TY - JOUR
AU - Kil, Sang, Hea
AB - Abstract This study evaluates how “all lives matter” (ALM) has advanced Whiteness in the news. Critical race theory’s critique of liberalism’s embrace of race-neutral racism is applied to the journalistic practice of objectivity. Racialized reporting is considered “fair” through the race-neutral journalistic practice of objectivity that mystifies the Whiteness of the news industry. Neoliberalism, a project of liberalism, creates structural racism that impacts society and the newsroom, where regulatory changes help to vertically integrate the media market. This media oligarchy threatens democratic principles, distorts racial reality, and advances Whiteness and its supremacy. Critical discourse analysis method was used on select, major, U.S. newspapers to reveal ALM’s three discursive strategies: (a) co-optation of Black social justice work; (b) fear of Black power or “blue”/police power; and (c) equating ALM with White power. Theoretical significance reflects that Whiteness as neoliberalism owns all, is all, and flattens all differences. The recommendation for resistance is color-conscious, intersectional journalism. On 1 December 2015, the Washington Post covered a story about then–presidential hopeful Donald Trump’s strained relationship with the Black community. Trump’s presidential campaign had announced earlier that he would host a news conference featuring 100 Black religious leaders who would endorse Trump’s bid for presidency. However, the news conference was quietly canceled and, instead, Trump met with a few dozen Black religious leaders for a meeting in Trump Tower that did not materialize a formal endorsement. The Washington Post reported In an interview on MSNBC's "Morning Joe" a few hours before the meeting, Trump suggested that the religious leaders changed their minds under pressure from “Black Lives Matter folks.” “I think what happened, probably: it gets publicity—unfortunately, as everything I do gets publicity—and probably some of the Black Lives Matter folks called them up and said, ‘you shouldn't be meeting with Trump because he believes that all lives matter,’” Trump said. “I believe Black lives do matter, but I believe all lives matter very strongly” (Williams & Johnson, 2015, p. A5). This reporting did not question the racism of his “all lives matter” (ALM) racial logic, where “all” seems to mean “White.” This is an example of Whiteness as a strategic rhetoric, where Whiteness is made both natural and invisible (Nakayama & Krizek, 1995) within the universalism of ALM. While some public discourse has been critical of ALM meaning “White lives matter,” very little academic research has examined how ALM means “unmarked, White, middle-class, male lives” and promotes Whiteness and its supremacy (Carney, 2016, p. 15). This lack of ability to report on ALM as a racist concept in the news reflects the larger problem of liberalism in journalistic tenets and neo-liberalism in the newsroom. How does the news media discursively construct ALM and advance Whiteness in their news coverage? This paper explores the problem with the political philosophy of liberalism as it applies to race and journalism and, in particular, the neoliberal transformations in society and the media market that amplify racism. I begin with critical race theory’s (CRT’s) critique of liberalism that guides this paper and I apply this critique of liberalism to journalistic conventions. I then review the literature on neoliberalism and race to describe the impact on society, the vertical integration of the media industry, and its impact in the newsroom. I use Critical discourse analysis to examine the ALM slogan in the New York Times, Washington Post, Chicago Tribune, and the Los Angeles Times, to illustrate the subtle and not-so-subtle ways that White supremacy appears unchallenged in mainstream news media reporting. I conclude with a call for color-conscious, intersectional news reporting. Critical race theory and the problem of liberalism CRT originated from a legal studies tradition and considers racism to be normal and ordinary in society, and even integral to institutional and social practices. “Critical race theory can thus be understood as a study of ‘hegemony’: how domination can persist without coercion. It can also be understood as a study of collective denial” (Harris, 2015, p. 1). CRT is critical of liberalism that treats racism as exceptional and not systemic. Liberalism is a political philosophy that is concerned with the individual and state relationship and values limiting state intrusion on the people’s liberties (Kymlicka, 1991). Critical race theorists have pointed out that liberalism’s universal appeal to see individuals as atomistic entities with inherent rights and capacities ignores inherent differences in social group categories that adversely affect the individual, and treats such differences as naturally random (Bell, 1989). Derrick Bell (1991, p. 376) boldly argued that the attempts at racial equality underhandedly perpetuate Black disempowerment: legal reasoning, like “precedent, rights theory, and objectivity merely are formal rules that serve a covert purpose.” CRT holds that the rule of law does not work for racial minorities, but always for the more empowered, privileged groups (Delgado, 1996). CRT’s study of hegemony begins by critiquing liberalism’s philosophical commitment to neutrality under the law. CRT does not believe the law can be neutral (Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, & Crenshaw, 1993). For example, the liberalism of equal opportunity wrongly assumes the desirability and possibility of racial sameness among different groups. Equal opportunity since Brown v. Board of Education (1954) has required the state—by the Fifth Amendment of due process and Fourteenth Amendment of equal protection—to act in an even-handed manner toward races of people (Brooks & Newborn, 1994). CRT asserts that it is wrong to treat different races as if they are on equal footing before the law, when they are not. In fact, CRT argues that liberalism