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This paper is about the representation of the Japanese police in three factual television series. In all three series, the audience accompanies police officers during their work and thus gets a close look at the daily work of the Japanese police. However, even if the series try to convey a feeling of authenticity, staging strategies which aim at the entertainment and education of the audience can be clearly identified. I therefore place them in the intermediate area between the genres of reality TV and documentaries. The research method adopted in this study is Werner Faulstich’s qualitative movie analysis, based on his book Grundkurs Filmanalyse (2013), in combination with a descriptive quantitative approach. In the analysis I ask what kinds of messages about the Japanese police are created in the three series under examination. The major findings can be summarised as follows: the comprehensive image created about the Japanese police is positive. The police force is legitimised above all by its professionalism and success in providing assistance to people in need by arresting criminals and proving their guilt, but also by its monopoly position as the sole competent crisis solver. This kind of representation does not come as a surprise as such; the paper, however, will show how this overall positive image is created by specific filmic techniques. Keywords: film analysis, police, factual television, staging, contemporary Japan Pech, Matthias. 2022. “Anzen mamoru: The Representation of the Japanese Police in Japanese Factual Television.” Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, 14, pp. 24–48. https://doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2022-0002 Submitted: 22.07.2021, accepted: 02.02.2022 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ This article is based on the author’s master’s thesis, which can be accessed at the East Asian Studies Library of the University of Vienna (Pech 2021). Pech, Matthias (2022) Factual Television The influencing power of media images is very strong, especially when they make the claim to show “reality.” A genre like the documentary film stands out in particular by its assertions “[…] to tell us something worth knowing about […]” (Aufderheide 2007: 5) and by claiming to help its viewers to understand their world and their place in it (ibid.). Media formats evoking the impression that they present the “real” reality can influence the world view of the audiences because many viewers believe that they will/can learn something about the presented topic—like, for example, the routines of police work—and, therefore, that they may even become experts in the respective field; they thus feel that they can draw conclusions about the “actual reality” (Callais and Szozda 2006: 134). This mechanism is not to be interpreted in a negative sense in general, because the mass media and their distribution of information can contribute to the democratisation of society (Sakai et al. 2016: 44). Here it is important to note, by the way, that there is one major difference between reality TV and documentaries: the viewer expectations. Reality TV is expected to be entertaining (Kavka 2012: 48; Podvoiskis 2012: 14–15), and it often tries to meet these expectations by means of sensationalism, whereas documentaries tend to put their focus on making what is shown understandable (Miyata 2019: 4) and on educating their audience (Murayama 2006: 9). Having the impression of presumably being “present” when the events take place can additionally foster the appearance of “authenticity” (King 2006: 48–49). Being enabled to observe reality directly via television, instead of relying on reports from third parties, makes documentary and reality media formats so interesting (Hill 2005: 55; Corner 2009: 44–45). Stylistic means which can contribute particularly well to the impression of credibility of the material presented is a camera position very close to the filmed object and the (supposed) use of the original sound (Aufderheide 2007: 45). In reality TV series about emergency services, the “ride-along” stile is frequently used: here, the audience can supposedly accompany the activities of the aforementioned organisations and seemingly experience being personally on site (Deane 2016: 26; Podvoiskis 2012: 17). Mason notes that the ride-along style was possibly the most important development in factual police series (Mason 2003: # 3). However, the political and economic interests of the audience, producers, and/or sponsors can have an impact on what is shown and how it is presented (Sakai et al. 2016: 31–32). Positive representations of the police can boost their legitimacy (Morrel and Bradford 2019: 35). The higher the appearance of legitimacy, the easier for the citizens the acceptance of police authority as a civic obligation and their self- identification as “a full member of society with a set of duties as well as rights” and, therefore, more willingness to cooperate (ibid.: 44–45), which is extremely important for the police to solve crimes (Johnson 2003: 25–26). Thus, manipulated “realities” can be deliberately created when producers try to correspond to the desires of Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies influential pressure groups. For example, the keisatsu-chō 警察庁 (National Police Agency) and the todōfuken-keisatsu 都道府県警察 (prefectural police departments), whose cooperation is essential for the producers to even be able to produce the police series under examination in this paper, will quite likely cease their cooperation if they are not presented in a positive light. It is therefore important to note that factual television formats like documentaries or reality TV can only represent an alleged “authenticity” because the audiovisual material must always be processed in order to convey some meaning, resulting in a fluid boundary between fiction and reality (Hickethier 2012: 184–186). Consequently, elements of yarase 遣らせ (staging) are always encountered (Murai 2017: 68). The distancing from reality already starts with the most basic design- decisions like the selection process of the film material used (Aufderheide 2007: 2). Factual television programmes and films are functioning like a magnifying glass: they show a part of reality but distort the proportions by selecting what is shown and what is not, and focusing on some aspects while ignoring others. Japanese Police Series The material selected consists of television series in which camera crews accompany real police officers in their daily operations, thus giving the audience an insight into the everyday work of law enforcement in Japan—a rare source of knowledge for most of the viewers. For my study, I analyse episodes of three series: Saizensen! Michaku Keisatsu 24 Ji 最前線!密着警察24 時 (On the Frontline! Following the Police Closely for 24 Hours), produced by the television station TBS; Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE 追跡 (The Dragnet of the Archipelago’s Police: THE Hunt), by Terebi Asahi テレビ朝日(TV Asahi is used for the citation in the text); and Gekiroku keisatsu mitchaku 24-ji!! 激録警察密着24時!! (Close-up – The Police, Following it Closely for 24 Hours), produced by Terebi Tōkyō テレビ東 京 (TV Tōkyō is used for the citation in the text). The episodes analysed were aired in 2018; the material has a total playtime of over thirty-two hours (excluding commercials). All three series are designed very similarly in their storytelling, namely, the specific aspects of the police work they focus on, the structure of the narratives, the character design, the usage of sound, editing, and so forth. Only small Henceforth, Saizensen. In the following parts of this paper I use the abbreviation Za tsuiseki. Henceforth, Gekiroku. For 2018, three episodes from Saizensen, five from Za Tsuiseki, and four from Gekiroku were available to me. Some of the episodes are not complete, but with over thirty hours I had enough material for a fruitful analysis. The used timestamps are based on the material that was accessible online. Pech, Matthias (2022) differences could be found, for example in the degree of how emotionally the commentators describe the events on screen. The shortest episode of the series examined is from Gekiroku and lasts for nearly two hours (TV Tōkyō 2018c), whereas the longest, also from Gekiroku, lasts over four and a half hours (TV Tōkyō 2018d). The individual series’ episodes never consist of a single report but are made up of many (usually around ten, but sometimes up to twenty and more) individual reports of different lengths (ranging from under five minutes to thirty minutes and longer). Each report stands on its own, but some repeatedly show