TY - JOUR
AU - Karnowski, Veronika
AB - Abstract The evolution of mobile communication devices and services has taken up a dynamic that makes any prognosis in the field almost impossible. Whereas part of this dynamic may remain inscrutable, we believe that a much higher degree of explanation can be achieved by systematically paying closer attention to the process of appropriation. To seize upon this potential, we present an integrative model to analyze mobile phone appropriation (the “MPA model”). The model is based on existing theoretical approaches of the quantitative “adoption” paradigm (namely, Innovation Diffusion Theory and Theory of Planned Behavior) as well as the mostly qualitative research paradigm devoted to “appropriation” (Cultural studies and Frame Analysis), with the Uses-and-Gratifications approach playing a role on both sides. The model has been developed, operationalized and empirically applied in the context of mobile phone appropriation; however, with certain modifications it can be adapted to other information and communications technology (ICT) innovations. With the arrival of third-generation mobile end devices and services, the evolution of mobile communication has reached a new stage: the main issue is no longer the binary question “Who uses a mobile telephone?” but the more qualitative and differentiated concern of “How do people use their mobile telephones?”. Whereas the diffusion of the basic innovation of mobile telephony in the 1990s was an exemplary process that fitted well with the predictions of diffusion theory (Rogers, 2003), the situation is much more complex today. Mobile communication can no longer be identified as a single innovation because it constitutes a bundle of rapidly evolving services and functionalities. Whereas almost everybody has a mobile telephone today, new services and functionalities continue to diffuse and change the face of mobile communication in a manner that is difficult to predict; consequently, this development has brought astonishing successes and costly disappointments to those involved, from the enormous success of SMS to the great disillusionment of those providers who invested in mobile broadband licenses in Europe (De Marez & Verleye, 2004; Leyshon, French, Thrift, Crewe, & Webb 2005). Such problems cannot be blamed on a lack of research effort. Numerous studies have taken up the tradition of quantitative adoption research in explaining the adoption of new mobile technologies such as gaming services (Kleijnen, de Ruyter, & Wetzlers, 2003), Wireless Application Protocol (WAP) (Hung, Ku, & Chan, 2003) and mobile chat services (Nysveen, Pedersen, & Thorbjørnsen, 2005). Moreover, a new research paradigm has emerged that addresses, beyond the binary point of adoption, the wider question of the ways in which people implement new communication technologies after having adopted them (Katz & Aakhus, 2002; Lievrouw & Livingstone, 2002; Silverstone & Haddon, 1996). This new paradigm, focusing on the concept of “appropriation”, has applied promising, innovative methods of mostly qualitative nature such as ethnography (Taylor & Harper, 2002). Indeed, both paradigms have successfully explained important phenomena in the recent evolution of mobile communications; however, their respective findings have shed light only on analytically isolated parts of the overall evolution of mobile communication, which is an empirical process that embraces both adoption and appropriation. To better evaluate this global process, it should be considered from an integrative perspective. We therefore propose an integrative model that combines elements derived from a quantitative perspective on adoption and those from a qualitative perspective on appropriation. The traditional basis of the “adoption” concept is diffusion research (Rogers, 2003), with its classical discussion of innovation attributes, adopter characteristics and their influence on the adoption decision. This foundation has since been complemented by the following new approaches. - To give additional insights into the factors that lead to the adoption decision, the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB, Ajzen, 1985) has been integrated into the concept from social psychology. - To overcome the simple dichotomy of adoption vs. rejection, concepts from cultural studies and the sociology of technology have been employed to shed light on the process of “appropriation”. A variety of metaphors have been used to describe this phenomenon, including “domestication” (Berker, Hartmann, Punie, & Ward, 2005; Silverstone & Haddon, 1996), “social shaping” (Lievrouw & Livingstone, 2002) and “framing” (Goffman, 1974; Höflich, 2003; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004). These metaphors express the social side to communication technologies and the impact of personal and social factors on their development. - The Uses-and-Gratifications approach (UGA, Rosengren, 1974) has contributed knowledge that is valuable to both paradigms. On the one hand, it has helped to further differentiate the possible functional reasons for adopting a certain innovation; on the other, it has been applied to explore a wider spectrum of the different uses made of innovations (Leung & Wei, 2000). Drawing on all of these approaches, we developed an integrative model of mobile phone appropriation and, based on this model, a scale for the quantitative measurement of this process. The first applications of the model and scale, described in this paper, demonstrate that together they provide a helpful tool in identifying and distinguishing different patterns of appropriation, in this case concerning the innovation of the “mobile telephone”. While a quantitative scale may be considered as the most sophisticated outcome of our model, we wish to stress at this point that neither the model nor appropriation research in general can operate in the absence of qualitative methods, because appropriation as a dynamic process of sense-giving will sooner or later evolve beyond the rigid structures of quantitative, standardized methodologies. In the following two theoretical sections, we (section 2) describe the specific perspectives of these approaches in detail and (3) consider those points for which there is the need and potential for integration. On this basis, we then (4) develop an integrative model of appropriation via a step-by-step process. A (5) brief section that describes our own empirical work during the construction and testing of the model provides an impression of how the model has been and can be applied to various empirical contexts. Finally, we (6) discuss the model’s potential both in empirical applications