TY - JOUR
AU - Hiesl,, Patrick
AB - Abstract Timber is harvested in the United States by thousands of independent logging businesses. Fully mechanized, whole-tree harvesting systems are the most common and most productive systems in most states, although chainsaw systems persist in mountainous terrain and cut-to-length systems are common in the Lake States. Southern loggers are most productive, with many logging businesses producing more than 70,000 tons yr-1 while loggers in other regions average <30,000 tons yr-1. Both the number of logging workers and logging businesses declined by 2% yr-1 in 1990–2016. However, despite consolidation, most studies report adequate or excess logging capacity. The logging sector faces a number of challenges, such as the need to recruit new business owners when the current generation retires, declining markets in some areas, and reduced working days per year. However, the logging sector has proven resilient and innovative over the years with significant improvements in productivity and environmental performance. harvesting contractors, timber harvesting, logging capacity, logger survey Management and Policy Implications Logging businesses are critical to forestry because they implement silvicultural prescriptions and harvest and deliver timber to the forest products industry. Without these businesses, foresters would not be able to manage forests effectively. Logging businesses have evolved and adapted to local conditions and, consequently, there are now important differences between logging businesses in the Northeast, Midwest, West, and South. It is important to recognize why these differences exist and, where feasible, adopt successful practices from other regions. Consolidation, production increases, and increased capital investment were consistent trends in all regions. In order for today’s logging businesses to remain profitable, they must work as many days as possible to minimize fixed costs per ton. Unfortunately, the number of working days has been declining in some regions because of environmental concerns, market constraints, and other reasons. It is important for foresters to recognize the challenges faced by today’s logging businesses, prepare timber sales that consider local logging system capabilities and constraints, and where appropriate, facilitate knowledge transfer and innovation among logging businesses. The US wood supply chain has undergone significant changes over the past 30 years. Intensive forest management increased forest productivity dramatically (Talbert and Marshall 2005, Fox et al. 2007), timber production migrated from the Pacific Northwest to the US South as a result of federal policies such as the Northwest Forest Plan (Haynes 2003, Howard and Westby 2013), the forest products industry divested nearly all of its forestland (Li and Zhang 2014, Mei and Clutter 2015), and forestland became an important asset class for investors (Mei and Clutter 2010, Zhang et al. 2012). Logging businesses,1 logging business owners, and their equipment have changed dramatically as well. Logging businesses rapidly mechanized their operations during the 1960s–1980s, and the logging industry transformed from a labor-intensive to a capital-intensive industry (Loving 1991, LeBel 1993). Changes in logging businesses have been tracked by more than 30 state and regional surveys of logging businesses conducted by research universities (e.g., Greene et al. 1988, Smidt and Blinn 1994, Luppold et al. 1998) and trade associations (e.g., Munn et al. 1998, Cubbage and Carter 1994, Knight 2016). The University of Georgia has conducted surveys of independent logging businesses in the state every five years since 1987 (Greene et al. 1988, Greene et al. 2001, Baker and Greene 2008, Greene et al. 2013). Periodic surveys of Minnesota loggers have been conducted since the late 1970s (Bolstad 1980, Jaakko Pöyry Consulting 1992, Puettmann et al. 1998, Powers 2004, Blinn et al. 2014, Blinn et al. 2015). More recently, surveys have been conducted in Wisconsin (Rickenbach et al. 2005, Rickenbach et al. 2015), Michigan (GC and Potter-Witter 2011, Abbas et al. 2014), Virginia (Bolding et al. 2010), New England (Leon and Benjamin 2012), and elsewhere (e.g., Allen et al. 2008, McConnell 2013, Vaughan and Mackes 2015). These surveys collected information on equipment used, productivity, capital investment, and other characteristics of logging businesses. Additional surveys have addressed specific issues such as parcelization (Moldenhauer and Bolding 2009, Conrad 2014), logger training needs (Smidt and Blinn 1994, Egan et al. 1997, Egan 2005), best management practices (BMPs) implementation costs (Montgomery et al. 2005, Kelly et al. 2017), and occupational choice and prestige (Egan and Taggart 2004, Egan 2009, Taggart and Egan 2011). Response rates to logger surveys have ranged from 15 to 41% in Georgia and South Carolina (Baker and Greene 2008, Moldenhauer and Bolding 2009), 25 to 60% in Wisconsin and Minnesota (Puettmann et al. 1998, Blinn et al. 2015, Rickenbach et al. 2015), 12 to 28% in Michigan (GC and Potter-Witter 2011, Abbas et al. 2014), 17 to 32% in the Northeast (Egan 2009, Egan 2011, Leon and Benjamin 2012), and 10 to 25% in West Virginia (Luppold et al. 1998, Milauskas and Wang 2006). There were no obvious trends in response rates over time, although response rates were generally highest in the Lake States. While there is a risk of nonresponse bias in surveys, especially those with low response rates, the findings presented in this review rely on the results of many surveys conducted over several decades and are supported by empirical observations. Independent timber harvesting companies are the vital component of the wood supply chain that harvest timber on public and private forestland and deliver it to forest products mills. Without logging businesses, gains in forest productivity cannot be captured and the chief advantage of forestland investments, biological growth (Mei et al. 2013), could no longer be monetized. Therefore, the purpose of this research was to review and synthesize changes in logging businesses in the United States from the mid-1980s to the present as documented by published logger surveys. Harvesting Systems There are three categories of harvesting systems: whole-tree, tree-length, and cut-to-length. In whole-tree systems, trees are severed from the stump and the above-ground portions of the stems (i.e., bole, limbs, and top) are transported to a landing or roadside for processing (Adebayo et al. 2007). Tree-length systems remove the limbs and tops at the stump and transport merchantable boles to the landing or roadside for further processing (Leon and Benjamin 2012). Cut-to-length systems complete all processing (i.e., delimbing, topping, and bucking) at the stump with a harvester, and fully processed logs are transported to the landing or roadside by a forwarder (Kellogg and Spong 2004). These definitions will be used throughout the paper; however, readers should be aware that the terms “whole-tree” and “tree-length” are sometimes used interchangeably in the southeastern United States, and whole-tree systems sometimes refer to systems that harvest below- and above-ground components of trees. None of the studies cited here described harvesting below-ground portions of trees. “Shortwood” is a generic term that refers to stems processed into lengths of approximately eight feet (Stokes et al. 1989). Today, the term “shortwood” may be used interchangeably with “cut-to-length” (USDA Forest Service 2006). During the 1970s and 1980s, “shortwood” referred to systems that used short log lengths to facilitate manual material handling (Carter et al. 1994). In this paper, we will use “shortwood” to refer to manual systems processing short log lengths and “cut-to-length” to refer to modern harvester/forwarder systems. Outside the Southeast and Minnesota, tree-length chainsaw systems have