the same characters (viz. police officers), place of action like a city or prefecture, or topics like traffic violations or drug related crimes. Most of the reports can be divided into the same five plot-parts Faulstich has summarised in his book on film analysis: the exposition (e.g., introduction of the police officers and their spotting of a suspicious civilian); increased tension (e.g., a car chase); reversal/climax (e.g., finding evidence); retardation (e.g., reprimand by the officers and statement by the civilian); and positive outcome (e.g., arrest of the perpetrator) (Faulstich 2013: 86). Bad endings—that means failures on the side of the police—do not occur. Doyle writes that the presence of a narrative structure with a clear ending, as can be found in the series Cops, together with morally sympathetic characters—in the form of the police officers—make an important contribution to the entertainment value of the series (Doyle 2003: 35). The same stylistic elements seem to have been adopted in the Japanese police series under examination here. The individual reports can be either classified as street reports or detective reports, according to the place of action and the narrated time (the length of time the presented actions took place in reality). The street reports operate with only a few spatial and temporal jumps, in which one setting is clearly dominating. The action usually takes place outside a police station and over a short time span of a few hours at most. As I have tried to suggest by choosing the name for this category, it often takes place on a street section or road junction (like in Za Tsuiseki; TV Asahi 2018a: 00:01:06), or in the streets of a city during a car chase (Saizensen; TBS 2018c: 00:31:05). The beginning of the main plot is often connected to an element of surprise during the exposition (for example, two officers hear a woman screaming during a routine patrol in Gekiroku; TV Tōkyō 2018a: 01:52:02). The second category of episodes consists of detective reports with significant spatial and temporal jumps between privately-owned flats, supermarkets, streets, and police stations and a narrated time spanning several days, sometimes even weeks. When the report starts, the main plot is usually already running and the audience only joins in when the officers have already commenced their investigation, like shadowing For more details, see the section about methodology below. Like many contemporary movies, the structure is thus in accordance with the five-act structure of the classical Aristotelian drama. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies a suspect. Due to their structure, detective reports are reminiscent of the crime genre: when a crime is committed, the police officers collect evidence, and finally are able to arrest the perpetrator (Faulstich 2013: 37). Additionally, I have identified three thematic aspects according to which the reports can be categorised: punishment, aid, and introduction. Most of the reports deal with crimes and the action taken by the police against the offenders in order to restore order in society by punishing (fine, arrest, reprimand) the criminals. A wide variety of crimes occur in all series (traffic law violations, theft, possession of marijuana, battery, sex crimes, and so forth) and multiple violations can occur within one report. Reports which put the focus on the aspect of aid show that police work is not limited to punishing evildoers. They rather tend to emphasise that police officers also contribute to the safety of society by other means—for example, by holding self- defence courses or searching for missing people. Introduction reports primarily provide background information about police authorities or officers, in contrast to other reports, where the audience usually learns very little about them. These reports are used to create a clear image of the positive contribution and/or performance of the police in maintaining public order, and usually also provide the setting for subsequent reports. Sometimes one report touches on several of these aspects, but one of them— normally the aspect of punishment—is always and clearly apparent in the narrative focus. However, all episodes share the same core theme: social order is disrupted by civilians and the resulting chaos must be settled by the police. Contrarily, uneventful or monotonous work—such as filling out reports in the office or matters unrelated to work like an officer’s private life—play no role in the series. This kind of preference of entertaining-promising topics can also be found in other factual television programmes, like the series Police Ten 7 about the police in New Zealand. The series thereby are contributing to a distortion of reality because the actual share of bureaucracy in police work is under-represented (Podvoiskis 2012: 72–73). One of the following three roles can be assigned to the characters appearing in the reports: the police officer, whose main function is to maintain/restore order and thus to protect society; the civilian, whose main function is to induce the police to act; and the commentator, who constantly evaluates and describes the action and the characters on the screen. The interaction between police officers and civilians makes up the main part of the story in most reports, especially in street reports. But even in detective reports, in which civilian characters rarely appear, at least one civilian character, the suspect, is constantly present due to the officers’ focus on the civilian over the course of their investigation. Therefore, both officers and civilians are the central characters in most reports. Conversely, interaction inside the group of officers or inside the group of civilians (normally a victim and the perpetrator) plays only a small role. The television shows mostly focus on how well the officers cooperate with Pech, Matthias (2022) each other, or how the civilians are dependent on the officers’ aid. The commentators have no direct relation to any of the characters or other commentators. Commentators can be omniscient, for example, by providing background knowledge or indicating upcoming events, but they also regularly act like sports commentators who watch events unfolding in front of them and being surprised by them. Additionally, the commentators are very important for creating a positive picture about the police by regularly emphasising the professional competence of the officers and their necessity for society, for example, by listing potential dangers for society, which can be the case in other factual television shows about police forces as well (Podvoiskis 2012: 76; Deane 2016: 191–192). Stylistic means like sound, special effects, or editing play an important role for the entertainment factor of the series, but also for the comprehensibility of the reports. Music is prominently used to underscore the mood of certain scenes. To make the plot as understandable as possible for the audience, in addition to the commentators, repeating scenes (often in slow-motion), still images, as well as image overlays such as arrows, circles, or subtitles play a particularly important role to make sure that the audience will not miss any plot-relevant information during the high- paced reports. Varying degrees of anonymisation are present too as faces and voices of most civilians and officers who work incognito are made unrecognisable. Furthermore, houses, billboards, cars and their number plates are often blurred. As a result, the reports are highly suggestive, directing the audience towards the aspects they should focus on and indicating how situations and individuals are to be perceived and evaluated. There is a clearly identifiable focus on the entertainment of the audience, which is why these series could be classified as reality TV. However, the aspect of viewer education is constantly present as well (albeit perhaps not as dominant as in most documentaries): the text overlays and the commentators provide statistics on accident figures, laws, further background information, and, last but not least, the observation of the police’s working methods itself presents a transfer of knowledge. Therefore, it can be safely concluded that the examined series are also partly documentary, even if the filmmakers do not try to contribute to a deeper understanding of the presented topics in the first place. Consequently, the series are located in a grey area between entertainment and documentary formats. Thus, in my view, the term police-reality-documentary-series best expresses the hybrid nature of the series; a term I will be utilising below when referring to this material. About the aspect of education, see the subsection “Educating the Audience” below. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Material-Related Questions The present study pursues two major questions: what kind(s) of image(s) about the Japanese police are constructed to present the police in a good light, and how do the three Japanese police-reality-documentary-series selected (Saizensen, Za Tsuiseki, and Gekiroku) operate in terms of filmic means in order to convey exactly these images? My research took the four levels of film analysis as identified by Faulstich as a starting point, viz. story/plot, characters, film techniques (e.g., editing, sound overlay, etc.), and the messages that result from these aspects of filmmaking. What interested me most were the following sets of questions for each level: 1) Which aspects of police work are frequently presented on the story/plot level? Which are rare or missing? How important is the success or failure of police operations? 2) What types of characters appear and how (by what characteristics and functions) can they be categorised? Do individual characters even play a role in the mass of reports? 3) Are there any film techniques that stand out in particular, and what is their function? 4) Regarding the message these series convey about the police, I asked the following questions: How obvious is/are the message(s)? Which messages relate to characters who do not belong to the police? Are negative connotations of police work or critical views of the police present as well? What types of educational messages can be found? And how do the series try to “prove” to the audience that they are confronted with “real” incidents and examples of police work? Method The method of film analysis as explained by Werner Faulstich is characterised by a high degree of flexibility and therefore could be easily adapted to the focal points of this study. To evaluate the material with Saizensen as my main material, I created a list of questions to gain quantitative (e.g., the ratio of civilian main characters vs. police officers) and descriptive (e.g., narrative structure of a report) information on the material. Parts of this step of my research were based on the state of research on factual television formats. Due to the repeated reception of Saizensen, Gekiroku, and Za Tsuiseki, I was able to make increasingly more detailed assumptions and noticed more subtle characteristics of the material, such as the different visual introduction of police officers and civilians into the stories. With this point list I was then able to analyse the material in a coordinated and systematic manner. I did not examine the episodes from Za Tsuiskei and Gekiroku in the same degree as Saizensen which I had defined For more on this issue, see the subsection “Could the Audience be Potentially Identified with the Police?” below. Pech, Matthias (2022) as my core material, but only looked at them in search of similarities and differences, given that the three series are very similar in plot, characters, film design, and message. Even if they did not reveal any completely new results nor needed a different analytical approach, there were findings that prompted me to go through the main material again in a comparative way, which, for example, made me realise that the computer animations in Za Tsuiseki are much more elaborate than those of the two other series, serving to dramatise the events presented to the audience. Images Regarding the Police In the following subsections I will present the most important findings my analysis has yielded. All images are important in that they aim at legitimising the police by highlighting their necessity and competence. Every message was present in each of the three analysed series, which also shows how similarly they are designed. To make the results of my analysis easily comprehensible, I will begin each subsection with a short summary of one specific scene/sequence or the plot of an episode, which will then serve to explain what is conveyed in this example and how this is accomplished. Authenticity Suddenly the suspect runs away. Only a few moments ago, several police officers tried to stop him for an inspection because of his suspicious behaviour—he was looking away from them (Za Tsuiseki; TV Asahi 2018d: 01:43:07). The camera, trying to get a good shot, gets hit by him and thus spins away. The next moment the police are already in hot pursuit of the man. The cameraman follows them close behind with the camera wildly shaking (ibid.: 01:44:55). Even if the suggested “authentic” quality of the material presented does not say anything concrete about the police itself, the message that the audience sees real people in real situations with their real reactions is indispensable for the factual claim of the series. In this way, the content-related (what are the tasks of the police, and what do they often have to deal with more or less?) and the qualitative (how does the police perform their duties?) messages gain credibility and are additionally emphasised. Doyle, for example, highlights the series’ Cops claims to authenticity by referring to the fact that each episode opens with a narrator’s promise that “real events” will be presented, and that in the episodes only originally recorded sounds and voices are used (Doyle 2003: 35). This is radically different from the examined Japanese series, where added sound and voice-overs are common. However, elements and design choices that contribute to the impression of authenticity can be identified in the Japanese series as well. This is evident already from the titles of the series which use key terms such as gekiroku 激録 (Close-up) or Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies saizensen 最前線 (Frontline), assuring the audience that they will have the experience of “being there” with the police. Also, the aforementioned ride-along style is constantly present in the series, suggesting that the audience is as close as possible to the police operations. The presented tasks and events can be expected to be normal or even mundane for the police, such as fining a driver for speeding (Saizensen; TBS 2018c: 00:06:16), which can add to the material’s credibility as well. The commentators and text inserts also promise closeness to the action and that the audience will not miss anything important (e.g., with captions such as: “Kamera ga toraeta” カメラが捉えた [The camera recorded it]) (Saizensen; ibid.: 01:04:30). The fact that the commentators themselves can appear to be wondering what might happen next and/or surprised by events and developments in the reports give the impression that the recipients come to see something that is not artificially running on the rails, but it is naturally unfolding in front of them. The civilians are important in this respect as well due to the variations in their attitudes and main-story inducing actions. They may have caused car accidents, be in possession of drugs, or got lost. Some are friendly, some intimidated, others aggressive or desperate. This unpredictability makes the civilian characters appear quite realistic. Especially the visual experience contributes to the impression of authenticity. The camera is constantly confronted with unforeseen events that happen “by chance,” and attempts of the cameraman to provide a good view can add to the feeling of “realism.” Portable cameras, such as handheld ones, have to step back, search for the object they want to focus on, and can shake quite strongly in hectic situations (like in the example mentioned at the beginning of this section) that it is difficult to discern any details. Still cameras, such as surveillance or others placed on and in police vehicles, only allow a good view if the object is directly in front of them. Pillars or other obstacles can block the view, so that the object of interest is not always in focus. In short, the recordings are often not perfect and therefore appear unplanned and thus more authentic. The soundscape needs to be mentioned in this context as well. Due to background noises or an unfavourable position of the microphone(s) to the sound source(s), there can be significant fluctuations in sound quality and volume between scenes. This shortcoming makes the filmed material seem to be real (i.e., coincidental). The soundscape, such as that of a noisy street filled with cars and people, is also important because it makes the locations appear more authentic. Furthermore, staged scenes, either filmed with live actors or computer animated, are always marked as such, which also means that the scenes, sequences, and reports that are not marked uphold the claim that they are authentic. However, the reports are clearly edited, using yarase—for example, by shortening a several-hour- long