beyond the mobile telephone and in theoretical consolidation. Theoretical and empirical background Adoption research based on classical diffusion research Although mostly working at an aggregate level, diffusion theory has always also analyzed the circumstances of the single adoption decision (see Lin, 2003; Rogers, 2003). In their seminal “hybrid corn study”, Ryan and Gross (1943) had already identified some of the attributes of innovations and potential adopters that make adoption more likely. The applied methodology (see also Rogers, 2004) has also remained largely constant over the past 60 years (Meyer, 2004). The main areas of progress in predicting individual adoption decisions can be traced throughout the editions of Rogers’“Diffusion of innovations”, being a number of generalizations that remain on the level of binary correlations mostly linking the time or rate of adoption to adopter characteristics or innovation attributes (Rogers & Shoemaker, 1971, p. 357; cf. Rogers, 1983, 2003). This relatively slow evolution in both theoretical and methodological terms has led Rogers himself to state that “we do not need more-of-the-same diffusion research” (Rogers, 2003, p. xxi, see also Dearing & Meyer, 2006; Meyer, 2004). Some promising advances, developed in neighboring disciplines, are presented in the following paragraphs. Theory of Planned Behavior and successive approaches The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) (Ajzen, 1985) is derived from the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA, Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). The theory takes into account the influences of social norms, restrictions and behavioral beliefs1 on (adoption) decisions, and has commonly been applied to the adoption of new communication technologies such as cell phones, online communication, and WAP and other mobile services (see, Hung et al., 2003; Pedersen, Nysveen, & Thorbjørnsen, 2002; Schenk, Dahm, & Šonje, 1996). The most recent attempt to unify the theories and models concerning the binary adoption decision is the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (Venkatesh, Morris, Davis, & Davis, 2003). Combining eight models and theories of individual technology acceptance (among which figure the Theory of Reasoned Action, Theory of Planned Behavior, the Technology Acceptance Model and Innovation Diffusion Theory), Venkatesh et al. (2003) claim to be able to explain 70 percent of the variance in adoption intention, contending that we have reached the limits of the capacity of science in explaining individual acceptance. Given that research still often fails evaluate the potential of new communication technologies, as observed for 3G mobile communications (De Marez & Verleye, 2004; Leyshon et al., 2005), we can conclude that an explanation of adoption decisions does not suffice in explaining the evolution of new technologies; in addition, we need to search for further understanding beyond the classical adoption paradigm. In this context, research into appropriation as a complementary tool to adoption appears to be a promising line of enquiry. Concepts on the appropriation of new communication services The first step in differentiating the adoption process is marked by the concept of re-invention, a term mostly used in political science (see Charters & Pellegrin, 1972; Glick & Hays, 1991; Goodman & Steckler, 1989; Hays, 1996a, b; Lewis & Seibold, 1996) and seldom applied in communication science (see Höflich, 2003; Rogers, 2003; Schenk et al., 1996). Re-invention extends the binary adoption decision to a possible change in the innovation during its implementation (see Charters & Pellegrin, 1972; Downs, 1976); research in this field mainly analyzes the factors that support a high degree of modification (see Glick & Hays, 1991; Hays, 1996a, b; Lewis & Seibold, 1996; Majchrzak, Rice, Malhotra, King, & Ba, 2000; Orlikowski, 1993; Rice & Rogers, 1980; Rogers, 2003). According to these factors, new communication technologies and services such as mobile communication are predestined to re-invention, as they commonly constitute a bundle of technological functions and services that lead to a vast variety of applications. Moreover, such technologies are commonly status symbols of high relevance to the user’s self-perception (see Ling, 2004; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004). But how to understand or even predict in which way re-invented innovation will evolve? To answer this question, it is necessary to consider additional theoretical and empirical findings. Cultural studies Cultural studies emphasize the importance of interpersonal communication during the process of appropriation: media appropriation is a constructive process of sense-making among the users of the content of any media, including, for example, text in literature (see de Certeau, 1980) or television (Brown, 1994; Hall, 1980). Silverstone and Haddon’s (1996) domestication approach widens this concept of appropriation used in cultural studies by adapting it to the adoption of new information and communication technologies in the household (see Lehtonen, 2003; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004). These concepts can be seen as a counterdraft to diffusion theory, playing up the importance of the interpersonal negotiation of meaning (Frissen, 2000; Ling, Nilsen, & Granhaug, 1999; Silverstone & Haddon, 1996); however, from an empiric-analytic viewpoint these concepts lack clearly differentiated statements regarding how the actual process of negotiating the sense of new technologies can be observed and how it might lead to different forms of usage. Frame analysis In analyzing the adoption of new communication services in a wider social context, Goffman is one of the most frequently cited authors (see Ling, 2004; Taylor & Harper, 2002). Höflich (2003) adapts Goffman’s (1974) concept of frame analysis—generally based on face-to-face communication—to technically mediated communication by introducing the idea of media frames. Following Ogburn’s (1964) theory of culture lag, the constitution of new media frames always lags behind the related technological advances; consequently, there are initially no norms that direct the usage and handling of these new media. The strength of frame analysis is its applicability to the sense-making of ordinary, quotidian communication technologies (see Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004; Taylor & Harper, 2002); however, this advantage also brings about the risk of employing frame analysis as a “theoretical passe-partout” by simply using it to theoretically paraphrase any usage in everyday life. The Uses-and-Gratifications