷アイ Powell, Courtney (2022) ヌ語塾), and it was not long before another was established in 1987 in Asahikawa. This was a significant achievement that made international news, as an article was published about the school in the Los Angeles Times. Its author reported the leader of the Utari Association, Nomura Giichi 野村義一, expressing his desire for more Ainu language courses (Smith 1987). More classes would be organised later, primarily operating out of community centres in Urakawa and Kushiro in 1989. More schools were founded in the 1990s across Hokkaidō. Following the establishment of the Ainu language schools, complementary programmes were also created. In the same year as the opening of the Urakawa and Kushiro Ainu language schools, a radio-based Ainu language course was established in Hokkaidō on Sapporo Radio STVラジオ (STV rajio). This would hold cultural significance not just as another learning tool, but also by recognising the solely oral roots of the language. The broadcast’s reach was limited to Hokkaidō, making it inaccessible to Ainu living outside the region, but this too was a significant step forward in language preservation—and the programme would still reach a significant amount of the population as the majority of Ainu still lived in Hokkaidō. Continuing to run today, its longevity has proven the impact and necessity of the radio broadcast format. It reveals the enthusiasm with which Ainu continue to engage with their language, made possible by the establishment of such programmes. Other cultural events would continue to be conceived and executed specifically to revitalise the language, such as the Ainu Language Speech Contest (Ainu-go Benron Taikai, アイヌ語弁論大会), first held in 1989. The contest was widely reported on and included a vast range of participants of all ages from pre- school children to adults (Maher 2001: 333). All these indicate an appreciation for language education, particularly from a young age. The speech contest was a significant achievement in the process of language revitalisation for Ainu. With regard to the language’s oral nature, based on chants and storytelling, a speech competition can be viewed as a way to respect and revive those traditional practices. It proved that efforts to introduce the Ainu language to the younger generations and to bridge the knowledge gap between elders and children was working. This would go a long way in overall revitalisation efforts, increasing their vitality by providing space for the language to be utilised in everyday domains. Strong (2011: 89) explains that, traditionally, sacred spaces existed within the same realm as secular life according to Ainu thinking. Maintaining the bounds in which the Ainu language could be used in everyday life was significant for how it could once again bridge the spiritual and secular lives of modern Ainu. The production of educational materials in the Ainu language bolstered its reach, preventing an aspect integral to Ainu culture from being lost entirely. The strides made to revive and revitalise the Ainu language makes for a compelling case as a form of protest. As established in the introduction, Harrison has argued that indigenous languages are colonised and oppressed, thus continuing to use Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies them is an act of resistance. The systematic oppression of the Ainu language elevates and gives meaning to its continued usage. Despite the comments of government officials regarding the state of ethnic minorities in Japan, the Ainu have literally made their voices heard in multiple arenas by attempting to revitalise and maintain their language. This is reflective of civil activism during the 1980s: “civic groups not only solved problems by themselves but also proposed and implemented an alternative set of principles for daily life” (Avenell 2010: 208). Although Avenell is speaking about the general Japanese society, his comments are applicable to the Ainu situation as well. Ainu activists and communities sought funding in order to make their own programmes when it was evident that their existence as an ethnic minority was to be continuously denied by governmental institutions. The continued viability of their language is yet another marker of proof of enduring Ainu existence and adaptation, defying the expectations of their presumed inevitable extinction. Law and Difficulties Defining Ainu Culture From 1984, Ainu activists were campaigning for new legislation to replace the former Hokkaidō Natives Protection Act. The proposed legislation had six main components, the third of which emphasised promoting culturally sensitive education and preserving Ainu culture. The proposed law was finally passed in 1997 with the enactment of the Ainu bunka no shinkō narabini Ainu no dentō-tō ni kansuru chishiki no fukyū oyobi keihatsu ni kansuru hōritsu アイヌ文化の振興並びにアイヌの伝統等に関する知識 の普及及び啓発に関する法律 (Act on the Promotion of Ainu Culture and Dissemination and Enlightenment of Knowledge About Ainu