search for a missing person to a few minutes in Saizensen to increase the narrative pacing (TBS 2018b: 00:57:05). But these interventions are boosting the entertainment factor and making the stories more comprehensible without (seemingly) cutting away Pech, Matthias (2022) any aspects important for the plot. In all series, several short scenes present police officers providing important information concerning a case. These explanations are not usually directed to the audience but rather to an invisible and mostly inaudible member of the film team. It is quite likely that at least these monologues are prepared beforehand, perhaps even in cooperation with higher ranking officials. But the characters in their (re)actions, and the presented events and stories in the reports, appear credible, which is why the material can still be accepted as a direct depiction of reality despite the clear staging. Could the Audience Potentially Identify with the Police? A street by night is filled with guests from clubs and pubs. Some seem so heavily intoxicated and/or tired that they sit or even sleep on the pavement (TBS 2018c: 00:50:57). In front of the shaking camera are two officers, walking through the crowd (ibid.: 00:51:09), constantly looking around, trying to spot potential targets for thieves or the criminals themselves. The camera does the same, staying close to the policemen, trying to follow their sight, and observing how the officers catch a thief red-handed (ibid.: 00:52:22). The camera work is also very important regarding how the officers and civilian characters are introduced and how the camera places the audience on the side of the police. This starts with the beginning of the reports, where the police, represented by police stations, patrol cars, or officers are always the first to appear. Usually the police officers are positioned centrally, and they are rapidly approached by the changing field size of the camera—if there is not already a close proximity from the beginning. In addition, occasionally the audience can approach the officers’ perspective more directly thanks to helicopter or helmet cameras. By bringing the axis of perception closer to the axis of action, the audience can quite readily experience what it is like to interact with offenders or to be involved in car chases and see themselves on the side of the executive (Kuchenbuch 2005: 55). However, real identification of the audience with the police is often counteracted. This is due to the camera work in the reports and scenes in which the audience is not positioned at eye level with the characters, but often can only witness the action and characters from a lower angle. Also, the camera teams do not always have the same access rights as the police. Very prominent are the explanatory monologues of the police officers and the commentators who point out what the police In Saizensen the median for the first scene showing officer(s) after the start of a report in a medium-long (“American”) shot or smaller was only around six seconds after the start of the report in fifty-one cases. There are only two exceptions: one with 1 minute and 29 seconds (TBS 2018c: 01:22:06) and one with 3 minutes and 11 seconds (TBS 2018a: 00:17:10). About the entitlement of the audience, see the subsection “The Audience as Legitimate Observers?” below. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies is doing or describing equipment. This makes it clear to the audience that they do not participate in the events from the position of a civil servant, but they are rather just external observers who are guided through the plot. Instead the police are placed as a protective wall between the criminals on the one hand and law-abiding civilians on the other, similar to the “Us-and-Them” pattern explained by Doyle (2003: 38). Whether there is an identification with the police through their use of legitimate violence against criminals which satisfies the public’s need for power or not, as Doyle describes it (2003: 39), cannot be answered without a reception analysis. However, this seems unlikely to me in the case of the Japanese police series examined here, because the police officers mostly express their authority with gentle emphasis. If the mechanism of identification should be at work here, then I do not assume that the audience identifies with individual officers because the viewers do not get to know them well enough—rather, they identify with an abstract stereotypical hero who is represented by all police officers as a group. The introduction of the police officers is particularly noticeable in comparison to that of the civilian characters, who usually have their first appearance in the background or at the edge (on one corner) of the screen. It also takes significantly longer for the camera to approach the civilian characters than the police officers. The camera also never approaches the civilians first, but rather lets the police officers take the first step towards the civilians. This is very different from the much closer and more focused camera-positioning towards the officers, which ranks them higher in the character-hierarchy than the central civilian characters. The spatial distance to civilian figures might be interpreted as an expression of caution or at least scepticism towards the civilian, while the quick approach to the officers can communicate their trustworthiness, and the proximity to them as desirable to the audience. What is also noticeable is that although the camera can detach itself from the officers and independently explore places of action such as an accident scene (see, for example, a report in Za Tsuiseki; TV Asahi 2018b: 00:42:05), it never really positions itself on the side of the civilians. In most reports there are several officers for one On the education of the audience, see the subsection “Educating the Audience.” More on this topic in the subsection “Gently Protected.” On stereotypes in the series, see the subsection “Stereotypes.” In Saizensen it takes around 1 minute and 37 seconds (median) until the central civilian character of a report is shown in a medium-long shot or smaller in thirty-eight cases. In the other reports, there are no civilian core characters present (for example, no report introducing officers or police units operates with a central civilian character)—or civilian core characters are present, but no medium or closer shots of these characters could be identified during the reports. Between the reports with central civilian characters there is a high deviation between 4 seconds and 32 minutes and 41 seconds for the first identified medium or closer shot. Pech, Matthias (2022) civilian main character, which makes it seem as if the camera mimics the perspective of one of the officers standing next to the civilian, upholding justice. This illustrates the partiality of the production teams towards the two roles of civilian and police officer which clearly favours the latter. Throughout the entire material, the viewers receive a much more frequent and detailed insight into the police officers’ world of perception. The civil characters, instead, remain objects mainly observed from the outside and therefore present something strange and difficult to assess for the audience, which hinders the audience’s ability to sympathise with them. The Audience as Legitimate Observers? A woman has locked herself up in her flat, holding a kitchen knife in her hand. She has threatened to cut herself and also swung the knife towards two officers (TV Asahi 2018c: 01:56:02). After unsuccessful attempts to initiate a dialogue with the woman and being worried that she may really start hurting herself, the police decide for a forced entry into the apartment (ibid.: 02:01:33). During the entry it is observable how the cameraman pushes to the front during the critical moments, overtaking some police officers to get a good view of the woman. Depending on the position of the camera, the audience is placed between two extremes in terms of the perspective from which it observes the scene: one is that of the “authorised observer,” who is allowed to see even the smallest details by staying very close to the events; the other extreme is the position of the “hidden voyeur,” who can only observe from a distance and/or hides in a car or behind a pillar. Especially the close camera positions to the police enables the audience to observe a wide range of police tasks, such as briefing or performing drug tests. This can also include very personal events for the civilians affected, such as arrests or interrogations. In these cases, the viewers can see themselves as insiders because they have such a close view of the events. The camera team can seem intrusive