persisted, even in areas with terrain that could accommodate fully mechanized systems. The majority of northeastern logging firms used tree-length chainsaw systems (Leon and Benjamin 2012). In Vermont and New York, 71% and 68% of loggers used chainsaw felling, respectively, while in Maine 53% of loggers used chainsaw felling in 2011 and 2012. However, in these states, chainsaw felling accounted for 23%, 34%, and 7% of the annual harvest volume, respectively. Fifty-nine percent of Midwestern firms (Allred et al. 2011) and 83% of West Virginia loggers used chainsaw felling exclusively (Milauskas and Wang 2006). In Wisconsin and Michigan, approximately one-third of logging firms used chainsaw felling (Rickenbach et al. 2005, Abbas et al. 2014, Rickenbach et al. 2015). Because of steep terrain in the Inland Northwest, nearly half of the annual timber harvest was conducted with chainsaws in 2004 (Allen et al. 2008). The southeastern United States is dominated by whole-tree systems consisting of rubber-tired drive-to-tree feller-bunchers, grapple skidders, trailer-mounted loaders, pull-through delimbers, and slasher saws (Baker and Greene 2008, Bolding et al. 2010) (Table 1). These systems are highly productive and accommodate the tree-length and log-length raw material demanded by southern mills (Greene et al. 2013). The shift to relatively uniform equipment configurations is a major change from the early 1980s when 11 different systems were considered common (Cubbage 1982). The advent of the grapple skidder played a major role in the transition from shortwood systems, which accounted for 80% of pulpwood loggers and 41% of pulpwood production in 1979 (Carter et al. 1994). By the late 1980s, shortwood systems accounted for fewer than half of all firms and less than 10% of production (Greene et al. 1988, Carter et al. 1994). The adoption of whole-tree feller-buncher/grapple skidder systems and associated productivity increases allowed loggers to overcome increases in equipment costs that outpaced both inflation and logging rate changes during the 1980s (Cubbage et al. 1988). In the Northeast, whole-tree systems consisting of tracked swing-to-tree feller-bunchers, grapple skidders, stroke delimbers or pull-through delimbers, loaders, and slasher saws harvest more timber than any other system, despite accounting for fewer than half of all logging businesses (Leon and Benjamin 2012) (Table 1). In Minnesota, whole-tree feller-buncher/grapple skidder systems have accounted for approximately 80% of the volume harvested since 1996, and while the volume harvested by the cut-to-length system tripled during this time, it accounted for only 16% of the annual harvest in the most recent survey (Puettman et al. 1998, Blinn et al. 2015). Table 1. Typical harvesting systems and equipment configurations by state or region. The typical harvesting equipment configuration was based on the percent of volume harvested by that system in the state or region. State/region Harvesting system Most common equipment configuration Employees per firm Felling Primary transport Processing Georgia Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 South Carolina Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 Virginia Mountains Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 3 Virginia Piedmont/Coastal Plain Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 5 West Virginia Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 5 Michigan Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 7 Minnesota Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7 Wisconsin Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 3 Maine Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New Hampshire Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New York Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Vermont Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Southern New England (CT, MA, RI) Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Not reported Not reported Inland Northwest Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Processor & stroke delimber 4 State/region Harvesting system Most common equipment configuration Employees per firm Felling Primary transport Processing Georgia Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 South Carolina Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 Virginia Mountains Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 3 Virginia Piedmont/Coastal Plain Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 5 West Virginia Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 5 Michigan Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 7 Minnesota Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7 Wisconsin Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 3 Maine Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New Hampshire Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New York Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Vermont Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Southern New England (CT, MA, RI) Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Not reported Not reported Inland Northwest Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Processor & stroke delimber 4 Sources: Allen et al. (2008), Rickenbach et al. (2005), Milauskas and Wang (2006), Baker and Greene (2008), Moldenhauer and Bolding (2009), Bolding et al. (2010), Egan (2011), Shivan and Potter-Witter (2011), Leon and Benjamin (2012), Greene et al. (2013), Abbas et al. (2014), Blinn et al. (2014), Blinn et al. (2015), Rickenbach et al. (2015), Dodson et al. (2015). 1,Leon and Benjamin (2012) did not differentiate between stroke delimbers, pull-through delimbers, and slasher saws in their definition of whole-tree systems, and thus it is not clear which of the two is most common in these states. Open in new tab Table 1. Typical harvesting systems and equipment configurations by state or region. The typical harvesting equipment configuration was based on the percent of volume harvested by that system in the state or region. State/region Harvesting system Most common equipment configuration Employees per firm Felling Primary transport Processing Georgia Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 South Carolina Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 Virginia Mountains Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 3 Virginia Piedmont/Coastal Plain Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 5 West Virginia Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 5 Michigan Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 7 Minnesota Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7 Wisconsin Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 3 Maine Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New Hampshire Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New York Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Vermont Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Southern New England (CT, MA, RI) Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Not reported Not reported Inland Northwest Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Processor & stroke delimber 4 State/region Harvesting system Most common equipment configuration Employees per firm Felling Primary transport Processing Georgia Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 South Carolina Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7–8 Virginia Mountains Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 3 Virginia Piedmont/Coastal Plain Whole-tree Drive-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 5 West Virginia Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Chainsaw, slasher saw 5 Michigan Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 7 Minnesota Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Pull-through delimber, slasher saw 7 Wisconsin Cut-to-length Harvester Forwarder Harvester 3 Maine Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New Hampshire Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 New York Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Vermont Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Stroke delimber, pull-through delimber, slasher saw1 <5 Southern New England (CT, MA, RI) Tree-length Chainsaw Cable skidder Not reported Not reported Inland Northwest Whole-tree Swing-to-tree feller-buncher Grapple skidder Processor & stroke delimber 4 Sources: Allen et al. (2008), Rickenbach et al. (2005), Milauskas and Wang (2006), Baker and Greene (2008), Moldenhauer and Bolding (2009), Bolding et al. (2010), Egan (2011), Shivan and Potter-Witter (2011), Leon and Benjamin (2012), Greene et al. (2013), Abbas et al. (2014), Blinn et al. (2014), Blinn et al. (2015), Rickenbach et al. (2015), Dodson et al. (2015). 