TY - JOUR
AU - Doudaki,, Vaia
AB - Abstract Community media studies have often neglected how community media can contribute in areas ridden with conflict to more peaceful ways of cohabitation. This article aims to look in detail at how the Cyprus Community Media Centre (Ccmc) has developed conflict resolution strategies to reduce the antagonism in the Cypriot society, an island divided since 1974. Then it looks at the problems and complexities that this organization has to face when trying to realize its remit, caused by the fallacies in the community media model and by the Cypriot context of conflictuality. Despite the difficulties, the Ccmc illustrates that community media can play a role in conflict resolution, creating more opportunities for mutual understanding and for the humanization of the other. Community media are described as those media organizations that serve the community, by providing content relevant to the needs of its members, while promoting access and participation of the latter (Cammaerts, 2009; Fuller, 2012; Jankowski & Prehn, 2002; Jimenez & Scifo, 2010; Meadows et al., 2007). Community media are also regarded as the third voice in comparison with, or in opposition to, public service, state and private commercial media, fostering the voice of the ordinary people and of civil society (Coyer et al., 2008; Forde, 2011; Peissl & Tremetzberger, 2010; Rodríguez, 2000). Also, by encouraging the self-expression of minorities and marginalized groups, they are claimed to build alternative news agendas to those of the mainstream media, which tend to favor the voices of societal elites. In addition, their capacity to foster diversity, intercultural dialogue, and tolerance has made community media privileged partners in peace-building, conflict resolution, and reconciliation (Rodríguez, 2011). The latter dimension of community media in particular has not often been studied, although a considerable number of projects have been organized (and financed). This article aims to look in detail at how a specific media organization, the Cyprus Community Media Centre (CCMC), contributes to conflict resolution and reconciliation on the island of Cyprus, divided since 1974. The main objective of this case study is to show and document the role of community media in conflict resolution, and less to discuss and evaluate their efficacy. After a theoretical discussion on community media, and on the Cypriot conflict, this article discusses the conflict resolution strategies that the CCMC has developed to reduce the antagonism in the Cypriot society. Then this article looks at the problems and complexities that this organization has to face when trying to realize its remit, caused by the fallacies in the community media model and by the Cypriot context of conflictuality. The basic principles of community media Community media group a wide variety of media organizational structures and practices. They can take many different forms and can use various technological platforms (print, radio, TV, web-based, or mixed). They have been described through a variety of concepts, including citizens' media, participatory media, alternative media, associative media, free media, autonomous media, rhizomatic media, radical media, and civil society media. Each of these concepts is based on different political, cultural, and social orientations and focuses on certain aspects of community media (e.g., Servaes, 1999, p. 259). However, the term “community media” is widely accepted to describe such plurality. Partially because of diversity, the number of community media is difficult to capture. One indicator is the membership of AMARC, the World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters,1 which has around 4,000 members. Despite their differences, community media share a number of key characteristics, which distinguish them from other types of media organizations like public service or commercial media. Especially their close connection to civil society and their strong commitment to (maximalist forms of) participation and democracy, in both their internal decision-making process and their content production practices, are important distinguishing characteristics that establish community media as the third media type, distinct from public service and commercial media. These distinguishing features can, for instance, be found in the “working definition” of community radio adopted by AMARC-Europe, AMARC's European branch, as “a ‘non-profit’ station, currently broadcasting, which offers a service to the community in which it is located, or to which it broadcasts, while promoting the participation of this community in the radio” (1994, p. 4). Also in the academic literature, we can find these distinctive characteristics. For instance, Howley (2005, p. 2) defines community media as: “grassroots or locally oriented media access initiatives predicated on a profound sense of dissatisfaction with mainstream media form and content, dedicated to the principles of free expression and participatory democracy, and committed to enhancing community relations and promoting community solidarity.” Tabing (2002, p. 9) defines community media as “operated in the community, for the community, about the community and by the community,” and a later study commissioned by the European Parliament2 defines community media as “media that are