or even aggressive when its members are trying to get very close, as if they had the “right” to get a good shot, like in the example summarised in the beginning of this subsection. However, there are no reprimands for this questionable, even dangerous, behaviour by police officers or commentators. It is always the police who lead the audience to the action; the camera team never arrives at an important scene before the constabulary. The officers thus act like a kind of tracker dog. Police officers can also present arrest warrants and/or pieces of evidence (as is the case with a torn-up forged residence card in Saizensen; TBS 2018a: 01:05:22). As a result, the recipients are seemingly granted the same access rights to most of the events as the officers have, and they can therefore see themselves on the same level with them, which may foster a positive relation with the police officers. However, sometimes there are restrictions for the audience. This is most evident when the police enter shops or apartments while the camera teams stay outside, watching Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies the events through an open door or window. But only three scenes in one examined series (Saizensen) show that the cameras can be a nuisance for the police, as they may alarm potential perpetrators. An officer asks the cameraman to be careful during an incognito operation to prevent alarming potential perpetrators (TBS 2018c: 00:51:46; 01:14:11), and in one instance he even puts his hand in front of the lens (ibid.: 01:16:11). Such kind of footage may, however, also contribute to the aforementioned impression that the report presents authentic material, because the camera presence appears as an obstacle to the covert approach by the officers. The fact that the police not only tacitly accept the presence of the camera— and implicitly that of the audience by not expressing any objections to the presence of the film team but are actively supporting the voyeuristic pleasure of the viewers— conveys the impression that the audience is not in a moral dilemma, but it has a legitimate right to watch. Gently Protected Steaming with anger, the friend of a car driver insults a police officer in a Saizensen report. According to him, the speeding ticket for his friend was not justified; furthermore, the police and traffic-laws are not necessary at all in his opinion. At first the insulted officer is clearly angered, but he calms down very fast (TBS 2018c: 00:11:38). Repeatedly and with an indulgent demeanour he tries to convince the man of the importance of regulations to make the roads safe for everyone. Finally, the passenger accepts the explanations (or at least gives up) (ibid.: 00:15:18), and the officers and the civilians part with friendly greetings (ibid.: 00:15:49). The authority of the officers over the civilians is clearly highlighted in the series. Even in cases of civil disobedience/resistance, be it verbal (e.g., insults or disagreement) or physical (e.g., fleeing on foot or by car), in the end the state power, represented by the police, will prevail. But it is noticeable that the officers exert their authority in a controlled, polite manner, unless the civilians’ behaviour leaves them no other choice. Especially important for this subsection is the fact that the officers often show not only respect, but also kindness towards the civilians. They can be seen chatting, helping, reasoning with and consoling people in need and suspects alike, all in a controlled manner, even when confronted with defiance. In reports like the introductory example, the image of a parent-child relationship emerges. Like a parent for their children, the state, represented by the police, is responsible for the care of its citizens in the series under examination here. Since the offenders appear to be predominantly “small children,” they must be treated with forbearance—that is, with the gentle authority of the police—which is why the “children”—that is, the civilians—have no reason to shy away from the embrace of the state but can rather feel safe in it. This is reminiscent of the Japanese term amae 甘 え, which is used to describe selfish behaviour of someone who knows that despite Pech, Matthias (2022) his or her own wrongdoing they will be protected/accepted. This is in clear contrast to similar productions in other cultural contexts, like the New Zealand series Police Ten 7 (Podvoiskis 2012: 75) and the American TV show Cops (Doyle 2003: 39–40), in which physical conflicts between the police and the suspects are highlighted. By contrast, the Japanese series predominantly present a more conflict-free image of the daily police work. What one learns from such scenes is that it does not pay off to resist, but also that civilians never have to justify their attacks on officers, because they are never punished for this kind of conduct—but an injured police officer is never seen in the series. Keisatsu no bōryoku 警察 の 暴力 (police violence) is never observed in the analysed material. When someone is arrested or given a ticket, the police officer’s judgment is always backed by evidence. It is also always stated that offenders are taken into custody under the presumption of innocence, but viewers can still be sure that the suspects will be convicted because their guilt has already been proven by means of evidence, such as speedometers, drug tests, images, witness statements— mostly in front of the camera—or even by the crime itself being directly observed. This ensures that the viewers can convince themselves of the lawfulness of the police actions, and the officers appear all the more upright and trustworthy. When officers are using a loud voice, retain a suspect, or pressure civilians verbally to make them comply and/or urge them to confess their misdeeds by asking the same question over and over again, this behaviour is seemingly acceptable, as the civilians in those cases always turn out to be perpetrators. The only report in which a baton is actively used (guns are never used towards civilians) and only to knock a knife out of the hand of an aggressive man with which he threatens several officers can be found in Za Tsuiseki. The civil servants then use physical strength and their weight to pin the man on the ground (TV Asahi 2018c: 00:04:37). There are cases, however, where the viewers cannot make a judgement about police-violence for themselves, based on their own observations. This, for example, is the case in a report from Za Tsuiseki where a civilian suddenly claims that a police officer hit him. According to the footage, it can be assumed that an officer tried to push him gently into a police car. But the view is blocked and therefore does not allow the observer to draw a sure conclusion (TV Asahi 2018b: 02:52:14). In scenes like these, the audience is dependent on the statements of the officers and, above all, on the commentators for interpretating the situation. In the mentioned example, the officer denies it and the commentator ignores the accusation. The fact that the man’s allegation is so easily invalidated means that his perspective is not taken seriously. The fact that even the possibility of keisatsu no bōryoku is ignored indicates a questionable decision by the filmmakers. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies The Competence of the Police Officers in Gekiroku search for an unidentified culprit for attempted rape. They are reconstructing the possible escape way he took (TV Tōkyō 2018b: 02:12:52), compare his clothing with that of a potential suspect who was filmed by a shop surveillance camera in the area (ibid.: 02:14:03), observe his activities (ibid.: 02:18:32), and measure how long it takes to run from the shop to the site of crime (ibid.: 02:26:43). Finally, they have enough circumstantial evidence to confront the suspect who quickly admits his fault (ibid.: 02:28:35). The fact that the police officers are competent is proven mostly by their work- related success and their personal traits or through external characterisation (mostly by the commentator). Music, text overlays, etc. can support these characterisations, like the cry and image of a bird of prey, symbolising an officer who is attributed sharp eyes by a commentator (Za Tsuiseki; TV Asahi 2018d: 01:42:20). In addition to their already mentioned positive and caring attitude towards civilians (there is no report in which police officers are not at least showing some degree of politeness), the police officers are characterised by their professional competence. This includes above all their willingness to react (forty-five reports in Saizensen), their high level of attention (twenty-six reports in Saizensen), and their physical and/or