treats such programs, like affirmative action and minority voting districts, as a necessary evil, but an evil nevertheless in an attempt to bring equality. But these programs are ineffective and create a facade of racial remedy in the face of worsening racial disparities (Nan, 1993). For example, in 2018 the poverty rate among Blacks was 21.8% and among Whites was 8.8% (Jones, Schmitt, & Wilson, 2018). In addition, Blacks were 6.4 times more likely to be imprisoned than Whites; in 2016, Blacks were incarcerated at 1730/100,000 population, in comparison to Whites at 270/100,000 (Jones et al., 2018). Thus, CRT is critical of equal opportunity, because this type of legal liberalism only reacts to extreme, individual forms of racism, while most forms of daily and systemic racism remain untreated (Brooks & Newborn, 1994). One of the key ways liberalism advances racism is in the legal treatment of Whiteness as a type of property. Cheryl Harris’s (1992) groundbreaking work on Whiteness as property analyzed the historical and legal co-evolution of White supremacy and property rights through the institution of enslaving Blacks and the seizure of Native American lands. Chattel slavery helped to merge Whiteness and property, so that “Whiteness was the characteristic, the attribute, the property of free human beings” (Harris, 1992, p. 1721). The cultural and economic practices of White settler colonial land use facilitated the deprivation of Native American land by defining legal possession through White uses of land only, thereby negating Native American claims to possessing the land first. “Whiteness and property share a common premise—a conceptual nucleus—of a right to exclude. This conceptual nucleus has proven to be a powerful center around which Whiteness as property has taken shape” (Harris, 1992, p. 1714). Whiteness conforms to the liberal view of property in granting rights to possess, use, dispose of, and exclude others, where the courts determined who was White/owner and who was non-White. “It may be a ‘bad’ form of property, but it is property nonetheless” (Harris, 1992, p. 1731; citing Mill, 1909). Thus, CRT favors an asymmetrical ideal of racial equality, or a racial group empowerment model, that supports steps like affirmative action to achieve a more level playing field (Brooks & Newborn, 1994). In fact, CRT treats race neutrality as a new form of racism (Bonilla-Silva, 2017; Gotanda, 1991), where only “aggressive, color conscious efforts to change the way things are will do much to ameliorate misery” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p. 27). Liberalism, objectivity, and the news Liberalism also affects how the news media report on important events, as both the law and the press are projects of liberalism that embrace neutrality as a guiding principle. In the news, the journalistic philosophy of objectivity reflects liberal neutrality and motivates the press in its public responsibility and political purpose. Objectivity emerged as a prevailing professional ethic sometime between the 1890s and the 1920s (Porwancher, 2011). “Defending ‘objectivity’ is made difficult by its slippery nature; since it is often defined in negatives—a lack of bias, a lack of party affiliation, a lack of sensationalism” (Mindich, 2000, p. 6). Common metaphors of journalistic practice that support notions of objectivity are the window, mirror, net, and seesaw, which reflect “a window to the world,” “a mirror to life,” a fishing net capturing the news of the day, and balance (Mindich, 2000, pp. 6–7). Even though objectivity was dropped from the Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics in 1996 because of skepticism of its achievability, and even though mainstream journalists and news editors have adopted the fairness principle, because “fairness comes closer as a measure because editors and readers can sense it” (Doyle & Getler, 2004, p. 45), the beliefs of objectivity remain in journalistic practices. For example, Mindich (2000) has contended that journalism textbooks include the practice of objectivity, broken down to five essential components: detachment, with a focus on the facts over a reporter’s preconception; nonpartisanship, where reporters offer both sides of a story; inverted pyramid, where the most important facts are in the lead paragraph; naive empiricism, which reflects a reliance on facts in reporting the truth accurately; and balance, “the impossible yet all-important goal that leads to ‘undistorted reporting’” (Mindich, 2000, p. 8). In practice, journalists typically take objectivity to mean that the news story is free of their opinion or feelings and contains facts written by an impartial and independent observer (Weber, 2016, as cited from Mencher, 2011 ). Media scholars are critical of the objectivity norm, because it can undermine the best interests of its audience. Reporters use the objectivity norm as a fair approach to cover competing claims, often when they lack the scientific expertise and time to determine facts in complicated political or policy disputes (Tuchman, 1978). Objectivity and fairness concepts then lead journalists to information biases (Boykoff & Boykoff, 2004). Media scholars particularly criticize the journalistic practice of objectivity and fairness in stories about climate change, where news has included quotes from leading environmental scientists on equal footing with quotes from climate change deniers who misrepresent the scientific consensus that climate change is real and dangerous (Dunaway, Davis, Padgett, & Scholl, 2015). More importantly, objectivity in press practices functions to maintain a nameless system of Whiteness (Alemán, 2017). Objectivity creates a distortion of information that negatively impacts race matters, as in the climate change example. However, neoliberal transformations in the media landscape further exacerbate this problem. Whiteness as neoliberalism, media vertical integration, and the news If liberalism is a political philosophy, then neoliberalism “is a transnational political project aiming to remake the