non profit and owned by or accountable to the community that they seek to serve” (KEA, 2007, p. 1). The societal relevance of community media organizations can be argued by reverting to the four approaches used in the literature for the study of community media, which all capture one of their specific dimensions (as discussed in Bailey, Cammaerts, & Carpentier, 2007; Carpentier, Servaes, & Lie, 2003). Their combination also allows theorizing the complexity and rich diversity of community media. The community approach focuses on access by, and participation of, the community; the opportunity given to “ordinary people” to have their voices heard; and the empowerment of community members through valuing their skills and views. The alternative approach stresses that these media have alternative ways of organizing (often using a more horizontal democratic structure), carry alternative discourses and representations, and make use of alternative formats and genres. They are seen as independent from market and state. Participation and pluralism are accomplished through the mechanism of self-representing this multiplicity of alternative voices. The civil society approach incorporates aspects of civil society theory (e.g., Walzer, 1998). Civil society agendas are concerned with enabling citizens to be active in one of many (micro-)spheres relevant to everyday life, to exert their rights to communicate, and facilitating “macro-participation” of different societal groups through participation in public debate and self-representation in public spaces. Finally, the rhizomatic approach uses Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) metaphor to focus on three aspects: community media's elusiveness, their interconnections (amongst each other and [mainly] with civil society), and the linkages with market and state. Community media act as meeting points and catalysts for a variety of organizations and movements and, like rhizomes, they tend to cut across borders and build linkages between preexisting gaps. However, those interconnections also uncover a number of difficulties that community media face and which point to core challenges to these community media: The development and sustainment of relationships with the community. The development and sustainment of internal democracy. Coping with financial instability and vulnerability. The unawareness of the various democratic roles of community media by media legislators and regulators, combined with their newly developing tendency to see the internet as the exclusive site for participatory practices. The threat caused by media landscapes characterized by increasing concentration and homogenization. The blurring of the rigid boundaries between civil society, state and market producing fierce internal ideological conflicts, the threat of co-option by state or market, and the loss of the community media's independence. These challenges refer to a set of core concerns within the community media sector, namely effectiveness and sustainability. Moreover, these challenges also exemplify the need for caution toward a too celebratory approach on community media. Community media do not provide with catch-all solutions for all societal problems, although they can play a significant role in strengthening the democratic tissue of a society, and (as the following part will argue) in contributing to peace-building, conflict resolution, and reconciliation. Community media, diversity, intercultural dialogue, and conflict resolution The participatory nature of community media also facilitates their societal role as producers of both internal and external diversity. As Fraser and Restrepo Estrada (2001, p. 18) remark (in relation to community radio), “[c]ommunity radio, through its openness to participation to all sectors and all people in a community/ies, creates a diversity of voices and opinions on the air.” Community media are not homogeneous organizations serving a homogeneous community, but allow a diversity of people, embedded in civil society, to produce media content that relates to a variety of societal groups and subcommunities, mixing minority and majority cultures, ethnicities and languages often in the same community media (Barlow, 1988; René & Antonius, 2009; Sussman & Estes, 2005), creating rhizomatic networks of alternative content creation. To deal with this complexity, different strategies have been developed to think the relationship between the community media organization and “its” community. In some cases, an expansion of the concept of community has been proposed, moving away from the more traditional definitions of community as locality or ethnicity. One example here is Lewis's (1993, p. 13) position that community should not be exclusively defined geographically, as communities can cross geographic localities. A less mediacentric approach tackles this issue by pointing to the diversity of communities that a community media organization can serve. For instance, Santana and Carpentier (2010) show the wide variety of activist, ethic-linguistic, subcultural, and art communities that are being served by two Belgian community/alternative radio stations. Within the multiple communities approach, a considerable number of authors argue that community media facilitate a dialogue between these subcommunities or segments of society (Gaynor & O'Brien, 2012; Martin & Wilmore, 2010; Siemering, 2000). Community media's ability to integrate a diversity of nonprofessional producers, embedded in a diversity of (sub)communities (and in civil society), also ideally positions them as facilitators of intercultural dialogue and tolerance. Here, the explicit commitment of community media toward democratic values, which renders them different from open access media, provides a protective environment for this diversity of voices. As rhizomes, community media can internally act as physical meeting places for different social groups, and externally, as platforms for these different voices (Council of Europe, 2009). Obviously, this capacity to stimulate intercultural dialogue is not to be taken for granted, as it very much depends on the embeddedness of the media organizational culture in a participatory-democratic ideology, and as it is for instance complicated by linguistic differences. Moreover, organizing dialogue within a context of diversity generates many thresholds and difficulties. One significant problem is generated by the risk of nondemocratic voices and actors entering and damaging these realms devoted to democracy and participation. At the same time an equal number of creative democratic practices have been developed to deal with these challenges. For instance, having to deal with many different languages inhibits dialogue, but a wide variety of techniques has been developed by organizations like the Swiss radio school klip+klang, which has been experimenting with organizing multilinguistic dialogues, in close collaboration with Swiss community radio stations like the Zurich-based Radio Lora (see klipp+klang, 2009). This capacity to foster diversity, intercultural dialogue, and tolerance has made community media privileged partners in peace-building, conflict resolution, and reconciliation projects. In contrast to the more general and widely recognized capacity to stimulate intercultural dialogue, there is much less (academic) research into the more specific role of community media to strengthen peace-building, conflict resolution, and reconciliation (a gap this article explicitly aims to address3), although there are many particular projects, mainly located in the global South. In one of the rare academic publications, Anheier and Raj Isar (2007, pp. 323–324) suggest that community media can indeed play a mediating role in conflicts. Also Rodríguez (2000, p. 147, 2011) attributes a central role to community media4 in peace-building efforts and conflict resolution. In a ground-breaking research project in the Colombian Magdalena Medio region, researchers from four universities and a regional network of community radio stations joined forces and provided rare evidence for this central role of community media in a struggle for peace (Cadavid & Moreno Martínez, 2009; see also Rodríguez, 2011). One of Rodríguez's (2011, p. 255) key conclusions of her analysis of Colombian community media activities stresse the performance of peace-building: “Instead of transmitting messages about peacebuilding to audiences, Columbian citizens' media involve audiences in, and subject audiences to, the felt, embodied experience of peace.” The lack of attention from academic researchers does not imply that no community media projects aimed at peace-building and conflict resolution have been organized. Different international institutions have been instrumental in supporting peace-building activities of community and especially UNESCO (with its Community Media Programme) has been at the forefront of these initiatives (Mainstreaming the Culture of Peace report, 2002; The United Nations System-wide Special Initiative on Africa report, in Matoko & Boafo, 1998). In addition, AMARC has been actively promoting the capacity of community media to support peace-building, especially through its women's network(s). But not all initiatives have been sustainable, for instance the UN peacekeeping radio stations have been critiqued for combining the lack of sustainability with the lack of local embeddedness (Orme, 2010). The political and media context in Cyprus The case study that will be discussed in this article, the Cyprus Community Media Center (CCMC), is based in Cyprus, which is one of the European countries characterized by a long-lasting conflict. Cyprus has been geographically and ethnically divided since 1974 when Turkey invaded the north and occupied 38% of the island, after decades of intercommunal tensions and violence. Since then, the two major communities, the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot have been living in two different parts of the country: the officially recognized by the international community Republic of Cyprus in the south and the Turkish-held auto-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in the north, recognized only by Turkey. The majority of the population on the island is Greek Orthodox (78%), with 18% of Muslims, and an overall 4% of Maronites, Armenian Apostolics, Catholics, and so forth (Vassiliadou, 2007, p. 201). The official languages are Greek and Turkish. According to the latest censuses, the population in 2011 was 840,407 in the south (Statistical Service of the Republic of Cyprus, 2012) and 294,906 in the north (). During the past decades there have been ongoing negotiations for a peaceful solution. The last peace plan proposed