Tradition). The Ainu bunka shinkō-ho アイヌ文化振興法 (Ainu Cultural Promotion Act), in its short title, was a significant advancement in combatting the continued oppression of this ethnic group. However, by the end of the negotiation and enactment process, of the six proposed components only cultural promotion remained in the law that passed. Siddle (2003) has recognised perspectives from which the legislation can be regarded as an epoch-making event but has argued for the detrimental, short-term impacts for Ainu. As the originally proposed legislation focused on more elements than just culture, Ainu activists expressed disappointment at the law’s limited scope and ongoing failure to recognise them as indigenous people (Uzawa 2018). A primary concern in the legislative process was the role of the Japanese State in defining what was Ainu culture. Often, what is considered traditional culture tends to be perceived as being the most authentic. However, labelling the oldest traditions as the only legitimate form of cultural practices purposefully disregards recent developments and ignores the fluidity of culture. Apart from being limited in its scope for Ainu rights, the legislation additionally restricted and predetermined the meaning and interpretations of Ainu culture. Regardless, the 1990s were a turning point for Powell, Courtney (2022) Japan’s recognition of the Ainu as a minority group. The removal of the derogatory term dojin from the title of the Act and instead using Ainu exemplified the attitudinal shift resulting from the previous decades of activism. Japan would not go so far as to proclaim Ainu as an indigenous people; yet, the previous years of work from Ainu activists campaigning politically, as well as establishing their identity and revitalising their culture on their own terms, led to significant changes. The legislation did not allow the Ainu to control and define their culture, and many Ainu continued to resist state intervention and reassert their culture in the face of misrepresentation. Kayano Shigeru’s Works One prevalent example is Kayano Shigeru’s works, who established the first Ainu- language school in 1983 and was the first Ainu to become a member of the Japanese Diet in 1994. He gave his inauguration speech first in Ainu, then in Japanese (Maher 2001: 331). As previously mentioned, Kayano was also an author of children’s literature and a memoirist. His three children’s books this article focuses on were originally published in 1975 and were reprinted in 1998–1999. Their initial publishing concurred with the early period of increased Ainu activism related to the preservation and promotion of Ainu culture and perspectives. When considering the gains made in the cultural and educational domain since then, the republishing of the children’s texts in the late 1990s is understandable, functioning to introduce Ainu cosmology to a new generation. The success of his work furthermore represents a continual shift in attitudes. Since the time of their original publication, Kayano had become an esteemed public figure, known across all of Japan. Now more prominently in the public eye, his works would reach a wider audience who associated the name Kayano with the activist and politician. Kayano’s involvement in politics and as an eminent figure in the Nibutani Dam Case (Nibutani damu saiban 二風谷ダム裁判) is significant for Ainu activism focused on the dispossession of land. Kayano exemplifies the assertion of Ainu political and cultural rights through peaceful modes of protest. The contrasting approaches reveal important distinctions in modes of postcolonial struggle. During the period of violent activism, Kayano alternatively wrote stories that would enable Ainu children to see themselves represented in them and be capable of feeling pride for their ethnicity. Kayano’s literary pursuits are arguably equally important signifiers of resistance for their ongoing assertion of Ainu cultural rights as his political achievements. Exemplary of all these efforts are these three books that Kayano wrote and Saitō illustrated. That these texts were republished is another signifier of this era as a turning point, with Ainu literature being regarded as valuable and important enough to be shared with a new generation. It additionally represents the gains made by Ainu, with the rise of the cultural revitalisation movement after the failure of Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Japanese violent activism in their name. Kibori no ookami 木彫りのオオカミ (The Wooden Wolf) (Kayano and Saitō 1998a), Okikurumi no bōkenオキクルミのぼうけん (The Adventures of Okikurmi) (Kayano and Saitō 1998b), and Kaze no kami to Okikurumi 風の神トオキクルミ (The Goddess of the Wind and Okikurmi) (Kayano and Saitō 1999) present different aspects of Ainu traditions and culture, putting those values at the forefront of children’s literature. Given the history of Ainu representation in educational materials, the inclusion of Ainu perspectives prioritising the Ainu worldview