TY - JOUR AU - Berg, Erlend AB - Abstract Funeral insurance is a global phenomenon that has existed throughout history and remains hugely popular in Africa today. Yet as a distinct financial device it has received little attention. The question is why it seems, in many contexts, to be preferred over standard life insurance even though the latter is a more flexible product. This paper presents a simple model in which funeral insurance differs from life insurance in that there is a constraint on how the payout is spent. Funeral insurance can therefore serve as an intergenerational commitment device. The model’s key prediction is consistent with South African household data. 1. Introduction Funeral insurance is one of the earliest documented forms of insurance. It has existed throughout history and across the globe, and it is probably still the most popular type of insurance in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet little is known about the reasons for its enduring appeal. Funeral insurance is not life insurance. What these two types of insurance have in common is that the covered event is the death of one or more specified individuals. But it is a remarkably consistent feature of ‘death-triggered insurance’, both historically and in contemporary developing countries, that the payout takes the form of funeral-related goods and services. This is funeral insurance. In contrast, a life insurance policy typically pays out in cash or liquid assets, and there is no restriction on how the payout is spent. The claim of this paper is that the distinction is fundamental and that the type of insurance preferred will depend on the circumstances and characteristics of the decision-maker.1 As far as I know, this paper is the first to present and analyse funeral insurance as a distinct form of insurance, and to address the ‘puzzle’ of its enduring popularity: why would there be a demand for funeral insurance over life insurance, when the latter comes with fewer strings attached? It draws on historical and anthropological sources to document the characteristics, continuity and importance of the phenomenon. A simple theoretical framework is presented in which funeral insurance is modelled as life insurance with a constraint on the use of the payout. Because of this constraint, funeral insurance can serve as an intergenerational commitment device that resolves a conflict of interest between the policyholder (‘the parent’) and the beneficiary (‘the child’) over the use of the payout. Conditions are derived under which funeral insurance is preferred to life insurance. Implicit in the framework is the idea that people have preferences over what happens after their own death. While economic models often assume that agents care about their children’s welfare after their own lifetime, this is typically captured in a simple altruistic or warm-glow bequest term. Such models incorporate the utility, or initial assets, of the child into the parent’s utility function, but they rarely assume that the parent has preferences over post-mortem resource allocation that may differ from those of the child. However, the notion that people should care about resource allocation when they are themselves no longer present is consistent with anthropological evidence, as well as a long tradition of economic thought emphasising that utility is derived from anticipation of future consumption as well as actual consumption in the present. The theory relies on the fundamental assumption that the parent cares more about her own funeral than does the child. This assumption, which may be controversial as it contrasts with a prevailing view in academia that ‘funerals are for the living’, is supported by several well-documented facts about the market for funeral insurance. The main testable prediction of the theory is that funeral insurance should be demanded only for intermediate wealth and income levels. Intuitively, for very low and very high resource levels, the parent and child agree that there should be a basic and elaborate funeral, respectively. And when they do agree, the constraint on spending imposed by funeral insurance will not bind, and hence funeral insurance is not preferred over life insurance. However, for intermediate resource levels, the parent may prefer a more elaborate funeral than does the child, and in this case the parent may strictly prefer funeral insurance over life insurance. This prediction is tested using survey data from South Africa, and the results of the analysis are consistent with it. Several alternative explanations for the enduring popularity of funeral insurance are discussed, but none of these are consistent with what is known about the market for funeral insurance in contemporary South Africa. Still, the tested prediction is fairly general and might conceivably be generated by alternative models. In that sense, the test is a weak one: it fails to reject the model rather than endorses it. Hence, the main objectives of the paper are to draw the attention of economists to the importance of funeral insurance as a phenomenon, historically and today; to propose a conceptual distinction between funeral insurance and life insurance; and to use this insight to set up a model that provides a possible explanation for the enduring popularity of funeral insurance. The theory is shown to be consistent with the data. The model also provides conditions under which funeral insurance is not demanded at any level of wealth and income. This may explain why funeral insurance is less popular in developed countries, even in unequal societies where segments of the population remain poor. Today, formal funeral policies are offered by insurance companies in many parts