nexus of market, state, and citizenship from above” (Wacquant, 2010, p. 213). Omi and Winant (2014, p. 15) argued that the race neutrality of liberalism “underwrites the neoliberal accumulation project,” and neither would be politically possible without the other. Furthermore, liberalism’s focus on individual rights through ownership of property, minimal government interference, and faith in free-market efficiency opened the door for neoliberalism to protect financial capital for elites (Khiabany, 2017). Hohle (2015) contended that U.S. neoliberalism is a direct legacy of postwar Jim Crow racism, where the southern White segregationists and business class worked together to prevent the racial integration of Blacks that later gained the support of White, middle-class Southerners. Hohle (2015, p. 141) argued that neoliberalism protects White elite privileges to capital and “is not about free markets.” Moreover, Giroux (2003, p. 197) argued that “under neoliberalism all levels of government have been hollowed out and largely reduced either to their policing functions or to maintaining the privileges of the rich and the interests of corporate power both of which are largely White.” Wacquant (2012, p. 66) agreed and articulated three aspects of neoliberalism: (a) it is a political project of state-crafting that puts liberal notions of individual responsibility at the service of commodification; (b) it is a “Centaur-state” that practices laissez-faire at the top and punitive paternalism at the bottom; and (c) it relies on the growth and “glorification” of the prison industrial complex. Mohanty (2013, p. 970) clarified that “while neoliberal states facilitate mobility and cosmopolitanism (travel across borders) for some economically privileged communities, it is at the expense of the criminalization and incarceration (the holding in place) of impoverished communities.” The “neo” of neoliberalism is the state’s re-regulation, rather than deregulation, of markets and government oversight (Wacquant, 2012). In particular, the “neo” of neoliberalism re-regulates “an economic system of corporations. Individuals are refigured as corporations or entrepreneurs and corporations are treated as individuals. Rights are refigured as corporate rights, freedoms as corporate freedoms and even apparatuses of security are aimed at corporations (‘corporate welfare’)” (Hardin, 2014, p. 215). For example, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010) holds that corporations possess the same First Amendment rights as a human person and can use money as a form of speech, which are “the sorts of shifts involved in making economic currency into political currency, people into property, and property into people [which] are nothing less than the logical structure of tyranny” (Kuhner, 2010, p. 467). More importantly, the “neo” in neoliberalism is the state’s re-regulation in covertly privileging and advancing Whiteness as property through race-neutral policies. Goldberg (2009, p. 337) argued that racial neoliberalism is a response to the “impending impotence of Whiteness,” which seeks to privatize property by privatizing race, to better protect those racial exclusions in the private sphere that are beyond state intervention. Lipsitz (1998) described how neoliberal social policies and racial animus created an investment in Whiteness that impacts housing, education, wealth accumulation, and employment by advantaging Whiteness. “Whiteness has a cash value … [and] is … a social fact, an identity created and continued with all-too-real consequences for the distribution of wealth, prestige, and opportunity” (Lipsitz, 1998, p. vii). In addition to its cash value, Lipsitz (1998, p. viii) agreed with Harris that Whiteness is like property, “but it is also a means of accumulating property and keeping it from others.” Thus, Lipsitz (1998, p. 1736) echoed Harris’ exclusion principle, where the “Whiteness has been characterized, not by an inherent unifying characteristic, but by the exclusion of others deemed to be ‘not White.’” This right to exclude that is inherent in Whiteness as property underwrites the neoliberal project of vertical integration within the media industry, which puts media ownership in the hands of a very few White elites that racially affect the media output. However, this has not historically always been the case. The civil rights movement influenced the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to be more explicit in its concern for diversity and required broadcasters to provide content to minority audiences as a requirement for licenses, as well as requiring equal opportunity in station employment (Horwitz, 2005). In response to the race riots in cities across the United States during the 1960s, President Johnson created a national advisory board, called the Kerner Commission, to look into the cause of the riots. The commission found that the press reported “from the standpoint of a White man’s world” and reflected the “biases, the paternalism, the indifference of White America,” which contributed to the race riots (Wilson, 2000, p. 86, cited from the Kerner Report, 1968). In 1978, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) also created programs that incentivized broadcast owners to sell to minorities. Between 1970 and 1990, judicial and congressional powers strongly supported the diversity rationale, and this support reached its zenith (and end) with the Supreme Court’s 5–4 ruling on Metro Broadcasting v. FCC (1990), which determined that the FCC’s minority owner preferences are constitutional, because they provide program diversity that is an important governmental concern (Horwitz, 2005). Enter racist neoliberalism. The Supreme Court’s 5–4 ruling in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peña (1995) challenged affirmative action in federal agency contracts that incentivized the hiring of minority subcontractors and reversed Metro Broadcasting by arguing that racial classifications must be analyzed under a “strict scrutiny” principle. Justice O’Conner wrote the majority opinion