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Justice and Foreign Policy. By Michael Blake. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

Justice and Foreign Policy. By Michael Blake. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 182 Book Reviews Justice and Foreign Policy. By Michael Blake. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Michael Blake advances a novel theory of liberal justice of foreign policy in his new book. He starts from liberal assumptions that individuals are the only unit that matters morally, everyone matters equally, political institu- tions should respect all individuals equally (p. 9), and individual autonomy is a central liberal goal (pp. 20–26). He makes three main claims. First, lib- eral states should not tolerate illiberal regimes on principled grounds, even though there may be good prudential reasons for not interfering in them to promote liberal values (chap. 3). Second, liberal states must, in keeping with equal concern and respect for all individuals, “differentiate between the rights of domestic citizens and the rights of foreigners” (p. 11). Third, there are first- and second-order sites of justice, and different rules apply to each. A first-order site of justice is “one in which the moral status of the parties in question is significant in itself” (p. 12). Second-order sites are those that “might affect the ability of the participants to maintain a first- order site of justice” (p. 12). Interstate relations are second-order sites of justice because they do not matter intrinsically, but can affect first-order sites. Blake argues that principles of justice apply internationally, but one cannot simply extend domestic principles internationally because interna- tional coercion between states is morally and relevantly different than the state-based domestic coercion of individuals (p. 103). He would have done well to consider whether the International Criminal Court might ground first-order justice among individuals internationally. He argues that the principles that apply to second-order international justice are as stringent as domestic first-order justice (p. 90). Domestic social and economic inequal- ity can be problematic for liberal justice, but international inequality as such is not. Leaders of liberal states have a duty to promote raising the level of wealth of foreigners above a threshold of poverty below which individuals would be unable to function as autonomous individuals. They additionally have a duty to promote democracy internationally (subject to prudential constraints such as proportionality) because democracy is the only form of governance that provides equal respect to all individuals. Reviewed by Eamon Aloyo The International Rule of Law Movement: A Crisis of Legitimacy and the Way Forward. Edited by David Marshall. Cambridge: Human Rights Program Series, Harvard Law School, 2014. Is exporting the Western rule of law model the best way to help rebuild frag- ile or postconflict states? Perhaps not, suggests David Marshall, the editor of this volume of essays written by experts in the rule of law field (pp. xiii– xiv). He reports that huge sums of money and effort have gone into reengi- http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations Brill

Justice and Foreign Policy. By Michael Blake. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

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Publisher
Brill
Copyright
Copyright © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
ISSN
1075-2846
eISSN
1942-6720
DOI
10.1163/19426720-02101013
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

182 Book Reviews Justice and Foreign Policy. By Michael Blake. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Michael Blake advances a novel theory of liberal justice of foreign policy in his new book. He starts from liberal assumptions that individuals are the only unit that matters morally, everyone matters equally, political institu- tions should respect all individuals equally (p. 9), and individual autonomy is a central liberal goal (pp. 20–26). He makes three main claims. First, lib- eral states should not tolerate illiberal regimes on principled grounds, even though there may be good prudential reasons for not interfering in them to promote liberal values (chap. 3). Second, liberal states must, in keeping with equal concern and respect for all individuals, “differentiate between the rights of domestic citizens and the rights of foreigners” (p. 11). Third, there are first- and second-order sites of justice, and different rules apply to each. A first-order site of justice is “one in which the moral status of the parties in question is significant in itself” (p. 12). Second-order sites are those that “might affect the ability of the participants to maintain a first- order site of justice” (p. 12). Interstate relations are second-order sites of justice because they do not matter intrinsically, but can affect first-order sites. Blake argues that principles of justice apply internationally, but one cannot simply extend domestic principles internationally because interna- tional coercion between states is morally and relevantly different than the state-based domestic coercion of individuals (p. 103). He would have done well to consider whether the International Criminal Court might ground first-order justice among individuals internationally. He argues that the principles that apply to second-order international justice are as stringent as domestic first-order justice (p. 90). Domestic social and economic inequal- ity can be problematic for liberal justice, but international inequality as such is not. Leaders of liberal states have a duty to promote raising the level of wealth of foreigners above a threshold of poverty below which individuals would be unable to function as autonomous individuals. They additionally have a duty to promote democracy internationally (subject to prudential constraints such as proportionality) because democracy is the only form of governance that provides equal respect to all individuals. Reviewed by Eamon Aloyo The International Rule of Law Movement: A Crisis of Legitimacy and the Way Forward. Edited by David Marshall. Cambridge: Human Rights Program Series, Harvard Law School, 2014. Is exporting the Western rule of law model the best way to help rebuild frag- ile or postconflict states? Perhaps not, suggests David Marshall, the editor of this volume of essays written by experts in the rule of law field (pp. xiii– xiv). He reports that huge sums of money and effort have gone into reengi-

Journal

Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International OrganizationsBrill

Published: Aug 19, 2015

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