of the world. But the history of funeral insurance, and insurance in general, is closely related to that of funeral associations. From ancient Greece and Rome, via medieval Europe and Victorian Britain, to large parts of modern-day sub-Saharan Africa, the most common way to take out funeral insurance has been to join a funeral association. The primary function of these groups is to pool the risk associated with the death of members or their close relatives by using members’ contributions to organise funerals. Historians have argued that funeral associations are the precursors of modern insurance companies (Fingland Jack, 1912; Trenerry, 1926). More recently, funeral associations have attracted the attention of economists as instances of informal or semi-formal risk-pooling groups. While the link between funeral insurance and informal insurance provision continues to be important, both formal and informal insurers can and do offer funeral insurance. Funeral insurance as an economic concept should therefore be distinguished from its implementation. The model presented here abstracts from organisational form, and in order to focus on the mechanisms of interest, neither insurance type is presented with a cost or efficiency advantage over the other. South Africa may be unique in that both formal and informal funeral insurance, as well as life insurance, are widely available. In the sample of adult black South Africans studied here, 28% are members of funeral associations while 7% have formal funeral insurance.2 Traditional funeral associations compete with undertakers and modern insurance companies in providing funeral insurance, and the latter also offer standard life insurance. Traditional African communities co-exist with a fully industrialised modern economy and world-class formal-sector financial institutions. The South African case demonstrates that funeral insurance is not simply a symptom of under-developed financial markets and provides an ideal context in which to investigate the circumstances under which one type of death-triggered insurance is preferred over the other. The next section provides an overview of relevant literature. Next is an introduction to funeral associations and funeral insurance, followed by a discussion of the high levels of funeral expenditure observed in Africa and South Africa, and for whom this matters. Thereafter, the model is presented, solved and interpreted. Next is the empirical section, and finally a discussion of alternative explanations. 2. Related Literature This paper is related to the literature on the demand for life insurance. Modern economic analysis of the problem starts with Yaari (1965), who introduced life insurance as a way of coping with an uncertain lifetime in a model with either a bequest motive or a credit market combined with a non-negative terminal wealth requirement. Fischer (1973) and Campbell (1980) are important subsequent contributions. However, Lewis (1989) was the first to consider the point of view of the insurance beneficiaries: he lets insurance demand be determined by the intended beneficiary. In this paper it will be argued that a conflict of interest between policyholder and beneficiary may be the key driver of demand for funeral insurance. Economists have long been interested in why people leave bequests. Some believe bequests are accidental and caused by a combination of uncertain lifetimes and imperfect insurance markets. On the other hand, Bernheim (1991) uses evidence on life insurance demand to argue that bequests are intentional. This paper nuances the discussion by positing that even if they are intentional, bequests are not necessarily altruistic in the usual sense. Demand for funeral insurance may be explained in part by a concern for specific types of post-mortem expenditure that may have more to do with preserving one’s own good name than with either ‘warm glow’ or true altruism. There is a large literature on informal arrangements for coping with risk in developing countries. Besley (1995), Morduch (1999) and Dercon (2002) provide overviews. Townsend (1994) tests for, and rejects, full risk-sharing in Indian villages. This finding has been verified by many later studies, and the robustness of the result has inspired a substantial body of theoretical work relating imperfect enforcement to bounds on the risk-sharing contracts that may be entered. For example, Ligon et al. (2002) and Bold (2009) study theoretically how the sustainability of a risk-sharing group depends on its size. This paper departs from that literature by abstracting from enforcement issues and organisational form, in order to focus on funeral insurance as a distinct financial device. Arnott and Stiglitz (1991) is perhaps the best-known article on the interaction of formal and informal insurance. The authors find that in the presence of moral hazard and formal insurance, informal insurance is beneficial if the informal insurers have an information advantage, but can be harmful if not. The model presented here abstracts completely from moral hazard, on the basis that death insurance is much less likely to be subject to this problem than many other types of insurance. This is in line with Fafchamps and Lund (2003), who find that funerals are better insured than other events such as crop failure and mild illness. There is a small number of studies on commitment devices in developing countries, a good example of which is Ashraf et al. (2006). These papers relate to the theory on hyperbolic discounting (Harris and Laibson, 2003). Devices that operate between generations have received little attention, but see Takagi (2015) for a recent exception. Although their popularity in many parts of the developing