for Adarand and argued that all racial classifications endorse race-based reasoning that contradicts the equal protection clause, based on the understanding that the state treats people as individuals and not as racial groups (Horwitz, 2005), thereby using race-neutral individualism in her “strict scrutiny” standard. The hollowing out of equal opportunity in Adarand and subsequent legal cases where the FCC’s diversity rubric met with “a distinct lack of judicial sympathy” (Horwitz, 2005, p. 195) helped to support White corporate power in industry. In addition, neoliberalism promotes a binary of White as private versus Black as public, wherein Whites withdrew their support for public welfare and began associating welfare with Blacks, in favor of the growth of private entities (associated with Whites), like the prison and non-profit industrial complexes (Hohle, 2015). The 1996 Telecommunications Act had a neoliberal White-as-private binary that sharply re-regulated the media industry. U.S. corporations were allowed to “acquire new properties, enter joint ventures, and otherwise pursue the globe as one giant market for media, information and entertainment” (Gray, 2000, p. 121). “So profound and far reaching was the 1996 Telecommunications Act that no aspect of [U.S.] American (and to a lesser extent global) telecommunications was left unaffected” (Gray, 2000, p. 121). By 1999, fewer than 10 multinational media conglomerates—Time/Warner, Disney, Rupert Murdoch’s Newscorp, Viacom, Sony, Seagram, AT&T/Liberty Media, Bertelsmann, and GE—dominated most of the U.S. media landscape (Wellstone, 1999). Under the Bush Jr. administration, FCC Chairman Michael Powell’s (2001–2005), support of corporations’ First Amendment rights meant removing more ownership limitations (Horwitz, 2005) in a way that effectively re-regulated the media market into five global media conglomerates: Time Warner, Disney, Murdoch’s News Corporation, Viacom, and Bertelsmann, with each company possessing diverse media holdings, from newspapers to movie studios (Bagdikian, 2014). In 2018, AT&T bought Time Warner for 85 billion dollars (James, 2018). Herman and McChesney (2001) argued that this increasing transnational corporate control affected content within nations, with a focus on stock markets, business, and celebrity over social inequality and problems. “Concentrated ownership in the communications media yields diminished editorial voice, the decline of journalistic values, diminution of the press’s watchdog function, and reduction in the diversity of ideas, and, as a consequence, thwarts democratic deliberation” (Horwitz, 2005, p. 186). The state’s promotion of vertical integration has moved the industry into a contemporary oligarchy (McLintock, 2004). Thus, this vertical integration of the media industry reflects a possessive investment in Whiteness as property for the few White global elites that further excludes minorities from ownership opportunities in the market. So, while the neoliberal state re-regulates society at the top so that corporations have a First Amendment right to consolidate media ownership, the media output affects society at the bottom, given the lack of diversity and lack of substantive affirmative action gains in the industry in general, but also in the newsroom in particular. Today, mostly White, male decision-makers are still the gatekeepers of the newsroom (American Society of Newsroom Editors, 2017) and problems persist with minority retention (Columbia JournalismReview, 2016) as well as the class divide between journalists and the general public (Cunningham, 2004). Minority journalists feel that having minority executives would improve race depictions and increase the ranks of minority journalists (Rivas-Rodriguez, Subervi-Velez, Bramlett-Solomon, & Heider, 2004). At the intersection of race and gender, it gets bleaker. Between “2009 and 2015, the number of Black women in newsrooms dropped from 1,181 to 730; the number of Latinas in newsrooms dropped from 840 to 584; and the number of Asian American women dropped from 758 to 466” (Abbady, 2017, para. 15). In addition, four factors have fueled the Whiteness in the news reporting: (a) overuse of White elites as sources; (b) disregard for minority organizations or groups; (c) depicting minorities as threats; and (d) dismissing stories about racism (Alemán, 2014, citing van Dijk, 2005). The Whiteness of the news industry creates White fear when covering minority issues that reflect neoliberalism’s focus on individualism to help justify state re-regulations at the bottom of society. For example, in covering issues related to welfare, the news reflected the political disgust toward the “welfare queen”: a raced, classed, and gendered stereotype that helped to pass the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, fulfilling President Clinton’s campaign promise to “end welfare as we have come to know it,” which heralded “workfare” in its place (Hancock, 2004). In addition, in covering issues related to crime, the news has associated crime with Blackness that drives White fear, while making invisible White crimes, like white-collar, rural, suburban, and hate crimes (Russell, 2009). In particular, Blacks in crime news have been portrayed as more physically threatening and, in political news, as more demanding than Whites (Entman, 1992). The impact on White consumers of this crime news shows an increase in White racism that sees the “Black suspect in the crime story as more guilty, more deserving of punishment, more likely to commit future violence, and with more fear and loathing than a similarly portrayed White suspect” (Peffley, Shields, & Williams, 1996, p. 309). These racists news frames draw from and collaborate with the punitive paternalism and disciplinary supervision functions of Whiteness as neoliberalism. Methodology Critical discourse analysis (CDA) guided my analysis of the New York Times (NYT), Washington Post (WP), Chicago Tribune (CT), and the Los Angeles Times (LAT). CDA is not a specific method, but more a repertoire of methodological