by the UN for the reunification of the island in 2004, known as the “Annan Plan,” in the form of a federation of two constituent states, was rejected by referendum in the Greek Cypriot community and accepted in the Turkish Cypriot community. As it had to be accepted by both communities in order to be applied, the island remains divided up today. The mainstream media in Cyprus have a lot in common with the media in other Southern European and Mediterranean countries (Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Mancini, 2005; Papathanassopoulos, 2004), and reflect, or are intertwined with the Cyprus Problem. First, there is a strong focus of the media on political life and a tradition in commentary-oriented or advocacy journalism, combined with close ties between the media (especially the newspapers) and the political parties. And even though the partisan press is declining (in the Turkish Cypriot community it is still alive), newspapers refrain from adopting an ideologically neutral editorial line, especially as ideology in connection to positions on the Cyprus Problem is still indicative of their identity (Christophorou, Şahin, & Pavlou, 2010, p. 6). There is a consensus in the Cypriot political scene, in society and largely in the media that if someone is very open and conciliatory toward the other she/he may be detrimental to the interests of the community, hence to the public interest. As Bläsi (2004, p. 9) argues: ‘[a]ctors on one's side who question their country's position and propose alternative forms of conflict resolution’ are condemned and “[o]ften they are denounced as disloyal.” Under this burden, journalists in Cyprus engage in censorship and self-censorship practices (Sophocleous, 2008, p. 170; Vassiliadou, 2007, p. 211). Not surprisingly, the Cyprus Problem is the main topic of discourse in the media on both parts of the island. Apart from the preponderance of the issue and its systematic priming in the news agendas of most media, a common reality both on the north and the south is a rather similar way of coverage, not on the perspectives and positions, as they often oppose each other, but on the practices resulting in the construction of their respective mediated reality (Christophorou et al., 2010). Nationalistic and conflict-oriented discourse through the media develops in similar patterns, accentuated by the unresolved division of the island (Bailie & Azgin, 2008, p. 57). Anastasiou (2002, pp. 588–589), building on the work of Ellul (1973, pp. 34–38) argues that “[i]n Cyprus, the nationalist propaganda that has been either consciously or indirectly assembled and disseminated over the years by the means of mass communication has transformed the experiences, perceptions, and interpretations rooted in the history of the conflict, from scattered suggestive tendencies, from implicit and individual references, to collectivized, crystallized stereotypes, and explicit meanings that in turn have come to integrate and condition public culture.” The Cyprus Community Media Centre At present there is no explicit recognition of community media in either part of Cyprus. Neither the internationally recognized Cyprus Radio and Television Authority (CyRTA), nor the Higher Broadcasting Authority in the northern part of Cyprus have made legislative provisions for analog or digital frequencies to be made available to community media organizations. Nevertheless, in 2009, the first community media organization was established in Cyprus in the form of the Cyprus Community Media Centre (CCMC), which will be the object of this case study. The CCMC itself is at the time of writing not a broadcasting community media organization. Financed by the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) Action for Cooperation & Trust in Cyprus (ACT), which is in turn financed by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), it fulfills its mission by providing training, loaning equipment to member organizations, creating productions for local organizations, staging public events, and offering media advice to members. In its “Foundation Charter” the mission of the CCMC is pithily summarized as “[e]mpowering a media literate and active society,” but it is especially in the description of its 10 core values where the link to conflict resolution is made explicit. The first item on the list of core values is to “[u]nite people and communities through community media based on coexistence, dialogue, inclusion, reconciliation, and respect for diversity.” In addition, the fifth core value emphasizes the inclusiveness of the CCMC (“We value and respect the contributions of all people in society and aim to provide a forum for diversity, multiculturalism, and social inclusion through community media production based on creativity, dialogue, and innovation”) and the ninth core value refers to the CCMC's opposition toward “all forms of discrimination based on concepts of race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, creed, and/or religious belief and views.” Method The aim of the CCMC case study is to analyze the role a community media organization plays within the reconciliation process on Cyprus. Typical for a case study approach—a methodological tradition in community media studies that will also be used here—is that “it attempts to examine: (a) a contemporary phenomenon in its real-life