world is well known, the economic literature on funeral insurance is still relatively small. Dercon et al. (2006) discuss funeral associations in Ethiopia and Tanzania, and Bold and Dercon (2014) test for risk-sharing in Ethiopian funeral associations. LeMay-Boucher (2009) compares funeral associations in Ethiopia and Benin. Bryant and Prohmmo (2002) ask why funeral association premia in a village in North-Eastern Thailand are equal for all households irrespective of risk. Rutherford (2000) describes funeral associations in Cochin, India. A good source of information on the workings and characteristics of funeral associations in South Africa (known locally as burial societies) is Thomson and Posel (2002). Roth (2001) is a case study of formal and informal funeral insurance in a rural South African township. Ardington and Leibbrandt (2004) find a strong correlation between formal employment and the take-up of funeral insurance. Keswell (2004) looks at the relationship between employment and membership of informal networks such as ROSCAs and funeral associations. Case et al. (2013) find that households who receive an insurance payout at the time of a death spend more on the funeral. This paper parallels parts of the literature on rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs). In an early article, Geertz (1962) saw ROSCAs as a ‘middle rung’ in the ladder of development, implying that they would eventually give way to formal institutions. This paper will show that funeral insurance is demanded for intermediate income and wealth. Levenson and Besley (1996) look at the determinants of ROSCA participation in Taiwan. In a striking parallel to the case of funeral associations in South Africa, they deem ROSCA membership in Thailand surprisingly high (at least a fifth of all households are members) for an industrialised country. While preferences over post-mortem resource allocation could arise from religious or supernatural beliefs, this is not required if the associated utility is derived while alive, in anticipation. Perhaps most intuitively, people may care about their ‘good name and reputation’ after they are gone, and wish to be remembered with fondness and respect. The notion that utility can be derived from anticipation as well as current consumption goes back to Bentham (1789). Jevons (1905) emphasises the importance of both anticipation and memory, alongside the sensation of present events, in economic decision-making. More recently, Loewenstein (1987) modifies the standard discounted utility framework to take account of anticipation, and Rick and Loewenstein (2008) discuss the role of anticipation in their survey of research on the role of emotion in decision-making. Scheffler (2013) presents a philosophical defence of the view that humans derive value from what happens after our own deaths, even in the absence of a belief in a supernatural afterlife. 3. Funeral Associations and the History of Insurance Funeral associations are mutual risk-pooling groups designed to ensure decent funerals for members and/or other persons nominated by them, typically close relatives or household members. When a covered person dies, the group will provide a pre-specified payout—in the form of labour, goods or cash, or a combination of these—towards the funeral. Many associations collect fixed cash premia at regular intervals and use this fund to finance payouts, while others transact only when a death occurs.3 Funeral associations have a long history and global reach. Solon, the Athenian statesman (ca 638–558 BC), passed a law regulating their activity (Parrott, 1985). They were widespread in the Roman empire, operating on the same basic principles as they do today.4 In medieval Europe they were linked to the professional guilds. In England around the time of the industrial revolution, funeral associations could be set up as local community groups, or organised as large friendly associations (Cordery, 2003). For a vivid description of the importance of funeral associations in British working-class life in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, see Johnson (1985). The history of funeral associations is yet to be written, but van der Linden (1996) covers the history of mutual benefit associations more generally in 26 countries across Europe, North and South America and Asia. Though many of the institutions described also cover events other than death, funeral cover seems to have been the main, or one of the main, components of most of them, and not infrequently the only insured event. Funeral associations still exist in many countries, though in rich countries their importance has declined relative to formal insurance. They are, however, still widespread in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Funeral associations are sometimes regarded as providers of informal insurance, but it is worth clarifying what is meant by ‘informal’ in this context. As Dercon et al. (2006) point out, funeral associations often operate according to a clearly defined, sometimes written, set of rules. The terms of the policy are specified in detail, including who is covered, conditions of cover and the sizes of premia and payouts. Often there is also a system of fines for non-compliance with these rules, and at least in South Africa it is not uncommon for funeral associations to have a special uniform which is compulsorily worn by members at meetings and funerals. Well-defined and strictly enforced policy terms appear to be the norm rather than exceptional. On the other hand, most funeral associations are not registered with the authorities and not regulated. They are not part of the formal economy. In particular, it is uncertain whether a member of