is particularly poignant. The Wooden Wolf tells the story of a young Ainu man who, after fishing, travels further to a village where he meets a family that has lost their daughter-in-law. Travelling further into the heart of the mountain, the man finds a woman and her baby who are often attacked by a bear. However, the animal is chased away by what the woman believes is a dog. She has a small wooden figurine carved into the shape of a wolf which disappears each time the bear arrives. It turns out that the creature is not a dog, but the protective charm transforms into a real wolf and keeps them safe from the bear. The next evening, the man follows the fighting animals and kills the bear, returning the daughter-in-law and child to her family (Kayano and Saitō 1998a). The Adventures of Okikurmi brings traditional oina オイナ to the page, a type of metered oral chant which focuses on narratives about the not-quite-human culture hero Okikurmi オキクルミ (Strong 2011). They are traditionally narrated in the first- person and this is captured in the text by using the same narrative perspective. Okikurmi describes the trials he faces when he wants to go to the human realm, eventually fleeing and taking millet seeds with him. With these, he teaches Ainu to sow and make alcohol from it, as well as craft the poison arrows used in traditional hunting methods. Okikurmi is depicted as a teacher and protector to Ainu, ensuring they are fed when the deer, their important food source, are killed by the cold (Kayano and Saitō 1998b). The Goddess of the Wind and Okikurmi is, again, stylised differently from the first two texts. It is based on the model of stories called kamuy yukar カムイユーカㇻ, told from the perspective of deities, narrating their lives. The story focuses on the Wind Goddess’ narration, explaining how she spends her days embroidering. Once bored, she dances so that the wind destroys Ainu villages. She is only able to be stopped when Okikurmi comes to the realm of the gods and punishes her for the death and destruction she caused (Kayano and Saitō 1999). Seldon’s translation of the text into English notes that pikata in the goddess’ name Pikatakamuy ピカタカムイ means that she is specifically the embodiment of the south wind (Kayano 2011). The text captures the traditional first-person narrative of the kamuy yukar, a metered chant different from the oina where the speaker embodies the role of the kamuy カムイ (Strong 2011). Not only is the story communicating cosmology, but it is additionally providing information about forms of oral traditions, albeit in a written format. Powell, Courtney (2022) The republication of these three texts in 1998–1999 is significant when examining the shift towards Ainu culture becoming increasingly valued. Through the texts, examples of the Ainu worldview with relationships to the kamuy, as well as traditional customs, gender roles, and values can be understood. The Wooden Wolf demonstrates the importance of hunting and fishing to Ainu as a previously hunter- gatherer culture. It also makes a case for established gender roles in the community, depicting men as those who primarily hunted (Strong 2011: 86). Both The Adventures of Okikurmi and The Goddess of the Wind and Okikurmi explain the relationships Ainu had with kamuy, providing an understanding of how they interpreted natural phenomena and interacted with their deities. This understanding imbues Ainu cultural practices with meaning and enables the reader to understand their worldview. It provides context for the figures that are most prominent in Ainu belief. Kayano shows Okikurmi receiving the name Ainurakkur アイヌラックル, recognising how the two culture heroes are generally considered to be the same person (Ogihara 1999: 275). Kayano and Saitō’s books are educational tools as much as they are preservers of culture, both of which contribute to better education concerning Ainu and inclusivity. These books are significant for how they contribute to the dissemination of traditional knowledge. The Ainu Cultural Promotion Act of 1997 resulted in Japan maintaining its control to define what was legitimate Ainu heritage. This is most evident in tourism which focuses primarily on marketing the most traditional aspects of Ainu culture. This perception has arguably contributed to beliefs that kept Ainu people in the past, perpetuating stereotypes, and forcing them into a stagnant mould of what an outsider believed they should be. Literature provides opportunities for those traditional stories to be passed on—not at the expense of modern Ainu, but rather providing young Ainu access to their heritage. Positive representations of their culture potentially combat the cycle of intergenerational shame towards their ethnicity from being instilled in Ainu children from a young age. Sakata (2011) describes oral literature as a medium for modern Ainu to access their history; this is additionally evident when oral traditions are written down today. Stories are fluid, enabling them to