psychological perseverance (in twenty-two reports in Saizensen). The editing of the footage and the commentators play an important role to “prove” the readiness of the police, because the former tightens the plot and the latter highlight the willingness of the officials to react and/or the urgency to act. Especially the road reports are important to create the image of an always aware-and-ready police, because often the officers spot something suspicious during patrolling and instantly react to it. Also important is the conscientiousness and perseverance of the police. Here the detective reports are prevalent, like the one about the attempted rape mentioned earlier. The officers will not give up, even if it takes weeks, until they are successful in their mission to restore peace and order. Lastly, even if they are not explicitly mentioned, the professional knowledge and teamwork of the police officers are noteworthy. They know how to do drug tests, make observations, evaluate evidence, or coordinate their workflow. The fact that the civil servants’ professional competence is extremely important in such series has already been shown by research projects about comparable broadcast formats in Western countries. They are capable civil servants (Doyle 2003: 50), skilful drivers (Deane 2016: 194), brave heroes (Stephenson 2019: 137; Podvoiskis 2012: 26), and tireless in their work (Stephenson 2019: 140). Gratitude from the civil society or praise from colleagues are rare for the officers, and if they talk about their professional motivation, it is always a noble goal, like in the case of a young Japanese police student who wants to prevent people from dying in Pech, Matthias (2022) traffic accidents, since one of her brothers’ friends died in one (TV Tōkyō 2018c: 01:12:45). By conveying the message that the police officers have the devotion to persist against many difficulties (be it aggressive individuals or time-consuming investigations) to protect society, these reports emphasise the important Japanese virtue of ganbaru 頑張る, to keep going. However, the extent to which the police officers are facing obstacles is somewhat limited because it is never shown that their job is causing them, for example, private problems (e.g., marital difficulties due of excessive overtime) or health issues (e.g., injuries or syndromes of post-traumatic stress disorder [PTSD]). Perhaps the suppression of job-related difficulties aims at not scaring off potential police recruits. Another possible explanation is that members of the police force are not depicted as humans behind the badge because this might make them appear weak. It can therefore be concluded that the series do not depict the officers as glamorous superheroes (with abilities usually unattainable for an average citizen), but rather as everyday-life heroes because of their hard work and diligence. It should be mentioned here that in cases in which the police main character is female—which rarely occurs—it is sometimes highlighted by the commentators. However, gender does not play a significant role in distinguishing the officers regarding their abilities and thus suitability for their profession and duty. This stands in stark contrast to other police shows like Cops, where female officers are sometimes represented as physically weaker (it is to be noted, however, that this is easily avoided by the producers of the Japanese series, because high physical fitness or strength is rarely needed in the cases presented) and more susceptible to stress, because of their (supposed) higher level of emotionality (Callais and Szozda 2006: 135). The most important proof of police competence in the Japanese series is the officers’ success at the end of the reports. Due to the aforementioned proximity of the audience to the police officers, it is possible for the spectators to convince themselves of the police officers’ competence. The question arises, however, whether only cases that prove the abilities of the police were selected for the show, while all others were “censored” (i.e., not shown). Regarding the positive image of the police, it is of interest both what is being broadcasted and what is not. Real failure that threatens the achievement of the previously happy end is never seen. In addition, there is never poor teamwork in the police: no conflicts among officers, no clear abuse of authority by superiors, and no lower rank officers opposing the authority of their higher-ups. Instances of sexism or an aversion towards foreigners or minorities are not presented, and misconduct is no issue either. That the police appear so flawless is especially attributed to the commentators who never pose critical questions; sometimes they even ignore or soften any mistakes. At the end of a report in Gekiroku, for example, several suspects could escape the police and disappear in the darkness of the night (TV Tōkyō 2018a: 01:07:12). The Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies commentator made it clear, however, that thanks to a cell phone left behind by one of them there was enough information to make sure that they would not escape their punishment (ibid.: 01:08:08). This of course means that in the end the police would succeed. Similarly, in his research about British car-chase programmes, Deane found that critical thoughts about the police were avoided; for example, the issue of the police causing accidents in car chases was not addressed. Instead, the chases are presented as necessary to maintain law and order (Deane 2016: 202). It can therefore be concluded that the Japanese police officers shown in the series discussed here have no weaknesses. Minor mistakes make the events more believable, but they are not threatening the legitimisation of the police. Stereotypes As soon as the nationality of the man, described by the commentator as ayashii 怪し い (suspicious) (Gekiroku; TV Tōkyō 2018b: 00:30:14), is revealed as Vietnamese, a newspaper-article is shown with the title “Betonamu tekihatsu kunibetsu saita” ベトナ ム摘発国別最多 (By Country, Vietnamese Are the Most Frequently Exposed [in regard to crimes]) (ibid.: 00:30:46). This report supports the stereotype that it is usually (Asian) foreigners who commit crimes in Japan. That immigrants (supposedly) pose an ever-growing serious threat to Japanese society is further emphasised by a graph showing that the number of foreigners with permanent- residence visa in Japan has risen tenfold during the last twenty years (ibid.: 00:24:50), followed by a diagram showing that prefecture Aichi 愛知県—the place of action for this report—is second place with the total number of foreigners nationwide (ibid.: 00:24:55). Individuality hardly plays a role in the police shows discussed here—either on the side of suspects or on that of other civilians or police officers. Most officers are only referred to as keisatsukan 警察官 (police officer), taiin 隊員 (unit member), or keiji 刑事 (detective) instead of using their names. The viewers usually only learn the name, rank, unit, and prefectural police department. There are a few exceptions where the audience find out about motivation, curriculum vitae, and skills of individual officers. However, these aspects almost always relate to and emphasise their existence as members of the police. There is also not much variety in the characteristics that can be found within the group of officers. If a certain officer is portrayed as particularly attentive, this is nothing special, because the same attribute applies to other police officers as well. It therefore can be concluded that it does not matter so much who the individual police officer is, but rather what he is: a wheel in the gears of the Japanese police force—which is staged as working well—but interchangeable at the end of the day. The viewers learn even less about the civilians. They have no names and are almost always blurred or altered (at least their faces and voices, sometimes also parts Pech, Matthias (2022) of their clothing). Important information which is usually communicated via facial expressions or voices and might cause sympathy or at least empathy for them (Eder 2014: 667) becomes unavailable or distorted. As a result, the few existing other characteristics like gender, approximate age-group, behaviour, and action that initiates the main plot of the report and the way the commentators and police officers are reacting to the civilian notably stand out. The use of stereotypes first and foremost derives from this flatness of the officers and civilians, as the audience hardly get to know them (Schweinitz 2006: 46). However, contrary to the police officers who conform to only one stereotype, there exist various stereotypes for the civilians. These usually form