a funeral association who feels unfairly treated has recourse to the formal judiciary. This clearly distinguishes funeral association membership from policies offered by formal insurance companies.5 While funeral associations pre-date formal insurance companies, today funeral insurance is also offered by the latter. Formal insurance companies offer explicit funeral policies in rich countries (including the USA, the UK, Spain and Germany) as well as in the developing world. A possible objection to the arguments presented here is that funeral associations offer more than insurance. After all, whereas formal insurance is close to being a purely financial device, fellow funeral association members are often also friends, colleagues or relatives who may provide mental support and a sense of belonging, especially in times of grief. Nonetheless, virtually all writers on the subject agree that participants think of their funeral associations as a financial arrangement first and foremost. In support of this, a nationally representative South African survey asked funeral association members why they belonged to these groups. The three most popular responses were ‘Help with funeral arrangements’ (79%), ‘To help when there is a death’ (53%) and ‘Provide funerals the family deserves’ (24%). Far fewer respondents selected ‘To provide comfort and support’ (13%) or ‘To socialise’ (4%) (FinMark Trust, 2003). Likewise, Dercon et al. (2006) report that in both Ethiopia and Tanzania, the primary focus of funeral associations is to provide funeral cover. Funeral associations undeniably have social aspects, but these alone cannot explain their popularity. The history of funeral insurance is closely linked with that of funeral associations, and even today funeral insurance is much more likely than life insurance to be offered informally. Nevertheless, formal-sector funeral insurance exists in many places (and is common in some, such as South Africa), as do informal insurance groups that are not exclusively concerned with funeral cover. It is a key message of this paper that the type of insurance (life versus funeral) should be distinguished from the organisational form of the provider. Neither depends on the other, though funeral insurance appears to be popular in circumstances that favour informal insurance provision. 4. Who Cares about a Funeral? Funerals are expensive events in Africa,6 and South Africa is no exception. Case et al. (2013) find that funerals amongst black households in a region of KwaZulu-Natal on average costs a median annual income. Roth (2001) conducted in-depth interviews with 12 households in a township in Eastern Cape, 10 of whom had recently been involved in the funeral of a relative. He reports that the average expenditure on a funeral in his small sample was 15 times monthly household income. Why spend so much? Funerals are of great cultural importance in sub-Saharan Africa. Traditional belief holds that the spirits of the dead can influence the living and must be treated with respect. Relatives will travel from far to attend, and the cost of catering for them for several days can be substantial (Roth, 2001). But often there is also a strong component of ‘conspicuous consumption’, and a sense of shame if the family of the deceased cannot afford an elaborate funeral.7Case et al. (2013) deem the importance of funerals to be ahead of births, graduations and weddings in traditional family and community life. The social importance of funerals, and no doubt the toll of the AIDS epidemic, also help explain why both formal and informal funeral insurance are ‘big’ in South Africa. Porteous and Hazelhurst (2004) estimate that funeral association membership is around 18% of the population (8 million out of 45 million). As a proportion of black adults, membership reaches 31%. In the formal sector, too, funeral insurance is the single most popular type of policy, with about 8% (3.5 million) of the population being policyholders. Since a typical policy will cover close relatives as well as the policyholder, the proportion of the population that is covered by some form of funeral insurance is substantially larger than these numbers suggest. It is a key assumption of the model presented here that in the cultural context, the policyholder (‘the parent’) places a greater relative utility weight on (the anticipation of) her funeral than do the survivors (‘the child’). This may be the case if people care about being remembered with fondness and respect, especially in cultures with strong norms for what a decent funeral should be like. However, the assumption that the parent should care more about her funeral than the child may seem puzzling to some readers, and it contrasts with views held by some academics. So it is worth considering the claim in some detail and contrast it with the alternative notion that ‘funerals are for the living’ (van der Geest, 2000). Utility functions are not directly observable. However, the assumption is supported by two key observations. First, if the assumption did not hold, that is if people cared more about their parents’ funeral than their own, then one would expect funeral insurance to be designed to cover primarily parents or other household members rather than the policyholder herself. In fact, although many funeral insurance policies do cover the deaths of household members, the emphasis is consistently on the main member: many policies cover only the policyholder, and those policies that also cover parents and other household members typically do so at lower rates.8 Second, if funeral insurance were geared towards children covering their parents’ funerals, then a majority of funeral policyholders should be of an age where