context, especially when (b) the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” and that several methods are combined to analyze “evidence [that] may come from fieldwork, archival records, verbal reports, observations, or any combination of these” (Yin, 1981, p. 59; see also Yin, 2002). Given the hybrid nature of the CCMC (see below), we will first analyze the general strategies of the CCMC toward this reconciliation process, and then focus on how its identity as a community media organization intersects with these general strategies. This will provide us with a first set of insights in relation toward the capacity of community media to support reconciliation. The second part of the analysis consists of an evaluation of these strategies, showing the limits experienced by the CCMC in realizing these strategies. Both analyses are methodologically supported by qualitative content analysis5 techniques (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005; Titscher, Meyer, Wodak, & Vetter, 2000; Wester 1995), which allow for the categorization of textual material through a series of iterative coding processes. The analyzed documents consist of a combination of public and internal CCMC documents, and interviews with key staff members (see Table 1). This analysis allows showing the complexity of the CCMC's identity, but also of the role that community media can play. At the same time, the use of (critical) interviews and internal documents compensates for the potential risk of bias brought about by the self-reporting of the CCMC in its external communication. Table 1 Analyzed Material Interviews with CCMC staff members . CCMC documents available online at http://www.cypruscommunitymedia.org/ . Internal documents . - Interview 1: Larry Fergeson (Project Manager) - Interview 2: Michael Simopoulos (Project Coordinator) - Interview 3: Sarah Malian and Beran Djemal (Outreach Officers) (all four staff members were interviewed on January 30, 2012, at the CCMC in Nicosia) - Foundation Charter (document) - About us (web page) - CCMC Members (web page) - FAQ (web page) - CCMC News (17 web pages) - Community News (29 web pages) - Cyprus Community Media Declaration - FAST FACTS. UNDP Action for Cooperation & Trust in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative (document) - CMI conference press release (document) - A Potential Untapped: Media Working Together Across the Divide in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative report (document) - Community Media Needs Assessment and Recommendations - CCMC CS needs assessment chart (May 2012) - Community Media Advocacy Plan draft document (June 2012) Documents about CCMC - Strategic Marketing Assessment for Cyprus Community Media Centre Interviews with CCMC staff members . CCMC documents available online at http://www.cypruscommunitymedia.org/ . Internal documents . - Interview 1: Larry Fergeson (Project Manager) - Interview 2: Michael Simopoulos (Project Coordinator) - Interview 3: Sarah Malian and Beran Djemal (Outreach Officers) (all four staff members were interviewed on January 30, 2012, at the CCMC in Nicosia) - Foundation Charter (document) - About us (web page) - CCMC Members (web page) - FAQ (web page) - CCMC News (17 web pages) - Community News (29 web pages) - Cyprus Community Media Declaration - FAST FACTS. UNDP Action for Cooperation & Trust in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative (document) - CMI conference press release (document) - A Potential Untapped: Media Working Together Across the Divide in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative report (document) - Community Media Needs Assessment and Recommendations - CCMC CS needs assessment chart (May 2012) - Community Media Advocacy Plan draft document (June 2012) Documents about CCMC - Strategic Marketing Assessment for Cyprus Community Media Centre Open in new tab Table 1 Analyzed Material Interviews with CCMC staff members . CCMC documents available online at http://www.cypruscommunitymedia.org/ . Internal documents . - Interview 1: Larry Fergeson (Project Manager) - Interview 2: Michael Simopoulos (Project Coordinator) - Interview 3: Sarah Malian and Beran Djemal (Outreach Officers) (all four staff members were interviewed on January 30, 2012, at the CCMC in Nicosia) - Foundation Charter (document) - About us (web page) - CCMC Members (web page) - FAQ (web page) - CCMC News (17 web pages) - Community News (29 web pages) - Cyprus Community Media Declaration - FAST FACTS. UNDP Action for Cooperation & Trust in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative (document) - CMI conference press release (document) - A Potential Untapped: Media Working Together Across the Divide in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative report (document) - Community Media Needs Assessment and Recommendations - CCMC CS needs assessment chart (May 2012) - Community Media Advocacy Plan draft document (June 2012) Documents about CCMC - Strategic Marketing Assessment for Cyprus Community Media Centre Interviews with CCMC staff members . CCMC documents available online at http://www.cypruscommunitymedia.org/ . Internal documents . - Interview 1: Larry Fergeson (Project Manager) - Interview 2: Michael Simopoulos (Project Coordinator) - Interview 3: Sarah Malian and Beran Djemal (Outreach Officers) (all four staff members were interviewed on