be told and reinterpreted by future generations. They were a medium through which Ainu were able to reclaim and reassert their worldview. Today, Ainu literature increases the accessibility young people have to those customs, particularly when traditional lines of transmission have been disrupted as a result of colonialism. In this way, literary texts by Ainu authors can further resist the dominant, majority perspective. However, Kayano’s texts still have limitations. Foremost, mainstream Ainu- focused literature continues to be written in the Japanese language, limiting the Ainu language resources. However, it enables a wider audience to be reached, beneficial to not just Ainu but also Japanese children who can learn about such subjects. But within the genre of Ainu children’s literature, the forty-three books identified by Sung and Sakoi (2017) feature a common trend that is evident when the authors writing these Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies books are ethnically Japanese. Although this is not the case in the instance discussed here, the amount of control that is considered to still be held by non-Ainu to assert their cosmology is concerning. Sung and Sakoi additionally identify a troubling tendency for Ainu children’s literature to focus on cosmological folklore or historical narratives rather than modern issues. This is not an innate problem, but they argue that without counter-narratives that offer perspectives on modern Ainu experiences, such texts continue to perpetuate outdated ideas and confine Ainu to the past (Sung and Sakoi 2017: 11). More stories that feature Ainu in a modern setting would benefit them by showing the Ainu as thriving, contemporary people. However, it is still important to recognise the context in which Kayano’s books were originally published. The 1970s were vastly different from the time of the republication in the 1990s. As Howell (2014) argues, it is also common within other postcolonial societies that indigenous people are denied opportunities to write their own history. Japanese control of educational content, as previously discussed, is one example of this in an Ainu context. It is therefore important to note the significance of Kayano’s books to cultural resistance both originally and at the time of their republishing. They still retain an impact when the common narrative remains heavily dictated by non-Ainu. The importance of using Ainu cosmology cannot be understated for how it contests the majority narrative and embraces the minority worldview. Kayano’s works assert the validity of Ainu ways of living, thinking, and interacting with the world. The efforts since the 1970s by Ainu activists within this cultural domain— elevating their voices through Ainu-produced publications, erecting commemorative monuments at sites of importance, establishing their own language revitalisation programmes, and providing accounts of their cosmology and history— remain highly significant markers of resistance to ongoing marginalisation. Transnational Indigenous Connections Resistance intersects all domains and although this article aims to highlight cultural manifestations of this phenomenon, there is an undeniable transnational and political connection within a wider international indigenous rights movement that must be recognised. Globalisation has allowed for modern indigenous rights efforts to work in a way that enables cross-cultural communication between different groups. It has opened pathways for these populations to interact and learn from each other. These exchanges have an undeniable influence that must be acknowledged for their effects in shaping Ainu resistance and activism. These connections have allowed other indigenous groups to share their experiences and allow Ainu to learn how they could implement similar methods in their communities. The connection between Māori and Ainu has been remarked on by Western and Japanese scholars alike. Cultural legislation and protection measures for the two Powell, Courtney (2022) populations have been especially considered (Kasama 1999). Within the cultural domain, even today, New Zealand and Japan retain close links, engaging in discussions of language revitalisation. Acknowledging that Japan has not made the same progress when it comes to indigenous rights yet, Martin (2016) reveals how indigenous communities are working together to learn and apply different activism techniques. One such reason for the delay in Ainu activism, posited by Tsutsui (2018: 77), is that other groups such as the Māori had “no question about their claim to indigenousness.” Intense assimilation efforts that denied Ainu an indigenous identity and claims of a monoethnic Japanese nation delayed the development of a sense of cohesive ethnicity among Ainu and stymied concentrated activism until the latter half of the twentieth century. This contrast offers a reason why Ainu considerations of indigenousness and an increasing pushback against intra- and