their parents are alive. In fact, at least in South Africa, funeral policyholders as a group seem to be dominated by pensioners.9 These are in their sixties and older, and given the life expectancy of black South Africans it is very unlikely that many of them have parents who are still alive. This is a strong indication that those who take out funeral insurance to do so first and foremost to cover their own funeral. In addition, though evidence supports the importance of social pressure in maintaining high levels of funeral expenditure (Case et al., 2013), it is not clear that this has a stronger effect on the young (‘the child’) than on the elderly (‘the parent’). Social pressure may induce a sense of shame at ‘pauper’s funerals’ and influence the parent while alive, informing her expectations and preferences over her own funeral, as well as the child both before and after the death has occurred. According to van der Geest (2000), funerals in Ghana are ‘more for the living than for the dead’, but he also writes: ‘When thinking about their own funeral, the elderly are ambivalent. On the one hand, they criticise the overemphasis on funerals at the expense of proper care during their lives. On the other hand, they would certainly not want to turn the tables. For them, too, a poor funeral would be an unbearable disgrace’. Van der Geest also argues that some of his elderly interviewees may wish to appear more modest in their expectations of their own funerals than they really are, indicating that at least some people do have preferences over post-mortem resource allocation. Even in the United Kingdom, funeral plans are consistently marketed to the elderly as a way to avoid burdening the next generation with the high costs of a funeral. Given that ‘the next generation’ is generally the residual claimant of their parents’ assets, the cost is in any case ultimately borne by the former. Hence, barring liquidity and inheritance tax considerations, this form of marketing seems to rely on a concern, on the part of the elderly, that their children cannot be trusted to spend enough on the funeral. This paper is not the first to regard funeral insurance as a response to a conflict of interests over funeral inputs. In his anthropological study of informal mutual aid groups in Soweto, after describing what is expected of family, neighbours and friends in times of bereavement, Kramer (1975) writes: ‘I do not by any means wish to assert, however, that the categories of people discussed above unfailingly come forward and do their duty in all cases of death. This is not the case, firstly because they are not always in a position to do so and secondly because the city does offer people the opportunity for “disappearing” and thus avoiding their responsibilities. Consequently, the formation of burial societies can be seen as a recognition of this fact and an attempt to counteract it’. It seems reasonable that people should care about a decent funeral as well as their ‘good name and reputation’ after they are gone. But an alternative justification for the assumption that the parent places a relatively greater utility weight on the funeral than the child might be that the parent believes that the funeral is important to the child. If the child’s social standing depends on a good funeral, then the parent’s preference for the funeral consumption may be altruistic rather than reflecting utility from anticipation. This is indeed possible, but would require the child to have time-inconsistent preferences. Otherwise, there would be no need for the constraints imposed by funeral insurance. While it is probably true in many contexts that ‘parents know best’, it seems less plausible if a large proportion of policyholders are in their 60s, as is the case in South Africa. Many of their children would then presumably be in their 30s and 40s—old enough, one would think, to have realised the importance of social standing. 5. Theory 5.1 The model There are two agents, a parent and a child, and two periods. In the first period the parent, endowed with wealth W, decides how much (if any) insurance cover to buy and pays the premium. The parent survives to the second period with probability q. If she survives, she receives labour income y and consumes everything before the game ends. If she dies, there is no labour income but the child inherits the parent’s remaining wealth and receives any insurance payout. The child allocates her resources between the parent’s funeral and her own consumption. There are two types of funeral; basic (‘pauper’s funeral’) and elaborate (‘dignified funeral’). An elaborate funeral costs p, and the cost of a basic funeral is normalised to zero without loss of generality. There are also two types of insurance. Both payout if and only if the parent dies. The only difference between them is that a life insurance payout L can be spent as the beneficiary chooses, whereas a funeral insurance payout F can only be spent on the parent’s funeral. In both cases the premium per unit of cover is 1−q, the actuarially fair rate. The assumption of actuarially fair rates will be relaxed later. In addition there is a fixed contract cost associated with each insurance type that the parent buys. The contract cost is initially assumed to be positive but infinitesimal. This implies that it can be ignored for the purposes of determining the level of insurance cover demanded, and that the insurance premia remain actuarially fair, but also that the parent is induced to prefer a single insurance contract whenever she is otherwise indifferent between a single contract and a mix of both types of insurance. The relaxation of the assumption that the contract cost is negligible is discussed