January 30, 2012, at the CCMC in Nicosia) - Foundation Charter (document) - About us (web page) - CCMC Members (web page) - FAQ (web page) - CCMC News (17 web pages) - Community News (29 web pages) - Cyprus Community Media Declaration - FAST FACTS. UNDP Action for Cooperation & Trust in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative (document) - CMI conference press release (document) - A Potential Untapped: Media Working Together Across the Divide in Cyprus. Collaborative Media Initiative report (document) - Community Media Needs Assessment and Recommendations - CCMC CS needs assessment chart (May 2012) - Community Media Advocacy Plan draft document (June 2012) Documents about CCMC - Strategic Marketing Assessment for Cyprus Community Media Centre Open in new tab Conflict transformation strategies As an organization, the Ccmc is explicitly committed to conflict resolution in Cyprus, as the following citation from one of the interviews exemplifies: I think that there's something inherent in the community that wants to heal itself as well but doesn't know how and isn't supported structurally to do it. […] There's almost no place available to people to do this type of thing. Do I think that CCMC is that? No [emphasis]. But it could be one small outlet where energy is channeled. You know, and the theory is that if then that energy is channeled and the messages are compelling enough that people see a different message then that they have heard then perhaps they'll be able to relate, perhaps there will be this space for forgiveness created. (Interview Fergeson) To achieve this objective, three main strategies are used by the CCMC. The first strategy is based on the capacity building and skill enhancement of the CCMC members. Currently, the CCMC forms a network of 30 civil society actors, who are all Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot NGOs, working on a variety of topics, such as “health, the environment, human rights, women, youth, reconciliation, education, culture, and more” (“CCMC Members”). This strategy is aimed at providing “support [to] local organizations and community groups in communicating their message to a wider audience. [The CCMC] does this in many different ways, whether it's training, dedicated support, equipment loan, creating videos, taking photographs, holding public events, setting up online forums or even just being on the end of the phone, offering advice to its members” (“About CCMC”). The second general CCMC strategy is to bridge the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities on the island, bringing their member organizations (and others) together into one rhizomatic network. The physicality of the CCMC, with its offices within the green zone, plays a significant role here. It is “a space where people come to coproduce or discuss about how to do productions” (Interview Simopoulos). As outreach officer Sarah Malian formulates it, the CCMC is “a bridge for organizations on both sides of the island” (Interview Malian). The notions of copresence, collaboration, and coproduction, are seen as important conflict resolution mechanisms that create a sense of togetherness, transgressing the frontiers between both communities: “we link them together, partnering them into communication strategies, advocacy planning, trainings […]. So that now we've been able to link people together who share a common interest that still may not agree on a political level but they can humanize the other through their other coshared interest” (Interview Fergeson). A third general strategy is to affect mainstream media content and produce alternative media content that provides a more diverse and less conflicteous representation of the island. One of the CCMC's aims is to promote “a diversity of opinions or voices” (Interview Simopoulos), and to “diversify the media landscape” (“FAQ”); the CCMC achieves this objective by producing its own media material, sometimes together with its members (although not being a broadcasting organization) and by establishing partnerships with mainstream media organizations (e.g., through the CCMC's Collaborative Media Initiative project). This strategy intersects with the bridging-both-communities strategy, both materially, by bringing (media and CSO) people together, and symbolically, by bridging both Cypriot communities whose media provide very different (but locally homogenized) representations: “When you read both media, it's like these people weren't even in the same room and they are describing the same event” (Interview Fergeson). Currently, the main emphasis of the CCMC is on working with mainstream media, with, for instance, a radio show on Radio Mayis, a podcast on CyBC2 Radio and columns in a Cypriot weekly, and by supporting a bicommunity radio collaboration project on Radio Astra and Radio Mayis (called Anahtar Media): “The priority is not on creating our own medium, it's about diversifying the content within the main distributor with a civil society angle to it” (Interview Simopoulos). These more general strategies are not necessarily connected with the identity of community media, as many types of (civil society) organizations could implement them. But in addition to these three general strategies, the CCMC also uses two strategies which are linked tighter to the practices and identities of community media. As mentioned