approaches with theoretical similarities, in addition to a focus on social problems. “CDA aims to investigate critically social inequality as it is expressed, signaled, constituted, legitimized and so on by language use (or in discourse)” (Wodak, 2001, p. 2). CDA always includes in its approach the concepts of power, history, and ideology, to better show how “dominant structures stabilize conventions and naturalize them, that is, the effects of power and ideology in the production of meaning are obscured and acquire stable and natural forms: they are taken as ‘given’” (Wodak, 2001, p. 3). In particular, CDA seeks to understand neoliberalism, its discursive character, and, most importantly, its strategies that enable a few and prevent most from flourishing in society (Fairclough, 2013). CDA can also identify the resistance against the discursive colonialization processes reflected by the discourse under study (Meyer, 2001). The NYT, WP, CT, and LAT were selected because they loosely represent the four regions of the United States, while also being top weekday circulators. Using Proquest Newsstand, I collected all news articles (units of analysis) that contained the phrase “all lives matter” until 10 July 2017. The first time it was used among the papers was 13 November 2014. I eliminated duplicate news stories, resulting in a total of 118 news articles (CT n = 13; LAT n = 24; NYT n = 29; WP n = 52). Using Nvivo, a qualitative software program that allows for the organization, storage, and retrieval of text-based data, I coded the data using a referential strategy. In CDA, a referential discursive strategy is the most basic strategy in communicating prejudice, and constructs group boundaries and membership categorizations. A referential discursive strategy helps to categorize the data in terms of a dichotomous in-group (implicit) and out-group (explicit) relationship, and these “referential strategies are intrinsically ideological” (Hart, 2010, p. 61). In this study, ALM is a referential strategy that related to other “lives matter” membership categories in the newspaper articles; paragraphs that demonstrated a group dichotomous construction among the “lives matter” groups were coded so that more than one group needed to be referenced at the paragraph level. An analysis of the referential strategies produced three discursive variations in the social construction of ALM. First and most frequent, newspapers would report on ALM as an equal or interchangeable concept to “Black lives matter” (BLM; n = 26). This is a “co-opting Black justice work” referential strategy. Second, the news treated ALM, BLM, and “police lives matter” as interchangeable equals, until they were not (n = 11). This is a “fear of Black power” or “blue power” referential strategy. Third, ALM either meant “White lives matter” (WLM) or helped to legitimate WLM (n = 10). This is the “all = White power” referential strategy. Three discursive strategies of “all lives matter” Co-opting Black justice work In the first variation of the discursive referential strategy, ALM is the implicit in-group that co-opts BLM as the explicit out-group within this dichotomous construction. Below is an example of the news coverage of BLM protesters who used both race-specific (BLM) and race-neutral (ALM) tactics in protest chants to make their political point. “We marched because Michael Brown's life mattered,” said Cornell William Brooks, the N.A.A.C.P. president. “We marched because Eric Garner mattered. We marched because our children's lives matter. Black lives matter. We march because all lives matter.” (Eli, 2014, p. A15) Blacks typically are less supportive than Whites in regard to race neutrality, while Whites are more supportive of it and believe more than Blacks that it will improve race relations (Ryan, Hunt, Weible, Peterson, & Casas, 2007). Thus, BLM protesters using both BLM and ALM slogans together send a message that if ALM means “unmarked, White, middle class, male lives” (Carney, 2016, p. 15), then Black lives should be treated equally to Whites or “all lives.” Instead, news coverage has treated these slogans as interchangeable and overlooked the race consciousness of juxtaposing ALM and BLM by the color-conscious protestors. The next example shows how the news covered the death of Freddie Gray, a Black man who died under Baltimore police custody of a spinal cord injury in 2015, in regards to ALM. Police Commissioner Anthony W. Batts also extended sympathy. “I have no words to offer that will ease the pain that has resulted,” he said at a news conference with the mayor. “All lives matter,” Batts added in a nod to the “Black Lives Matter” mantra of protesters after recent incidents across the country that have resulted in the deaths of Black males during confrontations with police. (Sherman, Kaltenbach, & Matt, 2015, p. A26) While the news reported the use of ALM in this example as a nod to BLM, this was far from the case. Davis and Ernst (2017, p. 4) described ALM as a racial spectacle that prioritizes Whiteness through a race-neutral disguise that not only “co-opts Black social justice intellectual work” in its name but also “pushes Black communities further to the margins of society by insisting that all lives … are valued equally and treated as such.” In Gray’s case, medical examiners deemed his death a homicide, yet no officer was ever charged, and the National Guard was called to manage the racial unrest his murder sparked (Stolberg & Bidgood, 2016). Fear of “Black power” or “blue power”: All, Black, and “blue” lives matter The second variation of the discursive referential strategy adds “blue”/police lives matter (PLM). ALM and PLM are the coalitional in-group in this discursive strategy, and BLM is again the out-group. Below, I offer two news examples—one covering a politician and the other covering a corporation—and examine the dangerous conflation of ALM, BLM, and PLM that shows how these three groups were initially treated equally, until they were not, resulting in the diminishment of BLM and its political purpose. It is important