1,Leon and Benjamin (2012) did not differentiate between stroke delimbers, pull-through delimbers, and slasher saws in their definition of whole-tree systems, and thus it is not clear which of the two is most common in these states. Open in new tab Similar to the Northeast, the Interior West has a diverse suite of harvesting systems. Seventy-four percent of the harvest volume in that region was conducted by whole-tree systems, and 45% of felling was still conducted by chainsaws in 2004 (Allen et al. 2008). Primary transportation was split between skidding (63%), skyline yarding (19%), forwarding (10%), ground lead (5%), and aerial transport (4%). The cut-to-length harvesting system is commonly used in countries such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Sweden, and Uruguay (Gellerstedt and Dahlin 1999, Siry et al. 2006, Gautam et al. 2013, MacDonagh et al. 2017). In the United States, cut-to-length systems are generally confined to the Lake States of Wisconsin and Michigan (Table 1); however, some cut-to-length systems are used in the Northeast (Leon and Benjamin 2012). In Wisconsin, cut-to-length systems were the most common and harvested the majority of the timber in 2003 and 2011 (Rickenbach et al. 2005, Rickenbach et al. 2015). In Michigan, the cut-to-length system is the most common mechanized system and harvests the most volume in the state, although manual chainsaw systems are used by the largest percentage of logging businesses (Rickenbach et al. 2005, Abbas et al. 2014). Whole-tree systems are relatively uncommon in these states, and many of the whole-tree logging businesses operate older equipment than the cut-to-length logging businesses. The predominance of the cut-to-length system in these states may be a result of mill demand for short log lengths (Conrad et al. 2016) and public land harvesting policies discouraging whole-tree skidding. In addition, Ponsse, a company that only manufactures cut-to-length equipment, located their North American headquarters in Rhinelander, Wisconsin, and other equipment manufacturers and their dealers support cut-to-length equipment. Mill demand and public land harvesting policies create an environment in the Lake States that allowed early adopters of cut-to-length systems to succeed, and the infrastructure of equipment manufacturers and dealers has enabled continued adoption of this system. In contrast, current mill policies in the South discourage adoption of the cut-to-length system and a lack of manufacturers and dealers of cut-to-length systems in the region further disincentivize adoption of the system. Production Rates Logging production per business varies considerably within states and between regions. Of the loggers studied, southern loggers are most productive (Figure 1). Georgia loggers harvested more than 70,000 tons per year,2 and loggers in the Coastal Plain of Virginia harvested 37,000 tons per year, according to recent surveys (Bolding et al. 2010, Greene et al. 2013). In the Lake States, Northeast, and West, loggers typically harvested between 10,000 and 25,000 tons per year (Allen et al. 2008, Leon and Benjamin 2012, Blinn et al. 2015). Gentle terrain, less seasonal downtime, and millions of acres of pine plantations explain the high production rates of southern loggers. Pine plantations generally have uniform tree spacing, similar tree dimensions, and high volumes per acre, all of which increase logging productivity. Figure 1. Open in new tabDownload slide Average annual logging production per logging business from select logger surveys 1978–2012. Sources: Baker and Greene (2008), Greene et al. (2013), Bolding et al. (2010), Milauskas and Wang (2006), Keefer et al. (2003), Bolstad (1980), Jaakko Pöyry Consulting, Inc. (1992), Puettmann et al. (1998), Blinn et al. (2015), GC and Potter-Witter (2011), Rickenbach et al. (2005), Rickenbach et al. (2015), Leon and Benjamin (2012). Forty-six working weeks per year were assumed unless otherwise stated in the publication. Figure 1. Open in new tabDownload slide Average annual logging production per logging business from select logger surveys 1978–2012. Sources: Baker and Greene (2008), Greene et al. (2013), Bolding et al. (2010), Milauskas and Wang (2006), Keefer et al. (2003), Bolstad (1980), Jaakko Pöyry Consulting, Inc. (1992), Puettmann et al. (1998), Blinn et al. (2015), GC and Potter-Witter (2011), Rickenbach et al. (2005), Rickenbach et al. (2015), Leon and Benjamin (2012). Forty-six working weeks per year were assumed unless otherwise stated in the publication. Seasonal downtime influences annual production, per-unit costs, and profitability. Loggers in northern regions have always faced seasonal challenges because of spring thaw. Recent research suggests seasonal downtime has been increasing and the number of productive days decreasing over the past two decades. In Montana, loggers worked only 9–10 months in 2013, which was an important decline from 20 years earlier (Dodson et al. 2015). In Minnesota, 51% of the annual harvest was conducted during winter (December–February) in 2011, an increase from 43% in 1991 and 47% in 1996 (Blinn et al. 2014). Sixty-nine percent of Minnesota loggers harvested at least half of their volume during winter in 2011. Fifty-three percent of Minnesota loggers did not harvest timber during spring (Blinn et al. 2014), and nearly three-quarters of loggers in a recent Wisconsin study did not harvest timber during six weeks of spring thaw (Conrad et al. 2017b). Logging production in Wisconsin was 35% higher during winter than the next most productive season (fall), and 80% higher than during spring (Conrad et al. 2017b). Logging in the US South is less seasonal than in northern regions. Southern loggers frequently experience weather-related downtime (Shaffer and Meade 1997), as well as frequent quotas (LeBel 1993, Greene et al. 2004). However, they do not experience six or more consecutive weeks of downtime as is the case in northern regions (Blinn et al. 2014, Dodson et al. 2015, Conrad et al. 2017b). This affords southern loggers more productive days and has enabled mills to hold lower inventories compared to northern regions (Ulmer et al. 2004, Todd and Rice 2005, Conrad et al. 2016). Logging Sector Consolidation Consolidation has been a consistent trend in all US regions. All regions lost logging businesses and logging workers over the past 30 years. Surviving businesses in the South have generally been high-production, multi-crew firms; in contrast, the Northeast and Midwest appear to have retained many small logging businesses. In the Northeast and Wisconsin, more than 40% of logging businesses consisted of a single owner-operator (Leon and Benjamin 2012, Rickenbach et al. 2015). Research suggests these businesses could increase their profitability by adding employees, but many businesses choose to avoid employees to reduce complexity and maximize flexibility (Kelly and Germain 2016). In 1987, nearly three-quarters of Georgia logging firms produced 46,000 tons of wood per year or less, whereas by 2012 two-thirds of loggers produced more than 46,000 tons