before, the CCMC does not exclusively rely on mainstream media, but also (co-)produces and distributes its own alternative content. The Strategic Marketing Assessment document mentions 40 completed productions, one year and a half after the UNDP started funding the CCMC, with another 80 productions planned. In the descriptions of this production process, we can find rhetorics which are typical for community media, for instance when, during the interviews, one of the outreach officers says that “it's about demystifying processes of media production for people” (Interview Malian). In the interviews and documents, the opportunities for creating more diverse representations about the Cyprus Problem, supported by more creative media formats, are also emphasized. In the Foundation Charter a similar reference can be found: “By providing an additional voice to accommodate unheard and alternative stories in society we hope to stimulate thinking by encouraging critical debate and advocacy.” These opportunities to produce (community media) content also connect to the more general objectives, by bringing together people from the two communities, and by training CCMC's members (by doing).6 As the project manager explains: We tend to think that it gives a voice to all communities in some way, shape or form. And that it adds to reconciliation by its sheer presence in the sense that during our workshops and trainings it brings people closer together so that they are interacting and also [doing] joint productions and things like this. (Interview Fergeson) A second community media-related reconciliation strategy is the advocacy efforts to establish (more) community media in Cyprus. In its Foundation Charter, this ambition, and its relevance, is formulated as follows: To “[u]nite people and communities through community media based on coexistence, dialogue, inclusion, reconciliation and respect for diversity.” The main translation of this ambition consists of the support for the development of community media legislation and the establishment of CCMC as representative body of community media on the island. In June 2012, the CCMC wrote a draft Community Media Advocacy Plan, which sets as main goals that “Cyprus adopts legislation that recognizes CM as part of the media landscape, and funding mechanisms in support of the sector established” and that “CCMC [is] established as the Cyprus representative body for the community media broadcasting sector to Government, industry and regulatory bodies.” This ambition has not been fully realized yet, as one of the interviewees remarks: “I think that we need to be doing more advocacy based work with the authorities with regards to legislation” (Interview Simopoulos). If more community media are established on the island, then the CCMC would see itself as “a hub,” “a little bit like the CMA in the UK,” as Simopoulos explains during the interview: “If I looked at a map of Cyprus, for example, I'd like to see at least one community media center or organization, dotted around certain parts of the island. With the central heart being here [at the CCMC].” The many thresholds The reconciliatory role the CCMC plays within Cypriot society is not straightforward, and during the interviews and in the documents a wide variety of structural problems are mentioned and discussed. The first set of problems is related to the societal–political context in which the CCMC has to function. Although Cyprus's EU membership has reduced the pressure on organizations like the CCMC, Cyprus remains a divided society. As one of the interviewees remarked: It's almost impossible to think about community media in those terms without involving the conflict at some point. It's almost impossible. As it is in daily life for everybody. It's almost impossible to avoid the conflict at some level. (Interview Fergeson) The increased sense of freedom to publicly defend a reconciliatory agenda, without the risk of being branded a traitor, has not completely replaced the instability created by the logics of division, which is strengthened by the always present possibility of a return to more radical positions. This has caused the CCMC to develop a series of scenarios, to deal with either the consolidation of the island's re-unification as a federation, or its partition. Moreover, in the current configuration, the division has led to the existence of two politico-legal systems, with two media environments and two (imaginary) communities who use different languages. This in itself enhances the division, according to the CCMC: Media institutions communicate to their audience in two different languages, Greek and Turkish. […] This trend […] disables and discourages independent and investigative journalistic research and reporting. Infrastructure also impedes effective communication between the two communities. The communications systems are completely separate. (“A Potential Untapped”) This legal reality also impacts directly on the CCMC's organizational structure, as it required the establishment of two separate NGOs. But also culturally, this de facto partition impacted on the Cypriots, not making reconciliation work any easier: The people who have lived in the north for these past forty years have really only received their information, their goods and things from Turkey. So some of their viewing habits, their likes, their