to note that PLM includes “police lives matter” (mentioned 5 times in the data) and “blue lives matter” (mentioned 15 times in the data), where the frequency of blue suggests a quasi-racialization of police. Mayor Bill de Blasio spoke slowly on Tuesday night, committed to getting the words right inside a modest Staten Island church. To his left was the family of Eric Garner, who died one year ago this week after a police chokehold on Bay Street, a short walk away. Behind them were New York City police officers. “I want to use a phrase that we did not hear as much in all the discourse,” the mayor said, “but we should say it because it's evident tonight: all lives matter.” He continued: “it should not need to be said, but until we make more progress we will say it again: Black lives matter.” There was one more. “Also we should say,” the mayor added, in a nod to the police department that has defined his early tenure, “blue lives matter.” (Flegenheimer, 2015, p. A20) Carney (2016) argued that the use of ALM intentionally erases the intersectional complexities in the lives of Black people, who suffer from systemic police brutality. New York Mayor Bill de Blasio’s speech and its coverage minimized Eric Garner’s intersectional identity as a poor, Black man who was targeted by police for selling loose cigarettes and murdered with an unauthorized police chokehold, by framing the BLM movement as equal to ALM and PLM. To date, no officer has been criminally charged with Garner’s death, which the coroner deemed a homicide and which was made infamous by video that captured his repeated, dying pleas of “I can’t breathe.” In contrast, de Blasio’s use of “blue lives matter” reflected the murders of two New York Police Department officers the year prior, supposedly in retaliation for the police murders of Eric Garner and Michael Brown, whose deaths helped to spark the BLM movement, and boosted PLM as a countermovement to BLM. In May 2018, a majority of the House passed the Protect and Serve Act, that demanded harsher penalties for targeted violence against police. If passed, a Senate version of the bill would make the police a protected class and categorize the violence against them as a hate crime (Dolan, 2018), making PLM both race-neutral (blue is not a race) and quasi-racial as a “blue race.” If ALM “obfuscates the role of the White supremacist state power structure by eliding over the specific targeting of Black lives by state institutions and actors” (Davis & Ernst, 2017, p. 4), then PLM redirects BLM’s demand for racial remedy towards itself. This example shows the urgent, dire consequences of Whiteness in reporting, and how it contributes to misinforming the public about racism and police violence that could lead to warped, neoliberal policy consequences. The link between the concept of being bulletproof and BLM in the next example may be due to the popularity of the TV series Luke Cage (2016), about a Black superhero with bulletproof skin and super strength who protects his neighborhood of Harlem, New York. Here, the news focused on Walmart’s removal of the word "bulletproof" in BLM apparel: Walmart issued a statement Tuesday night saying that, “like other online retailers, we have a marketplace with millions of items offered by third parties that includes Blue Lives Matter, Black Lives Matter and All Lives Matter merchandise. After hearing concerns from customers, we are removing the specific item with the 'bulletproof' reference.” The “bulletproof” shirts say “Bulletproof” and “Black Lives Matter” beneath that line. (Jackman, 2016, p. A14) Walmart treated ALM, BLM, and PLM equally as merchandise until complaints about bulletproof BLM shirts prompted their removal. This article quoted Jim Pasco, the executive director of the police union in Washington, who explained the T-shirts as anti-police merchandise and said, “there are a lot of people who feel too many guns are sold … Why not speak out against things that might be seen as fomenting violence, rather than things that commit violence?” (Jackman, 2016, para 7). The news uncritically covered Pasco’s “blue” logic that (a) assumed it was better not to focus on “too many guns” that “commit violence” but instead focus on the sale of BLM T-shirts; and (b) linked “bulletproof” and BLM to anti-police violence, subverting and undermining the origin of the BLM movement as a community reaction to numerous videos of police and private citizens killing Black people and children, with little or no criminal repercussions. The corporate/White and “blue” fear here was about Blacks with non-existent, bulletproof capabilities from police violence. PLM undermined BLM’s efforts to publicly expose the historic and enduring link between Whiteness and law enforcement that Trump’s former Attorney General made very clear in 2018, when Jeff Sessions gave a speech to the National Sheriffs Association and said, “the office of sheriff is a critical part of the Anglo-American heritage of law enforcement. We must never erode this historic office” (Sit, 2018, para. 2, emphasis added). “All” = “White power” In the third variation of the discursive referential strategy, ALM implicitly means WLM, stands for White supremacy, or helps to legitimate WLM. ALM and WLM are the coalitional, implicit in-group in this discursive strategy and BLM is again the out-group. Below, President Trumps’ supporters were reported as chanting ALM while attacking a BLM protester at a rally: Mercutio Southall Jr.