approach The Uses-and-Gratifications approach lies somewhere between the classically quantitative and qualitative approaches. With its posit of the active recipient, this approach seems perfectly compatible with the constructivist assumptions of the qualitative tradition. Remaining true to this postulate in applying it to new information technologies, UGA-based studies (see Dimick, Kline, & Stafford, 2000; Leung & Wei, 2000; Peters & ben Allouch, 2005; Trepte, Ranné, & Becker, 2003; Wei, 2008) no longer ask “What do the people do with the media?” but rather “What do the people make out of the media?”; however, the approach remains focused on the individual, leading to the critique that it does not take into account the complex context of new technology use, including social and situational factors such as negotiated norms of usage and restrictions on usage in everyday life (for an overview of this critique and pertinent responses, see Ruggiero, 2000). Implications for the development of an integrative model of mobile phone appropriation As demonstrated above, each of the considered approaches has its strengths and drawbacks in terms of the theoretical modeling of diffusion and the appropriation of new media. For example, while diffusion theory in combination with TPB represents a sophisticated and empirically well-tested and proven approach in the prediction of binary adoption decisions, it neglects the more qualitative question of how users apply innovations. On the other hand, those approaches that complement diffusion theory by attempting to grasp the complexity of everyday media use are rarely equipped to draw conclusions that might be generalized and empirically tested. These points are considered in the following section, and the prerequisites for an integrative appropriation model are derived. This procedure—to offset the drawbacks of one approach by taking advantage of the strengths of another—is vulnerable to a charge of eclecticism; however, we consider that many of the existing intersections and overlaps hint at the compatibility and complementarities of these varied approaches. When considering theories in a pragmatic sense as tools with which to describe, explain and forecast social phenomena, and not as an ideological commitment to a certain school of thought, the integration of different approaches appears sensible given the potential for greater insight. The following points thus serve as a preliminary conclusion and as a base for the development of our integrative model. The process of diffusion and appropriation does not necessarily constitute a linear continuation of the technological process of innovation. Re-invention research and different appropriation approaches agree on this point. The perception of an active recipient common to UGA is also compatible with this point of view. Thus, appropriation is an active and creative process that ends in various usage and meaning patterns on both individual and social levels. Diffusion and appropriation are not independent of social conditions such as culture and norms. Theory of Planned Behavior can help in explaining the individual appropriation process in its social context. Although this approach only considers a binary adoption decision, its enhancement (as described in point 1) appears fundamentally possible. An integrative model of appropriation and diffusion must describe the impact of communication on the appropriation process. The role of interpersonal communication has been highlighted by several studies on appropriation in terms of domestication (Frissen, 2000; Lehtonen, 2003; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004; Silverstone & Haddon, 1996), as well as studies on the framing of new communication services (Höflich, 2003; Ling, 2004). The importance of communication in daily life is especially emphasized when researching teenagers. Together with the influence of mass media, this interpersonal communication constitutes “metacommunication”; that is, communication about the new communication device or service2. Metacommunication plays a decisive role in the appropriation process, serving as a catalyst (Wirth, von Pape & Karnowski, 2005). In particular, studies grounded in appropriation theory (see Lehtonen, 2003) and the findings of UGA (see Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004) support the symbolic importance of new communication services. The ownership and handling of cell phones social supports positioning in the peer group, and are a means of self-presentation or symbolic self-enhancement. Towards an integrative model of appropriation As outlined above, an integrative approach should include both individual and social factors, practical and symbolical appropriation, and capture a wide range of uses and meanings, although in a way that permits empirical testing (Karnowski, von Pape & Wirth, 2006a). To meet these demands, we suggest combining elements from the different approaches mentioned. In the following section, this theoretical integration is described in a step-by-step process, justifying each new element within its theoretical context. This procedure is adopted to avoid the risk of an eclectic combination of incompatible theoretical fragments. The starting point for the new model is the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), being an approach that has been well tested and proven in terms of its internal validity. This nucleus is then enhanced via four major steps that can be summarized under the following headings: 1) “differentiating ‘behavior’”, 2) “differentiating the factors that influence ‘behavior’”, 3) “introducing a circular dynamic” and 4) “metacommunication as a catalyst of appropriation”. To made the model’s constructs clear and concrete, exemplary advices for operationalization will be given for each of them. Differentiating “behavior” A common characteristic of all adoption models is the binary structure of their dependent variable “behavior”, being coded as either adoption or rejection (respectively “use” or “non-use”). To meet the demands of more a complex concept of appropriation, such as that described above, we propose an understanding of “behavior” as a wider phenomenon; consequently, the “end points” of the appropriation model are differentiated into the various possible ways that a new communication technology may be used. Object-oriented versus functional aspects of mobile telephone usage First, we distinguish between object-oriented and functional aspects of mobile phone usage. The functional aspects shed light on the question of which goal the mobile phone is used for, thereby dealing with gratification dimensions such as those known from UGA