through repetition over the course of several reports. For example, the perpetrators are usually male, whereas there are only female sex-crime victims. A good example of stereotypes referred to civilians is the case of the Vietnamese, who are deemed the biggest “criminal” foreign nationality in Aichi and seemingly pose a threat to society. Stereotypes can also be created about the locations where the action takes place trough repetition—or, alternatively, created in one single report. For example, five of the eight reports in the series Saizensen with Tōkyō as location are about drug offences —and at the beginning of another report in Gekiroku it is stated that Aichi is the Japanese prefecture with the highest number of traffic deaths (TV Tōkyō 2018b: 00:08:24). However, there is never a precise breakdown of the used data. For example, the report about the Vietnamese in Aichi does not mention how their numbers compare to that of other foreigners and Japanese citizens. A clear demarcation between malicious doers and helpless victims could not be found, as perpetrators sometimes behave very prudently and respectfully towards the police, and most of the time they act out of carelessness or recklessness and not out of evil intent, whereas those apparently in need of help sometimes vehemently oppose the police officers. The stereotypes by which the members of the police and the civilians (perpetrators, victims, and people in need of help) are portrayed are so simple that they are easily applicable to large parts of society. As a result, the viewers may think that they are able to identify possible criminals on the street or they imagine themselves as potential crime-victims based on the stereotyped groups of civilians presented in the series, which as a result may boost the support for the stereotyped police as protector of society for them. Educating the Audience As the man gets into the patrol car, both the offence he has committed (violation of the traffic law due to driving under influence) and the maximum possible penalties The references for the five drug reports in Saizensen, which take place in Tōkyō, are as follows: TBS 2018a:00:00:08, 00:04:32, 01:12:55; TBS 2018b: 01:35:24, 01:45:12. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies are displayed (penal servitude for up to three years or a fine up to five hundred thousand yen). Meanwhile, the commentator informs the audience that the outcome (only a destroyed street-sign) could have been much worse if more people had been on the road (Saizensen; TBS 2018c: 01:43:32). An important point in the police series discussed here is the education of the audience. In his study, Stephenson points out that resolving felonies such as murder can hardly serve as a deterrent, because most people do not intend to commit such crimes anyway (Stephenson 2019: 140–141). In contrast, the three Japanese series examined here deal with more day-to-day offences, such as the consumption of intoxicants or ignoring traffic rules, which are more likely to be committed by average citizens (and, therefore, even someone in the audience)—and given that the recipients are made aware that even the smallest offences do not go by undetected, let alone unpunished, a deterrent effect is more likely. In addition, the arrest/punishment is clearly emphasised by prominent text overlays and spoken comments. The pattern presented here is like that of a moralistic fairy tale: the bad persons will be punished at the end of the plot for their misdeeds, while the police officers are the heroes. Similarly, clear moral stances can also be found in other police shows like Cops, where the officers are presented as heroes as well (Doyle 2003: 35), which adds to the simplicity of the presented topics (e.g., theft) and how easily they are solved (e.g., through arrest). However, the educational messages of the Japanese police series discussed here are not limited to deterrence through punishment. The audience receives information in the form of simplified statistics or legal texts (like article 38 of the traffic law, which states that a driver should always stop at a crosswalk if a pedestrian wants to cross the street) (Gekiroku; TV Tōkyō 2018b: 00:09:16). But there is never a deeper dive into the matter. These details only contribute to the atmosphere and comprehensibility of the report, making the necessity of the police and their actions more plausible. As a result, most of the time the audience observes the action only with the bare minimum of knowledge that is necessary to understand it. Surveillance A blurry image shows a man opening a coin washing machine in a launderette. On the right top corner it is written that the film material shown was recorded by a camera inside the premises. He quickly puts his hand inside the machine and pulls out a piece of clothing (Za Tsuiseki; TV Asahi 2018e: 01:12:56). But the audience is not the only one who is watching—several police officers are already analysing the recording they had collected from the surveillance camera (ibid.: 01:09:03). Thanks to the film material, the man and two other laundry thieves will be arrested later for their offences (ibid.: 01:34:39, 01:43:38, 01:48:52). Pech, Matthias (2022) The use of police helicopter cameras and surveillance cameras is remarkable, as they are presented as important tools for the police to identify suspects, reconstruct criminal offences, and foil any attempt to escape; they thus ensure that justice is upheld. That the audience is made aware of the presence of police helicopter cameras and bōhan kamera 防犯カメラ (surveillance cameras) is particularly noticeable because there is no mention of other types of cameras that are recording what takes place. Especially the handheld cameras of the film teams—the most frequently used type in the three series—are often made invisible to the audience by choosing angles of view that do not place the camera teams inside each other’s field of vision. Perhaps this practice is chosen in order to avoid reminding the viewers that what they are watching is a (staged) television production, which could in turn raise questions about its authenticity. The use of other footage than that filmed by the camera team also contributes to the entertainment of the viewers and their feeling that they are legitimised to watch what is presented to them. This way, they can observe the course of events themselves—whereas, for example, a normal customer of the mentioned launderette would have most likely never got access to the material and subsequently prove the necessity of law and order. The cameras serve to present the police as resourceful in their fight against crime. Moreover, the police help to present these cameras positively, as they are an essential tool for them and therefore make an important contribution to the safety of society. The fact that the presence of cameras, like those inside patrol cars, could also present a possibility of monitoring the police officers themselves is not mentioned. Ethical reservations about the surveillance of Japanese citizens (law-abiding individuals included) with hidden cameras are not addressed either. Due to the anonymisation of victims or bystanders, the audience can enjoy the images more easily, because apparently there is no invasion of the personal privacy of those civilians. However, a thorough reception analysis would be required to confirm this assumption. The Society is Responsible Two civilians who called the police explain to an officer how they spotted a female ghost driver and decided to stop her. The officer thanks the two men and asks if it is alright to be contacted by the police later, if need be. The two men instantly give their consent and drive away. The commentator notes that they may have prevented an accident (Saizensen; TBS 2018a: 00:31:44). But at the end of the report, the commentator only recounts that the woman has later been reunited with her family, whereas the two civilians are not mentioned again (ibid.: 00:41:09). It is no surprise that the protection of the public is an important topic here, just like in police series in other countries (for example, Deane 2016: 178; Stephenson 2019: 128). However, the last message I want to discuss is that, in the examined series, Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies the society itself is constantly causing chaos and thus legitimating the existence of the police force, which does not act autocratically but because civilians make it necessary. In addition, civil society is never able to solve its problems on its own. This can be seen most clearly in conflicts between civilians where the police officers are needed as intermediates between the parties. Reports where