—a well-known local activist who has been repeatedly arrested while protesting what he says is unfair treatment of Blacks—interrupted Trump's rally and could be heard shouting, “Black lives matter!” A fight broke out, prompting Trump to briefly halt his remarks and demand the removal of Southall. “Get him the hell out of here, will you, please?” Trump said Saturday morning. “Get him out of here. Throw him out!” At one point, Southall fell to the ground and was surrounded by several White men who appeared to be kicking and punching him, according to video captured by CNN. A Washington Post reporter in the crowd witnessed one of the men put his hands on Southall's neck and heard a female onlooker repeatedly shout, “don't choke him!” As security officers got Southall on his feet and led him out of the building, he was repeatedly pushed and shoved by people in the crowd. The crowd alternated between booing and cheering. There were chants of, “all lives matter!” (Johnson & Jordan, 2015) ALM here implicitly meant WLM, given the Jim Crow/apartheid optics of Trump’s White, male supporters chanting ALM while criminally attacking and choking a Black man. The news media see a new and modern form of White supremacy that uses race-neutral claims in speaking for “all” humanity, while meting out violence that looks like the White extralegal lynchings of Blacks over a century ago. In addition, CNN reported that Southall “said the attendees who attacked him also called him and two fellow protestors ‘monkeys’ and the ‘N-word’” (Diamond, 2015, para. 4). Here, ALM “erases the centuries of brutalization and dehumanization of Black bodies” (Davis & Ernst, 2017, p. 4) while simultaneously remaking the story of “White lives” into “all lives” with Jim Crow optics. The next example shows how the news has helped to legitimize WLM by covering BLM, ALM, and WLM as “all statements of fact” in its coverage of how these social movements impacted youths in a high-performing high school in Potomac, Maryland. Jurgena said in an interview that the parent of a Churchill student contacted his organization to report the Dec. 7 incident involving the Republican club. The parent complained that school officials alleged her daughter had said “White lives matter” in response to the other students, describing the phrase as a racial slur, he said. “We believe none of the statements allegedly used in this incident—'Black lives matter,’ ‘White lives matter,’ or ‘all lives matter’—are racial slurs,” Jurgena said at the board meeting this week. “These statements are all statements of fact and should be looked on accordingly.” (St. George, 2016, p. B1) In this example, Richard Jurgena, who chaired the education committee of the Montgomery County Republican Central Committee, spoke to the county school board about his concern over the school's Republican club incident. WLM showed up 13 times in the study’s data, as opposed to ALM appearing 168 times. ALM’s racist universalism opened the door for the more overt WLM, which signifies “White power.” WLM is a neo-Nazi group that has been tracked by the Southern Poverty Law Center (2019), who monitor and litigate against hate groups. Hence, the news communicated uncritically and broadly that WLM is not racist by reporting on Jurgena’s concerns as having merit, when, in actuality, WLM is a hate group. Theoretical significance: Reporting from the whites of their eyes First, this study created a theoretical bridge between CRT’s critique of race-neutral liberalism that protects Whiteness as property and neoliberalism that re-regulates society by placing elite, White, transnational corporations at the top, at the expense of poorer racial groups at the bottom, who are disciplined for a perceived lack of individual responsibility to thrive in this rigged market. By directing the theoretical trajectory of Harris’ (1992) Whiteness-as-property argument onto contemporary neoliberal transformations that also reflect Lipsitz’s (1998) Possessive Investment in Whiteness, I have shown how Whiteness and neoliberalism are co-constituted. In particular, the neoliberal, vertical integration of the media market into a White oligarchy is a racial project based on the right to exclude that is inherent in Whiteness as property/investment/cash, where Whiteness possessively “owns all”: in this case, the five global media conglomerates. Thus, a possessive investment of Whiteness as property underwrites the Whiteness as neoliberalism project of vertical integration of the media industry. Whiteness as neoliberalism upholds corporate rights to free speech and expands corporate ownership opportunities as non-human, legal persons, while rolling back civil rights advancements, promoting austerity in public programs, and investing in the prison industrial complex, among other privatizations, at the expense of the poor and people of color. It may be a "bad" form of neoliberalism, but it is neoliberalism nevertheless. Second, the universality of “all” in ALM, which strategically means “White,” is significant, given the convergence with Whiteness as a neoliberalism that seeks to own “all.” Nakayama and Krizek (1995) argued that one type of strategic rhetoric of Whiteness is in its negative definitions, or in the sense of lacking color/race that makes it invisible. “This characteristic of Whiteness is unique to its discursive construction and must be understood as a part of its power and force. Its invisibility guarantees its unstratified nature” (Nakayama & Krizek, 1995, p. 299). The invisibility of ALM as WLM and the invisibly of Whiteness as neoliberalism is not a coincidence, but part of the unstratified power of Whiteness. The lack of color associated with Whiteness supports ALM as Whiteness in this study but does not clearly confirm PLM as Whiteness, only showing that both are in a coalitional, implicit in-group. However, the “blue power” discursive strategy shows a quasi-racialization of police. So, if Whiteness “owns all” and “is all,” then how does “blue power” relate to Whiteness as neoliberalism? Singh (2014, p. 1092) argued that policing began with the U.S. history of settler colonialism, continued with the management of racial domination throughout the centuries, and that police power regulates “an unequal ordering of property relations, that is, the Whiteness of police.” In addition, as early as 1904, W.E.B. DuBois called slave patrols “a system of rural police” (Turner, Giacopassi, & Vandiver, 2006, p. 185). Yet introductory criminal justice/policing textbooks largely dismiss the relevance of patrolling slaves as property to modern policing (Turner et al., 2006). “Whiteness carries a tremendous price … [and] such valuation