research. We also propose taking into account more object-oriented aspects of usage. The high degree of technological change that has occurred in recent years has turned the actual used technological artifact into a variable one. Mobile telephones represent technology clusters (cf. Rogers, 2003, pp. 249 et seq.) that incorporate many different services and functionalities. With every new generation of mobile end devices, new services and functionalities are embedded into the basic innovation of “mobile telephone”, ranging from simple telephony over a short messaging service and downloadable ring tones to mobile television. Object-oriented use therefore addresses the question of how often and how intensely each of these functionalities is being used. Object-oriented use can be operationalized by simply asking with which frequency certain functionalities such as voice communication, short messaging or mobile TV are being used. Object-oriented use also concerns the appropriation of the mobile telephone as an aesthetic object with its logos, ringtones and fashion accessories: how often are they changed, and in which ways does the user display his or her telephone as an aesthetic object in public? Symbolic versus pragmatic functional usage Second, we propose to differentiate the functional aspects of mobile phone use into pragmatic and symbolic usage dimensions. Whereas the former concerns the question of how the mobile telephone is used in a purely instrumental sense (“What do I use the mobile telephone for?”), the latter is concerned with the effect a certain usage may have on one’s identity (“What does using the mobile telephone do to me?”). UGA-based research has established a number of categories of functional use that display a large overall congruence (Leung & Wei, 2000; Peters & ben Allouch, 2005; Trepte et al., 2003), even if they are labeled differently by different researchers. Arising from these studies, the following pragmatic categories of usage have been adopted: “distraction/pastime”, “management of everyday life”, “maintaining relations” and “control”. It is evident that the concrete content and number of functional categories cannot be derived theoretically: this is an empirical question that must be established anew for each innovation by empirical exploration or a review of existing findings (or both, as for the present model). UGA has also identified a usage motive that can be considered as “symbolic” according to the differentiation above, and which authors have termed “status” (Trepte et al., 2003) or “fashion/status” (Leung & Wei, 2000; Peters & ben Allouch, 2005); however, these UGA-based studies do not differentiate this factor any further, perhaps because the typical UGA methodology employs straightforward questions and people may find it socially undesirable to confirm that status is an important factor for them. At the same time, a large number of non-UGA studies of both qualitative and quantitative nature (Fortunati, Katz, & Riccini, 2003; Katz & Sugiyama, 2006; Oksman & Rautiainen, 2002; Prøitz, 2005; von Pape, Karnowski & Wirth, 2006) have provided further insight into the symbolical aspects of mobile phone usage; thus, we suggest enhancing the “status” dimension known from UGA by applying concepts and methods known from more socially and psychologically oriented research. Mead (1967) differentiates between a psychological identity (“I”) and a social identity (“me”); accordingly, we suggest differentiating the question on symbolical functions (“What does using the mobile telephone do to me?”) into “symbolic self-estimation in regard to oneself” with respect to personal identity and “symbolical self-estimation in regard to others” with respect to social identity. The instruments used to identify and measure these symbolic dimensions are adopted from both qualitative exploratory research and psychological scales such as the self-monitoring scale (Snyder, 1974; von Collani & Stürmer, 2003). The functional aspects of usage can be operationalized by proposing common usage scenarios in which the mobile telephone can fulfill specific functions. For example, the functional use in the pragmatic subdimension “maintaining relations” can be evaluated by asking how often the mobile telephone is used to get news from friends and family or to share special events with them, for instance, by greeting them on holidays of during vacations. Concerning symbolic functional use, an exemplary scenario is the case that one has forgotten the telephone at home, associated with the question to which degree this makes the user feel “imcomplete” or “naked” (Oksman & Rautiainen, 2002; Prøitz, 2005). Differentiating those factors that influence usage According to TPB, in addition to the expectancy value models in UGA, certain (usage) behavior is the result of expectancies and evaluations concerning this behavior and its outcomes, as well as the norms and restrictions concerning the behavior. If “behavior” is conceived as a binary dependent variable, these factors can either favor or obstruct it; however, because the present model emanates from a more complex concept of “behavior”, these factors must also be differentiated. Expectancies and evaluations Expectancies and evaluations are primarily concerned with the functional use of an innovation; thus, the probabilities of a certain use’s different outcomes are estimated (expectancies), and the desirability of these outcomes is evaluated (evaluations). In terms of diffusion theory’s “innovation attributes”, these evaluations concern the positive side to an innovation’s “relative advantage” as considered by the potential user. According to the differentiations realized above concerning the functional uses of the mobile telephone, we have expectancies and evaluations concerning “distraction/pastime”, “management of everyday life”, “maintaining relations”, “control” as well as “symbolic self-estimation in regard to oneself” in respect to personal identity, and “symbolical self-estimation in regard to others”. In contrast to TPB and in order to keep the model manageable, we propose to consider the product of expectancies and evaluations at once, without differentiating them. This can be done by asking which priorities exist for the single user concerning the mobile telephone’s possible functional uses. Such an outcome evaluation concerning the mobile telephone’s functional use in the category “maintaining relations” could thus be expressed by asking how important it is for the participant to keep in touch with friends via the mobile telephone, and an evaluation on the symbolic use could ask how important it is to always have the telephone close to oneself. Norms