intercommunity support for assimilation has occurred with increasing frequency only recently. In the twenty-first century, Ainu have looked to Māori when it comes to the language revitalisation curriculum in particular. Modern initiatives between the two indigenous groups have led to Ainu trying to implement immersive language learning education programmes that are already in effect in New Zealand (Budgen and Bassetti 2020). This is, of course, just one way in which Ainu and Māori have benefitted from these transnational connections. Hill (2016) recognises that these Māori-medium schools within New Zealand are not preventing language loss altogether, but that the rate at which it is occurring has significantly slowed down. The creation of immersion schools where the curriculum is taught in the Māori language has been a contributing factor in providing a basis for connectivity and appreciation for an indigenous identity and community (Tocker 2017). It proves how beneficial such classes could be for affirming a positive association with Ainu heritage and culture. It is factors like these that could potentially disrupt the cycle of secrecy and shame, even when the results of language regeneration would not be immediate. While a one-to-one comparison cannot be made (of course Japan’s internal colonisation has been different from that of New Zealand by the British Empire), it is important to acknowledge the similarities of the experiences for the two indigenous populations. The relationship between Ainu and Māori communities can show us how indigenous groups interrelate. It is not a one-sided relationship when “Māori can also learn from Ainu about how they continue to preserve their culture. It’s important to learn from and be in solidarity with one another because the journey towards recognition as a minority can be a rough one” (Asia Media Centre 2019). It is their connectivity they have decided for themselves which is most important. Ainu and Māori communities can be examined in conjunction with each other in a way that transcends the national circumstances as a result of how these groups worked together in an attempt to overcome their respective struggles. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Conclusion It is evident that Ainu have suffered a long history of colonisation and assimilation that has progressed into continual marginalisation and erasure. Strides have been made since the twentieth century, but improvements have only arguably come about by the consistent work that has been undertaken by Ainu over a period of many decades. The discriminatory policies enacted against them, creating a sense of shame in openly claiming an Ainu identity, have given way to only a more recent history of activism and assertion of rights. This has come about in a relatively recent cultural revival, arguably due to the intensive and ongoing assimilationist attempts and outright denial of a modern Ainu ethnic identity in popular discourse. Resistance to exploitation by outsiders in the pre-colonial period was primarily expressed in violent revolts against authority. As these were suppressed and colonial control was ever- increasing, a shift to non-violent forms of protest became prevalent, a trend that continued into contemporary times. A revival of Ainu culture became apparent in the period from the 1970s to 1990s, a revival that can be considered revolutionary in the face of persistent efforts to fully assimilate Ainu into Japanese society. In the face of calls for Ainu to become Japanese, the assertion of their histories through commemorative monuments, writing about their culture and the issues affecting the Ainu is a significant display of defiance to those pressures. The extensive efforts to halt the progression of language loss, which would have facilitated the extinction of even more customs, has proven to be beneficial in reinvigorating the education system for Ainu. The literature produced across the period under investigation here, particularly the works of Kayano Shigeru that were republished in 1998–1999, have brought Ainu cosmology and values to a larger audience. These efforts at cultural maintenance and revitalisation, when the myth of a monoethnic Japan continues to persist in popular international consciousness, is a significant act of protest against the dominant narrative. Although all these acts may be unconventional, given the context of the situation Ainu face, they should be classed as resistance efforts to further marginalisation. However, this is not something that affects Ainu alone but applies to all indigenous cultures which have been affected by colonialism. International cooperation among indigenous peoples has contributed to the progression of Ainu activism. 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Journal
Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies – de Gruyter
Published: Jan 1, 2022
Keywords: Ainu; resistance; literature; language; cultural revitalisation; Kayano Shigeru