per year (Greene et al. 2013). In Minnesota, 44% of loggers produced fewer than 2,300 tons per year in 1996 and 75% of loggers produced fewer than 5,700 tons per year (Blinn et al. 2014). In 2011, approximately 60% of Minnesota loggers produced more than 5,600 tons per year, and fewer than 20% of loggers harvested more than 34,000 tons per year. In Wisconsin, 20% of logging firms produced fewer than 2,200 tons per year and 60% produced fewer than 12,000 tons in both 2003 and 2011 (Rickenbach et al. 2015). While small firms have persisted in the Northeast and Midwest, they account for a shrinking percentage of the harvest. In Minnesota, 14% of logging firms harvested more than 45,000 tons annually and accounted for 57% of the harvest (Blinn et al. 2014). The most productive 2.4% of Minnesota logging firms accounted for nearly 25% of the annual harvest. In Wisconsin, the most productive 10% of loggers harvested more than 40% of the timber (Rickenbach et al. 2015). In Maine, the 37% of loggers using whole-tree systems harvested 80% of the annual harvest volume (Leon and Benjamin 2012). Logging Employment In 1950, approximately 170,000 people worked as loggers, but by the 1970s this number had fallen to approximately 100,000, a decline of 41%, or 2.6% per year (US Census Bureau 2016). From 1990 to 2016, logging employment fell from approximately 86,000 to approximately 51,000, a decline of 2.0% per year (Figure 2). The Census Bureau (2016) values include those broadly working in logging (standard occupation code 45–4020), while the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2017c) uses a narrower classification (i.e., NAICS code 113310). Between 1990 and 2016, the number of logging workers declined by 48% in Oregon, 36% in Maine, 34% in Georgia, and 5% in Michigan (Figure 2). These four states led their respective regions in volume harvested in 2011 (Oswalt et al. 2014). Of all states that harvested at least 100 million ft3 in 2011 (Oswalt et al. 2014), Oregon lost the most logging workers (5,459) and California lost the greatest percentage of workers (67%) (Table 2). Tennessee (347) and Minnesota (280) were the only two states to add logging workers during this period. Table 2. Changes in the number of logging businesses and logging workers between 1990 and 2016 for states harvesting at least 100 million ft3 in 2011 (Oswalt et al. 2014, BLS 2017c). State and region Change in number of businesses % Change Change in number of workers % Change Northeast1  Maine –43 –9 –1,155 –36  New York –77 –29 –243 –28  Pennsylvania –59 –23 –208 –22 Lake States  Michigan –92 –21 –84 –5  Minnesota –2 –1 280 50  Wisconsin –173 –40 –768 –50 West  California –360 –61 –3,698 –67  Idaho –194 –44 –1,753 –58  Oregon –772 –55 –5,459 –48  Washington –686 –61 –5,269 –60 South  Alabama –435 –43 –2,423 –37  Arkansas –146 –28 –871 –29  Florida –170 –45 –918 –35  Georgia –315 –36 –2,249 –34  Kentucky –42 –36 –230 –50  Louisiana –207 –38 –553 –18  Mississippi –297 –41 –1,495 –33  Missouri 4 5 –48 –21  North Carolina –217 –31 –1,077 –28  South Carolina –329 –50 –1,455 –35  Tennessee 12 8 347 57  Texas –145 –41 –798 –36  Virginia –111 –24 –77 –4 US total –5,345 –39 –35,045 –41 State and region Change in number of businesses % Change Change in number of workers % Change Northeast1  Maine –43 –9 –1,155 –36  New York –77 –29 –243 –28  Pennsylvania –59 –23 –208 –22 Lake States  Michigan –92 –21 –84 –5  Minnesota –2 –1 280 50  Wisconsin –173 –40 –768 –50 West  California –360 –61 –3,698 –67  Idaho –194 –44 –1,753 –58  Oregon –772 –55 –5,459 –48  Washington –686 –61 –5,269 –60 South  Alabama –435 –43 –2,423 –37  Arkansas –146 –28 –871 –29  Florida –170 –45 –918 –35  Georgia –315 –36 –2,249 –34  Kentucky –42 –36 –230 –50  Louisiana –207 –38 –553 –18  Mississippi –297 –41 –1,495 –33  Missouri 4 5 –48 –21  North Carolina –217 –31 –1,077 –28  South Carolina –329 –50 –1,455 –35  Tennessee 12 8 347 57  Texas –145 –41 –798 –36  Virginia –111 –24 –77 –4 US total –5,345 –39 –35,045 –41 1Complete data were not available for Ohio and West Virginia. Open in new tab Table 2. Changes in the number of logging businesses and logging workers between 1990 and 2016 for states harvesting at least 100 million ft3 in 2011 (Oswalt et al. 2014, BLS 2017c). State and region Change in number of businesses % Change Change in number of workers % Change Northeast1  Maine –43 –9 –1,155 –36  New York –77 –29 –243 –28  Pennsylvania –59 –23 –208 –22 Lake States  Michigan –92 –21 –84 –5  Minnesota –2 –1 280 50  Wisconsin –173 –40 –768 –50 West  California –360 –61 –3,698 –67  Idaho –194 –44 –1,753 –58  Oregon –772 –55 –5,459 –48  Washington –686 –61 –5,269 –60 South  Alabama –435 –43 –2,423 –37  Arkansas –146 –28 –871 –29  Florida –170 –45 –918 –35  Georgia –315 –36 –2,249 –34  Kentucky –42 –36 –230 –50  Louisiana –207 –38 –553 –18  Mississippi –297 –41 –1,495 –33  Missouri 4 5 –48 –21  North Carolina –217 –31 –1,077 –28  South Carolina –329 –50 –1,455 –35  Tennessee 12 8 347 57  Texas –145 –41 –798 –36  Virginia –111 –24 –77 –4 US total –5,345 –39 –35,045 –41 State and region Change in number of businesses % Change Change in number of workers % Change Northeast1  Maine –43 –9 –1,155 –36  New York –77 –29 –243 –28  Pennsylvania –59 –23 –208 –22 Lake States  Michigan –92 –21 –84 –5  Minnesota –2 –1 280 50  Wisconsin –173 –40 –768 –50 West  California –360 –61 –3,698 –67  Idaho –194 –44 –1,753 –58  Oregon –772 –55 –5,459 –48  Washington –686 –61 –5,269 –60 South  Alabama –435 –43 –2,423 –37  Arkansas –146 –28 –871 –29  Florida –170 –45 –918 –35  Georgia –315 –36 –2,249 –34  Kentucky –42 –36 –230 –50  Louisiana –207 –38 –553 –18  Mississippi –297 –41 –1,495 –33  Missouri 4 5 –48 –21  North Carolina –217 –31 –1,077 –28  South Carolina –329 –50 –1,455 –35  Tennessee 12 8 347 57  Texas –145 –41 –798 –36  Virginia –111 –24 –77 –4 US total –5,345 –39 –35,045 –41 1Complete data were not available for Ohio and West Virginia. Open in new tab Figure 2. Open in new tabDownload slide Number of logging workers in the United States (left axis) and selected states (right axis) from 1990 to 2016 (BLS 2017c). GA, Georgia; ME, Maine; MI, Michigan; OR, Oregon. Figure 2. Open in new tabDownload slide Number of logging workers in the United States (left axis) and selected states (right axis) from 1990 to 2016 (BLS 2017c). GA, Georgia; ME, Maine; MI, Michigan; OR, Oregon. While logging employment has trended downward for many years, it has accelerated and leveled off based on economic conditions. Since 1990, the United States has experienced three recessions (National Bureau of Economic Research 2016). During the 1990–1991 recession, logging employment declined by 8.0% and the number of businesses contracted by 2.5% (BLS 2017c) (Figure 3). Prior to the 2001 recession, logging employment declined by 2.7% and 3.0% in 1999 and 2000, respectively. During the recession year of 2001, logging employment fell by 7.1%. During the most recent recession from 2007 to 2009, logging employment fell by 9.5% per year and the number of logging businesses fell by 6.2% per year. Figure 3. Open in new tabDownload slide Number of logging businesses in the United States (left axis) and selected states (right axis) from 1990 to 2016 (BLS 2017c). GA, Georgia; ME, Maine; MI, Michigan; OR, Oregon. Figure 3. Open in new tabDownload slide Number of logging businesses in the United States (left axis) and selected states (right axis) from 1990 to 2016 (BLS 2017c). GA, Georgia; ME, Maine; MI, Michigan; OR, Oregon. At the state level, notable periods of decline included a 33% decline in logging workers during 2009 in both California and Montana (BLS 2017c). Washington lost 9.3% of its logging workers in 2008 and another 20% during 2009. Wisconsin experienced logging worker losses of 16% in 1991 and 17% in 2007. Because of large capital investments, production increased from 3.4 to 5.5 tons per man-hour between 1987 and 2012 in the South, a 1.9% compound average annual increase (Greene et al. 2013). While surveys conducted in other regions have not reported this statistic specifically, similar trends are likely given that increased mechanization and reduced logging employment have been observed nationwide (Blinn et al. 2014, Rickenbach et al. 2015) (Figure 2). While logging productivity per man-hour has increased, the amount of timber harvested has been flat in states such as Florida and Georgia (Bentley et al. 2014b, Bentley et al. 2014c), declined moderately in states such as Minnesota, Alabama, and Maine (Haugen and Jacobson 2012, Bentley et al. 2014a, McCaskill 2015), and declined significantly in the Northwest as a result of reduced harvesting on federal land (Gale et al. 2012, Morgan et al. 2012). Nationwide, harvest volume declined by 21% between 1986 and 2011 (Oswalt et al. 2014). The combination of reduced timber harvesting and increased labor productivity resulting from mechanization led to a significant decline in employment in the logging industry, a trend that extends more than 60 years. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (2017a) is projecting a 17% decline in the number of chainsaw fallers between 2014 and 2024, while the number of operators of heavy logging equipment is projected to remain constant. Mechanization is projected to continue in the logging industry, which will displace chainsaw fallers but increase the demand for logging equipment operators. Nonetheless, the number of equipment operators could decline significantly if technological advances allow machines to operate autonomously. The use of chainsaw felling is a necessity on many steep slopes; however, advances in equipment design and techniques such as tethering will reduce the number of sites that require chainsaw felling. Recent research indicates that tethering may allow fully mechanized systems to operate on 75–85% slopes (Visser and Stampfer 2015). Advances in equipment design and productivity coupled with further mechanization of the logging industry suggest the downward trend in logging employment is likely to continue. Another important component of human capital is logging business owners. Logging business owners have aged in place as the industry consolidated over the past three decades. During the 1990s and early 2000s, the median age of logging business owners was 40–45 years (Greene et al. 1998, Munn et al. 1998, Rickenbach et al. 2005, Milauskas and Wang 2006). By the 2010s, surveys generally indicated that the median age of logging business owners exceeded 50 years (Leon and Benjamin 2012, Greene et al. 2013, Rickenbach et al. 2015). While the aging of logging business owners is a nationwide trend, logging business owners tend to be older than business owners as a whole. Across all business types, approximately 40% of business owners were 55 years of age or older (US Census Bureau 2016), whereas it appears that half or more of all logging business owners are 55 years or older. Eventually, as the baby boomer generation of loggers retires, the industry will need to recruit new logging business owners. Occupational Choice and Prestige In order to recruit new logging business owners and workers, logging work must be at least as attractive as competing alternatives. The attractiveness of a profession could be based on compensation, enjoyable work, desirable work environment, familial attachment, prestige, or lack of better alternatives. In 2016, the median annual wage for logging workers was $37,590, which is practically identical to the median for all occupations (BLS 2017a). Logging business owners have reported relatively poor profitability in recent years (Shivan and Potter-Witter 2011, Pelkki 2012, Rickenbach et al. 2015). With prospective financial returns no better than average, logging work and business ownership must be attractive in other respects, or the logging industry will consist of people lacking other alternatives because of education, location, or other reasons. With the importance of loggers for delivering timber to a multi-billion-dollar forest products industry while protecting environmental quality, it is critical to attract and retain talented logging business owners and workers rather than individuals that have no better option. Traditionally, family ties to the logging industry have played a major role in loggers’ career choices. In northern New England, New York, and Maine, the majority of loggers had a familial attachment to logging that influenced their career decision (Egan and Taggart 2004, Egan 2009, Taggart and Egan 2011). In the Midwest, 75% of loggers reported a familial attachment, and the majority expected their children to take over the business (Allred 2009). There is evidence that the familial attachment to logging may be weakening. Only 14% of loggers in northern New England would recommend logging to their children (Egan and Taggart 2004). In southern New England, fewer than 40% of loggers chose their profession because they came from a logging family (Egan 2011). Only 27% and 36% of loggers in Minnesota and Wisconsin, respectively, considered it at least somewhat likely that a family member would take over their logging business (Blinn et al. 2014, Rickenbach et al. 2015). These findings suggest retiring business owners will need to consider transferring ownership to an employee, which could be difficult given the capital required to own and operate a logging business, or sell to another logging business. Loggers in northern New England reported low levels of occupational prestige, with nearly one-quarter of loggers reporting personal taunts from opponents of logging (Egan and Taggart 2004). Likewise, only 27% of southern New England loggers believed the public respected loggers and the work they do (Egan 2011). Similar results were found in New York, where fewer than 40% of loggers believed the public respected loggers and their work (Egan 2009). In contrast, the majority of Maine loggers reported the public respected their profession and work (Taggart and Egan 2011). In Pennsylvania, loggers reported foresters did not understand the work they did and looked down on loggers (Keefer et al. 2003). Most loggers in the Northeast enjoyed working outdoors, a sense of independence and accomplishment, and a high overall level of satisfaction with their work (Egan and Taggart 2004, Egan 2009, Taggart and Egan 2011, Leon and Benjamin 2012). Most loggers did not view logging as the career choice of last resort. The ability to continue attracting and retaining individuals that enjoy working independently in rural areas is important to the success of the logging industry. Capital Investment The fully mechanized harvesting systems that exist today require capital investments of more than $1 million in many cases (Dodson et al. 2015). In 1980, the purchase prices of a suite of typical in-woods equipment for southern pine harvesting ranged from $2,700 for a bobtail system, to $322,000 for a mechanized full-tree system, to $456,000 for a whole-tree chipping system (Cubbage 1982). After adjusting purchase prices for inflation to 2017 dollars, these values become $6,700, $797,000, and $1.1 million, respectively, for the three systems (BLS 2017b). The purchase price of equipment has tracked or exceeded the inflation rate for construction equipment. However, the proportion of loggers using the capital-intensive mechanized systems has increased over time, making logging a much more capital-intensive industry. Georgia and South Carolina loggers reported median capital investments of $783,000 and $863,000, respectively, in 2012 (Greene et al. 2013). Median inflation-adjusted investment in in-woods logging equipment in Georgia increased by 50% between 1987 and 1992 as the percentage of loggers operating feller-buncher/grapple skidders increased (Baker and Greene 2008). However, inflation-adjusted median capital investment increased by only 17% between 1992 