Empirical TPB studies have commonly reported that norms are the weakest predictor of behavior (e.g. Shepperd, Hartwick, & Warshaw, 1988); however, these findings have rarely led to an abolishment of the general concept of social influence from TPB (however, see Sparks, Shepherd, Wieringa & Zimmermann, 1995), instead leading to new measurements, differentiations and conceptualizations within TPB. This critique includes the following components: norms are commonly measured using a single item (Armitage & Connor, 2001), descriptive norms are neglected relative to injunctive norms (Cialdini, Kallgren, & Reno, 1991; Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2002; Norman, Clarke, & Walker, 2005), individual differences in orientation to subjective norms vs. attitudes have not been taken sufficiently into account (Trafimow & Finlay, 1996), and the influences of social identity and self-categorization need to be considered more precisely (Fekadu & Kraft, 2002; Norman et al., 2005; Terry & Hogg, 1996; Terry, Hogg, & White, 2000; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). The findings of qualitative studies support these points, showing that social influence can take on highly subtle and complex forms. Not only do norms change with different environments in everyday life, but the motivation to comply changes with the individual’s salient social identity. Thus, teenagers switch between two complex and often contradictory sets of norms concerning mobile phone use, as demanded by their parents and their peers (Licoppe & Heurtin, 2001; Ling, 2004). Such conflicts have also been observed among seniors, who have different normative perspectives on the mobile telephone with respect to their coevals and their grandchildren (Karnowski, von Pape & Wirth, 2006b). More generally, qualitative studies provide evidence of what the appropriation paradigm calls the social shaping (Lievrouw & Livingstone, 2006) or framing (Goffman, 1974; Ling, 2004; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004) of mobile phone use via the negotiation of norms among users. This process is highly dynamic among new technologies, thereby making it even more difficult to speak of one specific norm that fosters or discourages a certain behavior. Thus, to obtain a full picture of the normative influence on mobile telephone use, one should measure not only the influence of certain specific norms, but also the overall existence of norms and their relative stability. The question of the impact of these norms on actual behavior is ultimately an empirical one. The norm-construct can be translated into actual research by asking how participant evaluate the expectations of their personal environment concerning, for example, being reachable via telephone all the time or – as a potentially conflicting norm, turning the telephone off in specific environments such as a restaurant. Restrictions Previous studies have considered four types of restrictions: “financial”, “technological”, “temporal” and “cognitive” (Pedersen et al., 2002; Schenk et al., 1996). These restrictions partially reflect some of the innovation attributes mentioned by Rogers (2003) as adoption factors - namely “complexity”, which translates into “cognitive restrictions” and “compatibility” with a given technological infrastructure is concerned. For example, teenagers on a limited budget will probably prefer to use the short messaging service for communication, whereas businesspeople who tend to have greater financial freedom and less time choose to make direct calls that are relatively expensive but time-efficient. To evaluate these restrictions, it will do to simply ask how expensive, complicated, times-consuming one personally finds the mobile telephone. Intention In TPB, “intention” is considered as a central variable that intervenes between the determining factors and actual usage. Although we consider the importance of this variable to have been sufficiently proven, we have not integrated it into the appropriation model because the qualitative differentiation of usage in our model does not allow a simple adoption of this construct. In contrast, in TPB the single and one-dimensional usage decision is easily combined with a single global variable of “intention”; however, in our case the more highly differentiated dependent variables of the appropriation model cannot be subsumed under such a singular construct. Thus, an “intention” for each specific behavioral form of appropriation would have to be integrated into the model, thereby leading to a dramatic increase in complexity. Moreover, establishing a behavioral intention presupposes involvement with this specific behavior. However, we expect the involvement realized for each partial behavior in the course of appropriation to be much lower than that required to make a classical adoption decision, as appropriation is a rather long series of minor and commonly little-reflected steps (see for a more thorough discussion on that issue: Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; Jonas & Doll, 1996; Verplanken, 2006). On the basis of these pragmatic and theoretical points, we came to the conclusion (which may be questioned and tested empirically) that asking for an entire range of attitudes concerning different usage behaviors would not provide added value comparable to the construct of “intention” in TPB. Introducing a circular dynamic One critique concerning TPB denounces the static conception of its independent variables—the expectancy and evaluations concerning behavior, norms and restrictions (Jonas & Doll, 1996). According to this critique, overwhelming evidence exists to suggest that appropriation is a highly dynamic process in the course of which expectations, uses and evaluations may develop. Giving due consideration to this dynamic, an appropriation model should permit the description of the unfolding of this evolution as a linear or disruptive process, recognize those factors that are salient at different points of the process and identify its beginning and end points. Whereas the concrete form of this process is an empirical question, a model should in principle be able to describe this process; consequently, the appropriation model is conceptualized as a cycle, with appropriation being a constantly renewed process. Pragmatic and symbolic use is not only the result of behavioral, normative and control beliefs, but also a factor that contributes to their basis. This approach of a cyclic structure in describing evolutions in usage and evaluation is known from the GSGO approach (Palmgreen & Rayburn, 1985), which relies, as with TPB, on the expectancy-value concept (Fishbein, 1967). Concerning