below. The parent’s consumption in Period 1 is assumed to be static and netted out of the model by adjusting the endowment W and the parent’s utility. For simplicity, both parent and child are assumed have logarithmic consumption utilities, but the case of general CRRA utility is considered below. If she survives to the second period, the parent derives utility from the consumption of all her resources, U=ln(c). If not, she derives utility from (the anticipation of) her own funeral and, altruistically, the child’s consumption: U=BD+ln(c). Here, B is the fixed utility gain to the parent associated with an elaborate funeral, and D is an indicator equal to 1 if an elaborate funeral is held and 0 if not. The child’s consumption is denoted c. Without loss of generality, the altruism coefficient (the weight on the child’s consumption utility in the parent’s utility) has been normalised to 1 by adjusting B. The child’s utility is given by u=μBD+ln(c). The constant μ determines the relative importance of the funeral and consumption terms from the child’s point of view. A key assumption is μ<1, so that although the parent and the child derive utility from the same two sources in the case of death (namely, the parent’s funeral and the child’s consumption), in relative terms the funeral matters less to the child than it does to the parent. It is this conflict of interest that will drive the demand for funeral insurance.10 The parent’s problem is to determine the insurance portfolio that maximises her expected utility conditional on the child’s decision function. It is immediately clear that the parent will never take out more funeral cover than p, the cost of an elaborate funeral, since doing so would be wasteful. The child’s problem is to allocate her available resources w (bequest plus any insurance payout) between the funeral and her own consumption so as to maximise utility, subject to the restriction that a funeral insurance payout can only be spent on the funeral. Her choice is binary: she can either arrange a basic funeral and consume all her resources (except any funeral insurance payout), or she can arrange an elaborate funeral at cost p and consume w−p. It is clear that the child will always arrange an elaborate funeral if she receives a funeral insurance payout of p. 5.2 Demand for life and funeral insurance Let real expected lifetime resources R be given by R(W,q,y,p)=W+qyp. Furthermore, define the parametric quantities J and K as follows: J(q,B)=1−q1−e−(1−q)BK(μ,q,B)=11−e−μB−q, The quantities J and K will form the lower and upper bounds, respectively, of the region of lifetime resources in which there is a positive demand for funeral insurance. Proposition 1 If J1, there is a B*such that for B>B*, funeral insurance is ruled out in the sense that there will be no demand for it irrespective of W, yand p. The critical value B*is decreasing in μand q. When μ+q≤1, funeral insurance cannot be ruled out for any B. Proof It can be shown that: limB→0μ*=1limB→∞μ*=1−q∂μ*∂B<0∂μ*∂q<0. Then the single-crossing property implies that for any q and μ satisfying μ>1−q, that is μ+q>1, there is a unique B*>0. For B>B*, (1) does not hold and funeral insurance is ruled out. The inequalities ∂μ∂B*<0 and ∂μ∂q<0 imply that B* depend negatively on μ as well as q. For μ+q≤1, there is no finite, positive solution for B*, so funeral insurance cannot be ruled out for any B.▪ Intuitively, if μ>1−q, the child’s utility weight on the funeral is greater than the parent’s expected utility weight—probability—of the death scenario. In this case, for sufficiently large B, there is no level of resources R at which the parent prefers an elaborate funeral and the child does not. In the opposite case, when μ<1−q, for any B there is an interval of expected resources in which the parent prefers an elaborate funeral and the child does not. Proposition 3 cannot readily be tested with the data used here. But it is interesting to note that it may explain why funeral insurance is less popular in some countries, even among relatively poor people. Holding the ‘cultural’ parameters μ and B fixed, there is a threshold for q above which there is no demand for funeral insurance irrespective of W, y and p. So if general health levels (proxied by the survival probability q in the model) rise, then demand for funeral insurance may drop off even if ‘culture’ and the distribution of income are unchanged. 5.5 Non-negligible contract costs The model as presented above assumes positive but infinitesimal contract costs. This simplifies the analysis by allowing actuarially fair premia (and hence a full-insurance solution) while ensuring that a single insurance contract is preferred over two insurance contracts when the agent is otherwise indifferent. However, in reality, transaction costs are likely to be important and the insurance premium greater than the actuarially fair rate, especially for the low-value contracts typically taken out by poor people. Introducing a non-negligible fixed cost per contract would give a more realistic cost structure for the insurance providers and also result in the net premium per unit of cover being higher for small transactions, which corresponds with anecdotal evidence. An important effect of introducing a non-negligible contract fee in the above framework is that in some parameter regions it would become optimal not to take out any insurance at all. Non-negligible transaction costs would not, however, change the main prediction of the model: funeral insurance would not be demanded outside an intermediate region of wealth and income. Denoting the contract cost by t, a similar argument to the above quickly establishes that there is no demand for funeral insurance unless J