and 2012, a real average annual increase of 0.5% (Baker and Greene 2008, Greene et al. 2013). In the West and Midwest, median investments in logging equipment were generally under $500,000 (Allen et al. 2008, Blinn et al. 2015, Rickenbach et al. 2015). However, in each region capital investment by high-production loggers with relatively new equipment easily exceeded $1 million. As firms have increased their capital investment, average production per dollar invested has declined. Annual production per $1,000 invested declined from 200 tons in 1987 to 140 tons in 2012 (Greene et al. 2013). Stuart et al. (2010) found that the logging industry experienced constant to decreasing returns to scale. LeBel and Stuart (1998) found that loggers achieved increasing returns to scale for up to 75,000 tons harvested per year and diminishing returns to scale thereafter. Profitability Loggers must remain profitable to remain in business and continue investing in their businesses. Loggers that plan to leave the business consistently report financial results as a primary motivator in their decision (Egan and Taggart 2004, Allred 2009). Many surveys have avoided asking questions about profitability, presumably to prevent nonresponse from those who prefer not to discuss their profitability with outside entities. The surveys that have collected this information have generally reported poor profitability. In northern New England, loggers reported an average annual profit of just $22,000 in 2000 (Egan and Taggart 2004). Seventy-three percent of New York loggers reported average or better profitability in 2004 (Egan 2011). Fifty-three percent of North Central loggers reported a decreased profit margin in the five years prior to the survey, compared to only 23% who reported an improved profit margin (Allred 2009). Sixty-one percent of Minnesota loggers reported reduced profitability in 2011 compared to 2008, versus only 20% reporting improved profitability (Blinn et al. 2014, Blinn et al. 2015). In Minnesota, firms producing more than 11,000 tons annually were nearly twice as likely to report improved profitability compared to firms producing less than 11,000 tons per year. Fewer than 40% of Wisconsin loggers reported making a profit, a consistent finding in both 2003 and 2010 (Rickenbach et al. 2015). In West Virginia, loggers failed to reach their break-even production level in at least 50% of workweeks (Milauskas and Wang 2006). Only 23% of Arkansas loggers reported an operating profit in 2009 during the depths of the 2007–2009 recession (Pelkki 2012). The knowledge, skills, and abilities required to operate a profitable logging business have changed over time and are dependent on business strategy and harvesting system. Fewer than half of southern logging businesses purchase the timber that they harvest (Bolding et al. 2010, Greene et al. 2013). These businesses earn a cut-and-haul rate, and their profit is dependent on negotiating a sufficient rate and maintaining high weekly production and equipment utilization to minimize cost per ton. In the Lake States, the majority of loggers purchase timber from landowners and market this material to mills (Rickenbach et al. 2005, Blinn et al. 2014). Loggers that purchase their own timber set their own cut-and-haul rate based on the difference between the price they are paid by mills and the stumpage price paid to landowners. Purchasing their own timber affords loggers greater flexibility and profit opportunity, but introduces greater risk and complexity because of the additional skills and capital required. Logging Capacity and Capacity Utilization Logging capacity refers to the amount of timber that loggers are capable of harvesting in a specified time. Logging capacity utilization is the percent of logging capacity that is being used. Logging capacity has been of concern to the forest products industry and loggers for many years and has been documented in both the scientific literature (e.g., Greene et al. 2004, Egan et al. 2006, Egan and Morin 2010) and trade publications (McCary 2010, Knight 2011, Huempfner 2014). While 100% capacity utilization would theoretically minimize delivered timber cost because fixed costs would be spread across the maximum possible volume, 80–85% logging capacity utilization is a more realistic goal over the long term to balance fluctuations in timber demand and weather constraints with the need to maximize utilization (Egan et al. 2006, Taylor 2009). From the 1980s through the mid-2000s, much of the United States had excess logging capacity as a result of productivity gains and stable or declining harvest volumes. Logging capacity utilization in the US South was less than 60% in 1988–1989 (Loving 1991) and 70% during the early 1990s (LeBel 1993). In the early 2000s, the US South and Maine utilized only 65% of their logging capacity, and this inefficiency cost $430 million per year (Greene et al. 2004). Northeastern US loggers operated at 71% of capacity in 2001 (Egan et al. 2006). Nationwide, logging capacity utilization increased from 70% in 2004 to 84% in 2007 (Taylor 2009). Long-term excess logging capacity combined with aging logging business owners and the economic downturn of 2008–2009 resulted in losses of up to one-third of logging businesses and significant losses of capacity (Greene et al. 2013, Rickenbach et al. 2015) (Figure 3). Simultaneously, demand for wood declined as a result of the recession and reduced housing demand (Woodall et al. 2012). Nationwide, timber harvest volume in 2011 was 17% lower than 2006 and 21% lower than 1986 (Oswalt et al. 2014). The loss of logging businesses and workers has raised concerns about the adequacy of logging capacity as forest products industry demand recovers (McCary 2010, Knight 2011, Huempfner 2014). Recent research suggests concerns about logging capacity in the near term are unfounded. Greene et al. (2013) found the gap between logging capacity and annual harvest had tightened in recent years, but capacity exceeded forest industry demand. In Wisconsin, logging capacity utilization averaged just 72% in a recent study (Conrad et al. 2017b). Conrad et al. (2017b) estimated adequate capacity existed to increase harvest volume by more than 12% and was sufficient to supply current and expanded forest industry demand. Logging capacity utilization in Minnesota averaged 60% in 2011 (Blinn et al. 2015). Low-volume producers and those that purchased the majority of their timber themselves operated at a lower capacity utilization than other logging businesses in Minnesota and Wisconsin (Blinn et al. 2015, Rickenbach et al. 2015). On the other hand, Roll (2016) found that eight to nine additional harvesting crews and 34–39 new logging workers would be needed per year in the North Carolina Coastal Plain to meet expected forest industry demand. Persistent quotas in the US South suggest there is currently no shortage of logging capacity in the region (RISI 2017). In the presence of excess logging capacity, logging capacity utilization is often reduced by restrictive mill quotas. Indeed, mill quotas, closures, and handling were the most commonly cited causes of lost production in the South and Maine during the early 2000s, with weather and planning also reducing production (Greene et al. 2004). In that study, loggers lost 1.9 loads per week and 3.2% of production because of quotas. A concurrent study found that mills in the South and Maine placed loggers on quota 36% of the time in 2000 and 2001 (Ulmer et al. 2004). Northeastern loggers suggested that weather was the most important factor limiting production (Egan et al. 2006, Leon and Benjamin 2012). In Wisconsin, weather reduced production by 1.8 loads per week (11.5%) and equipment breakdowns reduced production by 0.5 loads per week (3.5%), whereas mill quotas reduced production by just 0.2% (Conrad et al. 2017b). In the Northeast and Midwest, most stands are inoperable for six to eight