TPB, the “past behavior predicts future behavior” hypothesis stresses the possible evolution of behavioral choices, although without integrating it into a theoretical model (Oulette & Wood, 1998). Metacommunication But just how, one may ask at this point, does the cycle close between the existence of usage patterns and the existence of expectancies and evaluations of behavior, norms and restrictions? Whereas basically all qualitative studies on appropriation affirm the existence of this process, they describe it differently in each case, as “social shaping” (Bijker & Pinch, 1984), “negotiation” (Weilenmann, 2001), “framing” (Höflich, 2003) or “conversion” (Silverstone & Haddon, 1996). The largest common denominator of these metaphors is the idea of metacommunication; that is, communication about a communication technology. It is via metacommunication that users and producers negotiate potential forms of appropriation, search for and discuss different ideas of the role that an innovation may play, and try to persuade each other of the validity of their own concepts. It is also via metacommunication that norms concerning the usage of an innovation and images concerning its social meaning are constructed and evaluated. These processes take place among individual users and user groups through interpersonal communication and the observation and evaluation of others’ behavior; however, metacommunication is not limited to users and their local culture because it is open to the persuasion exerted by producers mainly through the mass media, be it through direct publicity or more subtle measures such as product placement or the sponsoring of role models who may influence users. In consequence, a closed appropriation cycle may be accomplished using metacommunication as the element that links forms of appropriation as different “end points” of the appropriation models with the expectations and evaluations that stand at its beginning: metacommunication influences evaluations and expectations that influence forms of pragmatic and symbolic usage that, once again, are the subjects of metacommunication. By linking users on different levels of aggregation (individuals, groups, entire societies), metacommunication also enables a consideration of the influence of social networks on the appropriation process. Thus, a critical mass of users within an individual’s network that realizes one specific usage form and respects certain norms may persuade this individual to fit his/her own usage behavior to that of the majority. Just as expectancies and evaluations are not the “unmoved mover” at the beginning of the appropriation process, pragmatic and symbolic usage forms are not simply its passive outcomes. As explained above, the link between expectancies and evaluations and pragmatic and symbolic usage forms metacommunication, i.e. the way in which somebody uses his/her mobile device and the way he/she feels about this are both reflected in metacommunication about this innovation: people observe how other people communicate with the mobile phone, be it face-to-face or via the mass media, and they observe their own behavior. These observations are reflected in personal discussions as well as the mass media; thus, they influence the individual’s expectancies and evaluations concerning behavioral outcomes, norms and restrictions. This understanding corresponds to the idea of diffusion theory, that an innovation with high “observability” is likely to be adopted – simply because it is likely to be the object of metacommunication, which is an absolute condition for both adoption and appropriation. Among the different psychological processes that take place within metacommunication, observational learning is of special importance. Bandura previously described observational learning as a creative process: the single user not only imitates modeled behavior but mixes input from different models, resulting in individually different forms of behavior (see Bandura, 1986, p. 104). According to our MPA model, each user can observe different models of mobile phone usage in his/her direct surroundings or the mass media. Based upon these models, he/she arranges this input uniquely resulting in an individual pattern of evaluations and behavior. It must also be remembered that metacommunication can be much more than observational learning and its sub processes; e.g. persuasion (see Chaiken & Trope, 1999) or the management of uncertainty (see Bradac, 2001; Brashers, Goldsmith, & Hsieh, 2002; Brashers, Neidig, Haas, Dobbs, Cardillo, & Russell, 2000). According to the different forms that metacommunication may take, it is differentiated into “mass-mediated communication” about the mobile phone and “interpersonal communication” with others who use it. To assume that different pragmatic and symbolic usage forms are reflected in metacommunication incorporates the assertion that they actually re-appear in the content of metacommunication and may therefore be identified there. Communication about communication technology can be either interpersonal or diffused by the mass media. Furthermore, our concept of metacommunication also includes the perception of other people’s usage of the mobile telephone in everyday life. Thus, meta-communication can be measured empirically by asking to what extend participants observe specific new devices or services via the media, in public or in their personal environment, and how often they talk about different aspects of mobile telephone usage with others. From an analytical perspective, the loop through which metacommunication closes the appropriation cycle is of a double nature because of the two dimensions of pragmatic and symbolic usage behavior: the (pragmatic) “usage cycle” and the “symbolic cycle” (cf. Figure 1). Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide The Mobile Phone Appropriation Model (MPA Model). Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide The Mobile Phone Appropriation Model (MPA Model). Empirical evidence According to our integrative approach the development of the MPA Model was accompanied by a process of triangulation of qualitative and quantitative studies (see Bryman, 1992; Hammersley, 1996). As a first step, we conducted guided interviews with 15 teenagers (for details, see Wirth, von Pape & Karnowski, 2007); the interviews were then analyzed in accordance with grounded theory methodology (see Glaser & Strauss, 1980). This analysis led us to three main categories of mobile phone appropriation. Based on a series of quantitative and qualitative studies on the appropriation of mobile phones by different user groups (e.g. seniors, teenagers, opinion leaders; for details, see Karnowski et al., 2006b; von Pape et al., 2006; Wirth et al., 2007), these main categories were further differentiated, ultimately yielding the proposed MPA Model. A standardized instrument in German language used to measure appropriation has been developed along the lines of the MPA model (for details, see von Pape, Karnowski & Wirth, in press). This instrument consists of 89 items grouped in seven scales with respective subscales which represent the constructs that constitute the appropriation process: 1. Usage a. Object-oriented usage: 10 single items b. Functional usage: i. Pragmatic functional usage:22 items in 4 subscales ii. Symbolic functional usage: 8 items in 2 subscales 2. Factors that influence usage a. Expectancies and evaluations: i. functional evaluations: 8 items in 4 subscales ii. symbolic evaluations: 9 items in 2 subscales b. Norms: 13 items in three subscales c. Restrictions: 4 single items 3. Meta-communication a. Interpersonal: 10 items in 2 subscales b. Observation of mass media: 5 items in one scale The items were compiled on the basis of existing standardized instruments (e.g. studies in the domains of UGA and TPB), previous qualitative studies and our own studies (e.g. Karnowski et al., 2006b; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004; Taylor & Harper, 2002; von Pape et al., 2006). Using this instrument, we conducted an online survey in April and May 2006 on the appropriation of mobile phones; this survey is presented here as a brief example of the empirical application of the model (for further details, see Wirth, Karnowski & von Pape, 2006). The sample consisted of 842 persons, 41.1% female and 58.9% male; the average age of respondents was 20.7 years. Using hierarchical cluster analysis of the pragmatic and symbolic use scales, we identified five patterns of cell phone appropriation. The study also served as a test of the reliability of our scale’s subdimensions.3 The Obtrusive Multi-User These users make heavy use of their cell phones in all of the described pragmatic usage dimensions, desiring that the cell phone be a fancy accessory and attaching great importance to the symbolic value and prestige of their phones. When using their phones, these users disregard those in the immediate surrounding and act somewhat obtrusively. The Relationship Manager “Maintaining relations” and “control” are the most important pragmatic usage dimensions for this type of cell phone user, showing average agreement with the symbolic usage dimensions. These users act discreetly when using their phones. The Trendy Cell-Phone-Player Distraction and pastimes are most important to the ‘Trendy Cell-Phone-Player’, with social aspects playing a crucial role in cell phone usage. They consider their devices to be fancy fashion accessories, and stress their symbolic value and prestige. The Everyday-Life-Manager These users emphasize the pragmatic usage dimensions of “control” and “management of everyday life”. The symbolic usage dimensions are of little interest, and the users act very discreetly when using their cell phones. The Discreet Light-User These respondents rate low on all pragmatic and symbolic usage dimensions, and show very discreet behavior when using their cell phones. The presented cluster analysis is the first application of our instruments in measuring appropriation. The typology of mobile phone users resulting from this analysis may not seem astonishing in itself, for it reveals clearly defined and plausible user-groups that are overall strongly compatible with the findings of appropriation research, as cited above; however, this “conventional” result represents significant progress because it was achieved with a standardized methodology. This permits to take “snapshots” of appropriation in unprecedented sharpness and depth of focus, permitting replication and comparison of findings in various contexts. Insights from further evidence To exemplify the value added of our model and scale compared to existing qualitative and quantitative approaches, we finally sketch the design and findings from a most recent application (von Pape, 2008)4: In a longitudinal social network study on appropriation of mobile telephones by teenagers, “snapshots” of individual appropriation processes were compared between different points in time and between actors in different positions within the social network of a school class. Results show that appropriation significantly converges within the microstructures of peer groups, leading to homogeneous patterns among their members over time. Also, various types of opinion leaders can be identified beyond the stereotyped technophile “early adopters” known from diffusion theory. Some of these opinion leaders even hinder their environment from following one path of appropriation. For example, they thwart the practice of flirting via multimedia messages by declaring this behaviour as “childish” (von Pape, 2008). These results could only be obtained by reaching a degree of standardization which permits comparison between appropriation patterns found in various network positions and points in time – as it is not possible with most appropriation approaches – combined with a high degree of differentiation – as it is not possible within the binary thinking of adoption vs. rejection common to the adoption paradigm. Directions for future research The present paper proposes a theoretical model that integrates concepts from the two major research paradigms on the use of innovative communication technologies: the “adoption” and “appropriation” paradigms. The paradigms appear highly complementary on theoretical and methodological levels, thereby making the idea of combining them a promising one. On the one hand, the classical binary adoption paradigm could be considered in the wider spectrum of the actual uses made of a technology in the course of its appropriation, concerning both the technological functionalities and pragmatic and symbolic uses; this is considered over the course of a dynamic process in which the uses are being constantly renegotiated. On the other hand, appropriation research could be expanded beyond purely qualitative research to quantitative methodologies such as those known from adoption research, which are more accessible in terms of testing for validity and reliability. An integrative approach could help in understanding the complex dynamic in which communication technology is evolving today. Although part of this dynamic may be principally out-of-range for prognosis, we believe that there still exists significant exploratory potential for these empirical phenomena. The MPA model presented above proposes to integrate both the adoption and