civilians contribute significantly to the positive outcome are rare; the scene summarised in the beginning of this subsection is one of very few examples. If civilians are praised for their actions, this only plays a role for a limited period of time within the reports. Sooner or later the focus returns solely to the police officers. This is very well illustrated by the commentator’s closing remarks to the report in question. This means that in the end the police do not need to share their success with the civilians; their heroic status remains intact. It must be considered here, however, that in reality the cooperation between citizens and the police is extremely important for successful policing (Morrel and Bradford 2019: 114). But following the usual portrayal of the independent and efficient police force of the series, it could be viewed as incompetence by the police to rely too much on the help of civilians. It is also possible to identify the construction of a “dangerous society” here, given that in almost every report something happens at the beginning—such as a missing person is reported—or has already occurred—like a theft. It does not matter where or when the report takes place; there is always something for the police to do. This of course means that an emphasis is given on the importance of the police for society. But it can also convey the following question: if the police find something to do so easily, how dangerous and chaotic is Japan really? Conclusion It is noticeable that, like in comparable English-language factual formats, the success of the police plays a central role in the Japanese series I have examined. This was not an unexpected result, as the producers of the series are dependent on the cooperation with the police, and the police themselves certainly expect a positive presentation in return. But the predictable success of the police work shown in the series may not only affect the credibility of the footage; it can also give the audience the impression that the hard work of the officers on the streets of Japan is not that difficult, which in turn can undermine the respect and gratitude for their service to society over time and foster unrealistic expectations to the audience. Should an investigation failure or misstep of a police officer take place in real life, the stark difference to the image of the always “perfect” police created in the examined series may affect the recipients’ support for the real police. Pech, Matthias (2022) The detailed investigation showed that most of the reports follow a clear narrative structure that concludes with a happy outcome. The triggering event, however, is not always a crime, but rather a disturbance of social order. The viewers do not need to invest much effort in order to be in the “picture.” The commentators along with other film techniques, such as camera work, music, and image overlays, are important means by which very simple judgements and solutions regarding individuals, their fates, and social matters are delivered. As a result, instead of presenting single, unique events, the reports can be more abstractly viewed as representing larger parts of Japanese society and showing how safe/dangerous it is to live in the country. This also makes it easier for the audience to identify with the presented persons and therefore have the feeling of being (at least potentially) personally affected. Especially stereotypes about the police officers are reconfirmed numerous times. The officers in the series strictly adhere to the rules, have a special “talent” or instincts to track down the “perpetrators” and prove their guilt, and their work is a service for the greater good. Therefore, they are represented as likeable. While civilians in need are always clearly presented as dependent on the police’s aid, offenders can be presented as a threat to society, especially by commentators, but not to the extent I initially expected, because clear confrontations between the police officer as the protagonist and the civilian as the antagonist are rarely encountered. This is also due to the polite behaviour of the officers, who deal with a lack of insight much more often than with open aggressiveness towards them and can usually enforce their authority without significant hurdles. Faulstich emphasises the importance of symbols (Faulstich 2013: 164), and these can also be found in the series. The police officers, their uniforms, the patrol cars, and so forth can be interpreted as symbols of the Japanese state, protecting its citizens. They exemplify that recognizing the authority of the state, paying taxes, and obeying laws is not in vain. Finally, it can be said that the positive depiction of the police in the three investigated reality documentary series “proves” the police force’s legitimacy, primarily due to their professionalism and success, but also due to their necessity as the sole competent crisis solver vis-à-vis a chaotic and vulnerable society. REFERENCES Primary Sources TBS = [Kabushikigaisha TBS terebi 株式会社TBS テレビ (Tōkyō Broadcasting System Television, Inc.) ]: This is the official English name of the station. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 2018a. “37.” Saizensen! Michaku keisatsu 24 ji 最前線!密着警察24時 [On the Frontline! Following the Police Closely for 24 Hours]. Tōkyō 東京: TBS. 2018b. “38.” Saizensen! Michaku keisatsu 24 ji 最前線!密着警察24時 [On the Frontline! Following the Police Closely for 24 Hours]. Tōkyō 東京: TBS. 2018c. “39.” Saizensen! Michaku keisatsu 24 ji 最前線!密着警察24時 [On the Frontline! Following the Police Closely for 24 Hours]. Tōkyō 東京: TBS. TV Asahi = [Kabushiki gaisha Asahi Terebi 株式会社テレビ朝日 (TV Asahi Corporation) ]. 2018a. “2018 fuyu no jikenbo 2018 冬の事件簿 [Case Files for Winter 2018].” Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE追跡 [The Dragnet of the Archipelago-Police: THE Hunt]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Asahi. 2018b. “2018 haru no jikenbo 2018 春の事件簿 [Case Files for Spring 2018].” Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE追跡 [The Dragnet of the Archipelago-Police: THE Hunt]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Asahi. 2018c. “2018 natsu no jikenbo 2018 夏の事件簿 [Case Files for Summer 2018].” Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE追跡 [The Dragnet of the Archipelago-Police: THE Hunt]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Asahi. 2018d. “2018 manatsu no jikenbo 2018 真夏の事件簿 [Case Files for Midsummer 2018].” Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE追跡 [The Dragnet of the Archipelago- Police: THE Hunt]. Tōkyō: TV Asahi. 2018e. “2018 aki no jikenbo 2018 秋の事件簿 [Case Files for Autumn 2018].” Rettō keisatsu sōsamō za tsuiseki 列島警察捜査網THE追跡 [The Dragnet of the Archipelago-Police: THE Hunt]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Asahi. TV Tōkyō = [Kabushikigaisha Terebi Tōkyō 株式会社テレビ東京 (TV Tōkyō Corporation) ]. 2018a. “– 2018 shinshun– ～2018新春～ [– New Year 2018 –].” Gekiroku keisatsu mitchaku 24- ji!! 激録 警察密着24時!! [Close-up – The Police, Following it Closely for 24 Hours]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Tōkyō. 2018b. “– 2018 Haru – ～2018 春～ [– Spring 2018 –].” Gekiroku keisatsu mitchaku 24-ji!! 激録 警察密着24時!! [Close-up – The Police, Following it Closely for 24 Hours]. Tōkyō 東京: TV Tōkyō. 2018c. “– 2018 Kokusho no tatakai – ～2018 – 酷暑の闘い～ [– Intense hot battles 2018 –].” Gekiroku keisatsu mitchaku 24-ji!! 激録 警察密着24時!! 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This is an official English title of the paper. Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Sakai, Mayuko 酒井真由子, Yasushi Ochi 越智康詞, Nobuyuki Kurebayashi 伸幸 紅林, and Takao Katō 隆雄加藤. 2016. “Terebi no media baiasu to kyōiku yoron no kōsei – kyōin hōdō/shōnen hōdō kara miete kuru mono – テレビのメディア・バイアスと教育世論の構成―教 員報道/少年報道から見えてくるもの― [Media Bias on Television and the Composition of Educational Public Opinion – What Can Be Seen from Teacher/Juvenile Coverage].” Shinshū daigaku kyōiku gakubu kenkyū-ron 信州大学教育学部研究論 [Shinshū University Journal of Educational Research and Practice], 9, pp. 27–47. Schweinitz, Jörg. 2006. Film und Stereotype: Eine Herausforderung für das Kino und die Filmtheorie. Zur Geschichte eines Mediendiskurses. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Stephenson, Anthony. 2019. “Kinds of Blue: The Representation of Australian Police and Policing in Television Drama and Reality Television.” Ph.D. thesis, Charles Sturt University, Australia. This is an official English title of the journal.
Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies – de Gruyter
Published: Jan 1, 2022
Keywords: film analysis; police; factual television; staging; contemporary Japan
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