weeks during the spring thaw (Todd and Rice 2005, Conrad et al. 2017b). In Wisconsin, approximately half of timber sales are unavailable during spring and early summer because of seasonal timber harvesting restrictions imposed by foresters and landowners because of access, oak wilt, and soil and water concerns (Demchik et al. 2018, Conrad et al. 2017a). In the northern regions of the United States, the combination of high mill inventories, annual downtime during the spring thaw, and seasonal timber harvesting restrictions reduce logging production and moderate unplanned downtime (Todd and Rice 2005, Conrad et al. 2018, Demchik et al. 2018). In contrast, southern loggers are able to operate nearly year-round, mills carry low inventories, and logging production is controlled by quotas and periodic weather events (Greene et al. 2004, Ulmer et al. 2004). Innovation in the Logging Industry The logging and forest products industries must innovate in order to remain competitive globally. The US South has historically enjoyed the lowest delivered wood costs in the United States and has been competitive internationally as a result of productive forests on inexpensive land and innovative loggers (Siry et al. 2006). The South remains competitive in delivered timber prices internationally (RISI 2016). Delivered timber prices in other US regions exceed those of the South by 20% or more for many products (Gibeault et al. 2015, RISI 2016, RISI 2017). Evidence of innovation in the logging industry is mixed. A recent review found the forest sector in the United States and Canada was relatively conservative and failed to adequately invest in innovation (Hansen et al. 2014). When asked about the major challenges in their business, loggers tend to focus on short-term issues such as fuel prices, insurance costs, stumpage prices, mill quotas, and cut-and-haul rates (Baker and Greene 2008, Egan 2011, Blinn et al. 2014). Nonetheless, a case study in Maine found the logging industry engaged in all four forms of innovation (product, process, organizational, and marketing) and that both small firms and large firms were innovative (Stone et al. 2011a). The most common innovations were process innovations, especially changes in equipment, harvest systems, and adoption of technology. Similarly, Siry et al. (2006) credited innovative loggers with playing a major role in the competitiveness of the US South’s wood supply chain. This is supported by the rapid mechanization of the logging industry (Loving 1991, LeBel 1993) and subsequent declines in real timber harvesting costs (Cubbage and Carter 1994, Greene and Corley 1996, TimberMart-South 2017). Innovative companies often have a detailed knowledge of productivity and cost, and innovations are focused on maintaining low production costs (Stone et al. 2011b). The biggest obstacle to innovation in Maine was access to capital and financing (Stone et al. 2011a, Stone et al. 2011b). Without access to capital and financing, logging equipment innovations may take years to reach the woods because loggers cannot afford to replace aging machines. Further, without a sufficient number of buyers of new logging equipment, manufacturers may not invest in innovations in logging equipment apart from those borrowed entirely from other sectors such as agriculture and construction. Short-term contracts from mills and landowners exacerbate the problem because loggers are hesitant to invest in innovations because of the uncertainty of short-term contracts (Stone et al. 2011a). Finally, while a number of innovations had been developed through collaboration, Maine loggers reported that communication and technology transfer were inconsistent within the supply chain. Collaboration between forest industry, logging firms, and equipment manufacturers was critical to innovation in Maine (Stone et al. 2011a). Loggers believed that foresters could play an important role in disseminating innovative practices among logging businesses because they visit many logging businesses and observe innovative practices. Unfortunately, Maine loggers expressed skepticism that foresters were interested in communicating innovative practices to loggers. Policy and public research and education were viewed as least influential in fostering innovation in Maine, although past legislation had led to changes in harvesting systems. Mills also play a role in determining length of contracts available, prices paid for logging services, and products purchased. Loggers were hesitant to invest in innovations in the woody biomass market because current product specifications at mills were not compatible with the material produced by the new equipment (Stone et al. 2011b). Sustainability The increases in productivity and reductions in real harvesting costs coincided with impressive improvements in environmental performance. Both the effectiveness and implementation of BMPs has improved over time (Cristan et al. 2016) as a result of research, education, state policies, forest certification, mill policies, and the efforts of loggers (Ice et al. 2010). For example, BMP compliance in Georgia was approximately 50% in the early 1990s, but has been near and above 90% since 2004 (Baker and Greene 2008, Georgia Forestry Commission 2015). Similar trends have been observed in Montana (Sugden et al. 2012), Wisconsin (Kafura and Kriegel 2015a, Kafura and Kriegel 2015b, Kafura and Kriegel 2016), South Carolina (Sabin 2012), and elsewhere (Ice et al. 2010). Not only can loggers contribute to sustainability by minimizing water-quality impacts during harvests of traditional products (e.g., pulpwood and sawtimber), but they can also contribute to the nation’s efforts to increase use of renewable energy. Loggers have been quick to adapt their operations to available wood-energy markets. In Virginia, 43% of loggers with an available wood-energy market harvested woody biomass for energy, with mechanized firms located closest to markets the most likely to harvest woody biomass (Munsell et al. 2011). No significant differences in BMP implementation and erosion rates were found between conventional harvests and those where woody biomass was removed for energy (Barrett et al. 2016). In Minnesota, some loggers had adopted biomass harvesting to compensate for a reduction in demand from traditional industry (e.g., sawmills and pulpmills) (Dirkswager et al. 2011) and most firms in Michigan favored the introduction of biofuel manufacturing and wood pellet mills (GC and Potter-Witter 2011). The logging industry’s contribution to sustainability often comes at substantial cost to logging businesses. For example, the cost of BMPs and BMP-related Sustainable Forestry Initiative (SFI) practices cost Arkansas loggers $12 million in 2001 (Montgomery et al. 2005). Small logging businesses spent a median of $1,187 and 13.5 hours per job on BMPs, medium-sized businesses spent $2,700 and 17 hours per job, while large businesses spent $1,562 and 23 hours per job on BMPs. In Virginia, the median cost of BMP implementation was $8.11, $25.75, and $29.29 per acre in the Coastal Plain, Piedmont, and mountains, respectively (Shaffer et al. 1998). In Alabama, Florida, and Georgia, BMP implementation cost $12.45 per ac (Lickwar et al. 1992). A review of BMP implementation costs in the South found costs ranged from $20 to $40 per ac and costs had increased moderately following BMP revisions (Cubbage 2004). In Minnesota, 75% of responding logging businesses reported increased costs of implementing BMPs between 1990 and 1994, and 87% of individual timber harvesting BMPs increased costs for logging businesses (Blinn et al. 2001). The majority of respondents (52%) suggested that BMPs increased harvesting costs by 10% or less. In the Northeast, BMP implementation costs ranged from $0 to $62 per ac and reduced productivity by 0–20%, according to a recent study (Kelly et al. 2017). BMP implementation for individual stream crossings