appropriation research paradigms by enhancing a Theory of Planned Behavior model with the addition of elements from various appropriation approaches. The resulting model is dynamic and multi-dimensional, yet allows for quantitative operationalization. The model does not claim to perfectly integrate both traditions, and will always depend on complementary work undertaken using purely qualitative methods; thus, in the present context “integration” represents translating as much as possible from qualitative research to quantitative research (e.g. the differentiation of pragmatic and symbolic use dimensions, elaboration of metacommunication) and considering those aspects that cannot be translated into standardized methods as a constant alternative against which we need to compare our findings from time to time. One example of aspects that may be untranslatable is highly specific, individual and situational context factors, as described in domestication research. For these reasons, the role of qualitative research in the development of the MPA model is not limited to an explorative study at the beginning of model-building, but will remain important as the model is applied to various innovations and even various stages in the long-term evolution of a single innovation. Given the number of both qualitative and quantitative studies on mobile phone appropriation realized in the development of the model, we can claim that it is carefully fitted to this innovation, which can be characterized by a high symbolic value, the strong influence of social dynamics (critical mass), and rapid change in its technological basis. While the model is robust and sufficiently general to be applied to any new communication technology with similar characteristics to that of the mobile phone, its subcategories will vary between innovations. To provide an example from our latest research efforts, we have applied the model to the appropriation of mobile television and a computer game (von Pape, Karnowski, Wirth, Klimmt & Hartmann, 2007) by undertaking longitudinal field studies with semi-directed interviews on the appropriation of these technologies before adopting the categories of our model to these specific applications. Apart from this constantly necessary re-examination of our model, we see the specific need for further clarification concerning the construct of metacommunication, which must be differentiated on meso- and macro-social levels, concerning individual and mass-mediated communication. This work is already in progress: - On the meso-level, integration of social network analysis is one such step - as mentioned at the end of the “empirical evidence”-section (cf. von Pape, 2008). Beyond enhancing the MPA model, this may enrich existing concepts such as “opinion leadership”, which are until today dominated by a diffusionist perspective. - On the macro-social level, the role of meta-communication may be clarified by analyzing how mass media provide symbolic models of behavior and cultivate beliefs on technology use (see Bandura, 1986; Shrum & O’Guinn, 1993). Here, content analysis appears to adequately complement the MPA model (see Karnowski, 2008). Notes 1 The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and its derivatives also explain behavior in terms of behavioral beliefs; however, this model stresses only the “perceived usability” and “perceived usefulness” of the innovation (Hubona & Burton-Jones, 2003; Pedersen & Nysveen, 2003; Vishwanath & Goldhaber, 2003). 2 Even though our concept of metacommunication can be described as communication about communication alike Bateson’s concept (see Bateson 1955; Ruesch & Bateson 1968), metacommunication in the context of the MPA-model is conceptualized as communication about a specific communication channel in contrast to Bateson’s concept of instructions how to interpret the content of a message. 3 The reliability of the various subdimensions ranged from satisfactory to excellent (0.7 < Cronbach’s alpha < 0.96) for all subscales concerning the “functional pragmatic” and “functional symbolic” aspects of usage as well as “metacommunication”; reliability was also sufficient for most subscales concerning the remaining constructs of “object-oriented usage”, “functional evaluations”, and “normative evaluations”. 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Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC Wirth , W. , Von Pape , T. & Karnowski , V. ( 2007 ). How to measure appropriation? Towards an integrative model of mobile phone appropriation . In T. Hess (eds.), Ubiquität, Interaktivität, Konvergenz und die Medienbranche: Ergebnisse des interdisziplinären Forschungsprojektes intermedia (p. 83 – 105 ). Göttingen, Germany : Universitätsverlag Göttingen . Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC About the Authors Werner Wirth (PhD, University of Munich) is a full professor of communication and empirical media research at the Institute of Mass Communication and Media Research, University of Zurich. His research focuses on diffusion, adoption and use of new media as well as cognitive, emotional and persuasive aspects of media use, media reception, and media effects Address: Institut für Publizistikwissenschaft und Medienforschung (IPMZ), Universität Zürich, Andreasstr. 15, CH–8050 Zürich, Switzerland; email: w.wirth@ipmz.unizh.ch Thilo von Pape is a PhD candidate in mass communication at the Institute of Mass Communication and Media Research, University of Zurich. His main research interests lie in the fields of diffusion and appropriation of new information and communication technologies (motives, uses and consequences). Address: Département d’information et communication, UFR sciences humaines et arts, Université Paul Verlaine, Ile du Saulcy, BP 30309, F-57006 Metz cedex 1, France; email: thilo@rilke.de Veronika Karnowski is a PhD candidate in mass communication at the Institute of Mass Communication and Media Research (IfKW), University of Munich. Her research interests include online and mobile communication, diffusion and appropriation research, and empirical methods. Address: Institut für Kommunikationswissenschaft und Medienforschung (IfKW), Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Oettingenstr. 67, D-80538 München, Germany; email: karnowski@ifkw.lmu.de © 2008 International Communication Association
TI - An Integrative Model of Mobile Phone Appropriation
JF - Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication
DO - 10.1111/j.1083-6101.2008.00412.x
DA - 2008-04-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/an-integrative-model-of-mobile-phone-appropriation-aKmDc6y3si
SP - 593
EP - 617
VL - 13
IS - 3
DP - DeepDyve
ER -