is made concrete and realizable through the work of policing,” both in the daily surveillance that maintains the racially valued and devalued spaces and the “exemplary spectacles by which forms of overt police violence tutor publics in the value of Whiteness” (Singh, 2014, p. 1097). If ALM erases the intersectional complexities of Blacks who suffer from systemic racist criminalization, then “blue lives matter” is a quasi-racialization of the Whiteness of police that attempts to suppress BLM’s opposition to police brutality, motivated by the racialized penal/private/patrolling aspects of Whiteness as neoliberalism. Thus, Whiteness as neoliberalism creates exclusivity in wealth that the Whiteness of police then protects and serves. Given this context, it should then come as no surprise that the “blue lives matter” flag (a black and white United States flag with a center “thin blue line”) appeared alongside Confederate flags and White Power symbols at the violent, neo-Nazi demonstration in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017 (Rossman, 2017). Third, the news media’s use of ALM is neoliberal, in that it flattens all social categories of differences. Mohanty (2013, pp. 972–973) wrote that “representational politics in neoliberal landscapes requires a profound flattening of difference. … We must attend closely to notions of diversity that embrace generic conceptions of difference that are flattened, privatized, and shorn of a critique of power.” ALM flattens, privatizes, and lacks a critique of power, because ALM lacks intersectionality (race, class, multiple axes), removes institutionalized inequalities (public) by reduction to an individual level or an extreme expression of hate (private), and lacks any critique of police power. ALM removes from social life the fact that impoverished communities, particularly those of color, are collectively patrolled and punished intersectionally because they are not considered “good” enough at any axis. ALM’s race-neutral flattening not only helps to deny BLM’s claim of police racism, but also creates a slippery slope to deny the very long U.S. history of anti-Black racism. Conclusion: Resistance is color-conscious, intersectional journalism The news media has discursively constructed ALM in three referentially strategic ways that advance Whiteness. First, newspapers reported on ALM as an equal or interchangeable concept to BLM that co-opted both the work and name of the BLM movement and neutralized BLM’s political critique, while further marginalizing Black communities through its “race-neutral” racial spectacle that denied police racism and violence (Davis & Ernst, 2017). Second, the news has treated ALM, BLM, and PLM as interchangeable, while ALM flattens the intersectional identities and complexities of Black people who suffer police brutality (Carney, 2016), like Eric Garner and Freddie Gray, whose deaths were ruled homicides without any police officer ever being charged. Alarmingly, PLM then redirected BLM’s demand for systemic racial remedy towards itself with the “blue lives matter” slogan and the Protect and Serve hate crime bills that attempted to quasi-racialize police as a protected class with “blue power.” ALM and PLM as coalitional in-groups have undermined BLM’s out-group efforts to expose the historic link between racism and police that has resulted in a “fear of Black power” strategy that associated anti-police violence with BLM, as in Walmart’s removal of “bulletproof” BLM T-shirts. Finally, the “all = White power” referential strategy, exemplified with the White mob brutalization of Black BLM activist Southhall at a Trump campaign rally while the crowd chanted “all lives matter!,” has remade White supremacy into “all lives,” but with brutal Jim Crow optics. In addition, the news media, in advancing race-neutral racism, communicated uncritically and broadly that WLM is not racist when, in actuality, WLM is a White hate group tracked by the Southern Poverty Law Center (2019). ALM reflects a totalizing quality to Whiteness that advances racial hegemony and its collective denial in the news media in three ways: Whiteness as neoliberalism owns “all” in the media market, ALM as Whiteness is “all” humanity, and ALM is a generic conception of diversity that defends the racist status quo by flattening “all” other social categories of difference as irrelevant. Recall that CDA as a research method can help identify resistance against the dominant discursive processes under study. Following Mohanty (2013) and translating her analysis into journalistic practices, resistance is intersectional, systemic, and critiques powerholders. This means that the news media needs to be more color-conscious and political in order to see how the intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality, and citizenship (and more) either systemically and historically privilege or penalize on those axes. Journalistic analyses that are intersectional and systemic will check those in power by taking racism seriously and not relying on White elites as sources, instead depending on minority organizations or groups for facts and info, which will flip the script on the depiction of minorities as criminal threats. Thus, I call for color-conscious, intersectional news reporting to challenge the Whiteness in the news. However, if the news industry is left to its own free-market devices, it is unlikely that intersectional, systemic journalists of color will make headway in this industry. And the current Whiteness of the journalistic eyes will continue to exacerbate racism at the protection and service of Whiteness as neoliberalism. 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TI - Reporting from the Whites of their Eyes: How Whiteness as Neoliberalism Promotes Racism in the News Coverage of “All Lives Matter”
JO - Communication Theory
DO - 10.1093/ct/qtz019
DA - 2020-02-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/reporting-from-the-whites-of-their-eyes-how-whiteness-as-neoliberalism-nBbbXp3C4g
SP - 1
VL - Advance Article
IS - 
DP - DeepDyve
ER -