may cost up to $655 (McKee et al. 2012). Upgraded BMPs can cost $50–$150 for skidder crossings and $400–$500 for truck crossings (Nolan et al. 2015). Timber harvesting guidelines in Minnesota were shown to have minimal impact on felling productivity, but reduced skidding productivity (Goychuk et al. 2011). While some of the costs associated with BMPs, such as lost revenue from SMZs, are borne by landowners (LeDoux 2006), many of the costs are absorbed by logging businesses. While practices such as installing water bars and avoiding operations during wet periods increase harvesting costs (Montgomery et al. 2005, Blinn et al. 2001), some BMPs and SFI-related logger training can be financially beneficial to loggers. For example, trained loggers in Virginia outperformed an untrained control group in landowner satisfaction, weather-related downtime, and BMP compliance (Shaffer and Meade 1997). Similarly, some (25%) Minnesota loggers reported benefits from applying BMPs because of improvements such as better design and construction of forest roads and increased operating days. Future Outlook Timber harvesting businesses will continue to evolve in the future in response to forest industry demand, labor markets, evolving legal and certification standards, and other factors. We expect continued consolidation in the timber harvesting industry in much of the United States. First, the advanced age of logging business owners (Leon and Benjamin 2012, Greene et al. 2013, Rickenbach et al. 2015) suggests many of the current owners will retire within the next decade. Many of these businesses will cease to exist when the current owners retire, or they may merge with surviving companies. Second, the presence of a large number of owner-operator operations in the Midwest and Northeast (Leon and Benjamin 2012, Rickenbach et al. 2015) suggests an opportunity for sector consolidation, as other regions have already lost most of these businesses and research indicates larger companies are more efficient (Kelly and Germain 2016). Third, the presence of quotas for approximately 18 consecutive months in the South during 2016–2017 (RISI 2017) suggests excess logging capacity in the region. Excess capacity can linger for many years as firms slowly leave the market (Loving 1991, LeBel 1993, Greene et al. 2004) (Figure 2); however, events such as severe recessions can hasten the departure of logging firms (Greene et al. 2013, Rickenbach et al. 2015). Fourth, the nationwide truck driver shortage (Costello and Suarez 2015) may encourage a shift to larger firms that offer competitive salaries, fringe benefits, and newer trucks. The impact of the driver shortage will vary regionally. Currently, log truck driver wages are most competitive in the South and West (Baker and Mendell 2016). Finally, the potential shift from chainsaw felling and cable yarding to fully mechanized tethered systems (Visser and Stampfer 2015) in the West may result in restructuring and probably consolidation of logging businesses. While we expect further consolidation of logging businesses and the average business will be larger in the future, we think there is an optimal logging business size that varies regionally. Research shows that efficiency declines once the business becomes too large (LeBel and Stuart 1998, Stuart et al. 2010). As business size increases, managerial complexity increases, debt load may increase, and production capabilities can exceed mill demand. Furthermore, parcelization is a reality in US forests (Hatcher et al. 2013), which generally means fewer tons removed during each harvest. Past research suggests small firms may be best suited to harvest small tracts (Rickenbach and Steele 2006, Conrad 2014). The skills required by current and future logging business owners are different from the past. The time when the success or failure of a logging business owner depended on skilled felling or mechanical skills has disappeared. Today’s logging business owners must be savvy businesspeople because their success or failure depends on recruiting, training, and retaining quality employees; negotiating with landowners, timber buyers, mills, banks, and equipment dealers; and navigating local, state, and federal regulations. Today’s logging businesses face small profit margins, and small differences in logging rates and business management can make the difference between profitability and failure (Germain et al. 2016). Summary and Conclusions This review documented five consistent findings that applied to all US regions. The whole-tree feller-buncher/grapple skidder system harvests more timber than any other system in the United States (Leon and Benjamin 2012, Greene et al. 2013, Blinn et al. 2015). There is ongoing consolidation in the logging industry (Figure 2, Figure 3) (Greene et al. 2013, Blinn et al. 2014, Rickenbach et al. 2015). Logging business owners are approaching retirement age (Greene et al. 2013, Blinn et al. 2014, Rickenbach et al. 2015). Logging capacity has exceeded forest industry demand for many years (Greene et al. 2004, Blinn et al. 2014, Conrad et al. 2017b). Best management practices implementation has increased, and environmental impacts of harvesting have been reduced (Baker and Greene 2008, Ice et al. 2010, Cristan et al. 2016). While there are a number of commonalities between regions, there are a number of key differences as well. For example, southern logging businesses produce far more timber volume per year than logging businesses in other regions (Figure 1). The typical southern logger produces over 70,000 tons per year, while loggers in competing regions produce fewer than 25,000 tons per year. Larger tract sizes, a longer harvesting season, pine plantation harvests, and high capital investments make southern loggers the most productive in the country. Smaller logging businesses persist in the Northeast and Midwest, where owner-operator logging businesses are common (Kelly and Germain 2016). These loggers may be better suited for harvesting small parcels and dealing with extended periods of downtime that exist in the Northeast and Midwest. State and regional logger surveys have provided critical information about changes in the logging sector over time. Surveys conducted consistently over long periods are most valuable, such as those conducted in Minnesota since the 1970s and in Georgia since the 1980s. Since 2000, surveys have been conducted in Michigan, the Northeast, South Carolina, Virginia, and Wisconsin, and we think it is beneficial to continue these surveys at regular intervals. Where possible, regional collaboration may increase the usefulness of survey results. For example, Egan and Taggart (2004), Egan (2011), and Leon and Benjamin (2012) conducted multi-state surveys in the Northeast. Allred (2009) conducted a multi-state survey in the Midwest. Abbas et al. (2014) included loggers from both Michigan and northern Wisconsin, and Rickenbach et al. (2005) included Wisconsin loggers and northern Michigan loggers. The most recent survey of Georgia loggers also included loggers from South Carolina (Greene et al. 2013). These multi-state surveys allow for comparisons between states and strengthen survey results. However, care should be taken by researchers to coordinate their surveys to avoid duplication of effort and creating survey fatigue among loggers. 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If no conversion factors were given in the original source, we assumed 2.25 tons per cord and 5 tons per MBF. © 2018 Society of American Foresters This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/about_us/legal/notices)
TI - A Review of Changes in US Logging Businesses 1980s–Present
JF - Journal of Forestry
DO - 10.1093/jofore/fvx014
DA - 2018-05-04
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/springer-journals/a-review-of-changes-in-us-logging-businesses-1980s-present-h2PZx2s8tv
SP - 291
VL - 116
IS - 3
DP - DeepDyve
ER -