Towards a Democratic South Africa?

Towards a Democratic South Africa? 270 When it comes to the crunch, Horowitz locates such a configuration in an ANC- NP coalition, noting that both parties discovered fairly rapidly after February 1990 that they had a common interest in making negotiations succeed. If this coalition could be consummated on the basis of universal suffrage, the white and black organisations flanking the ANC and NP would, undoubtedly, have some ability to siphon off sup- port "based on sell-out arguments" (p. 273); and with, each act of moderation by the ANC and the NP, the extremes-the (white) Conservative Party and Inkatha on the right; the PAC and the Azanian People's Organisation on the left-would be pro- voked against the middle. It could then become impossible for any actor to gain elec- toral power alone, thereby rendering the ANC-NP even more interdependent. How- ever, for such an outome, "an electoral component, with rewards for mutual cooperation, is indispensable" (p. 275). Thereafter, as the process moves along, the extremes might be coopted into participating into democratic arrangments, lest they be left behind. Hence, if despite the dangers, an interdependent centre emerges, it can make hegemony recede as democratic power appears more promising (p. 279). For Horowitz to http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Journal of Asian and African Studies (in 2002 continued as African and Asian Studies) Brill

Towards a Democratic South Africa?

Journal of Asian and African Studies (in 2002 continued as African and Asian Studies), Volume 28 (3-4): 270 – Jan 1, 1993

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Publisher
Brill
Copyright
© 1993 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
ISSN
0021-9096
eISSN
1568-5217
D.O.I.
10.1163/156852193X00109
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

270 When it comes to the crunch, Horowitz locates such a configuration in an ANC- NP coalition, noting that both parties discovered fairly rapidly after February 1990 that they had a common interest in making negotiations succeed. If this coalition could be consummated on the basis of universal suffrage, the white and black organisations flanking the ANC and NP would, undoubtedly, have some ability to siphon off sup- port "based on sell-out arguments" (p. 273); and with, each act of moderation by the ANC and the NP, the extremes-the (white) Conservative Party and Inkatha on the right; the PAC and the Azanian People's Organisation on the left-would be pro- voked against the middle. It could then become impossible for any actor to gain elec- toral power alone, thereby rendering the ANC-NP even more interdependent. How- ever, for such an outome, "an electoral component, with rewards for mutual cooperation, is indispensable" (p. 275). Thereafter, as the process moves along, the extremes might be coopted into participating into democratic arrangments, lest they be left behind. Hence, if despite the dangers, an interdependent centre emerges, it can make hegemony recede as democratic power appears more promising (p. 279). For Horowitz to

Journal

Journal of Asian and African Studies (in 2002 continued as African and Asian Studies)Brill

Published: Jan 1, 1993

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