dislikes, the marketing that they've endured over this time has to be tailored towards them in order to attract them. (Interview Fergeson) Another contextual element inhibitive toward the CCMC reconciliatory work is the strong market-oriented nature of the country, combined with the relative weakness of civil society. In all interviews the “noncoordinated” and “underdeveloped” nature of civil society (Interview Fergeson) is emphasized, in combination with differences between the civil society cultures and structures in the north and south, and the differences between old and new NGOs. Finally, also the lack of specific legislation on community media, in both parts of the island, impedes upon the realization of the CCMC's objectives: “But once you create the precedent of legal, and I go back to the word legal cause I just think that's how Cyprus works, but if you create the precedent then people will then see that this is workable, sustainable, possible, can provide quality programming” (Interview Simopoulos). A second strand of problems in relation to the CCMC's reconciliatory role is caused by the complexities of the definition and identity of community media. The CCMC sees itself as a community media organization, partially based on a narration of its origins: “It really came from the grassroots itself. There wasn't a situation where the Americans or UNDP or UN came in and said we want to establish a center, we're going to hire professionals and here we go, this is what we're going to do” (Interview Fergeson). Also some key characteristics of community media, like its aim to serve the Cypriot communities, its embeddedness in civil society, its nonprofit nature, its role as a crossroads for a diversity of organizations, and the production of alternative content are emphasized. At the same time, the interviewees emphasize the CCMC's hybrid nature, sometimes very explicitly: “I think it's a hybrid. It's certainly not a pure community media organization” (Interview Simopoulos). The wide variety of (general and specific) objectives, causing time constraints, but also the low priority given to community media advocacy and the risk of the general objectives overshadowing the organization's specific objectives are all mentioned as structural limitations and threats, for instance, when discussing the CCMC's future: “So it would be like a multifaceted organization or it could go another way in a sense that it neglects the community media angle of its work and just becomes a civil society media centre. Not a community media centre” (Interview Simopoulos). In addition, sustainability issues also complicate the CCMC's reconciliatory role. As is often happens with community media, their existence is filled with uncertainties; it is permanently threatened. In the case of the CCMC, the organization is still dependent on one donor (the UNDP), and its Action (ACT) is only funded until 2013. The ACT is now in its third and final phase, focussing on sustainability. For the CCMC this implies resolving the following question: “How do we go from a one project-donor to either multi-project donors or some sort of business scheme where we rent out equipment, we rent our space, sell our products, whatever it may be” (Interview Fergeson). This raises new questions, about the nonprofit nature of the CCMC, as the project coordinator remarks: “How then do you balance the profit or non-profit side of your work?” (Interview Simopoulos). Moreover, the search for additional resources also increases the staff's workload: “You are running a project full time, which is the UNDP project, but you're also being asked to find other projects to cover your own salary which means that you have to do them. And there's only 24 hours in a day” (Interview Simopoulos). The final problem, related to the community media identity of the CCMC, is the difficulties the CCMC is experiencing in dealing with the communities it is seeking to serve. The model the CCMC is using to reach “its” communities (and to facilitate their participation within the organization and through the organization) is based on the translation (or operationalization) of the community concept into NGO membership of the CCMC. Although the construction of CCMC's organizational structure is still ongoing, the project coordinator's description shows the strong focus on NGOs as representatives of the communities: It will be run by local organizations who'll eventually have ultimate decision-making power; hopefully, with the involvement from those organizations and not just reliance on the staff capacity to run the center. This is one of the things that came up in the recent board meeting about how all the different NGOs participate in not just the board level decisions but also in the day to day running of the centre. (Interview Simopoulos) Obviously, representation is always and necessarily incomplete (Young, 2000). The CCMC staff members show awareness of the risks that this close relationship with specific civil society organization encompasses. First of all, there is the risk of incorporation by these CSOs which would bring the CCMC to neglect “the community media angle of its work and just become a civil society media centre” (Interview Simopoulos). In some cases, the NGOs involved had very different expectations: “We even had some members dropping out saying what was promised to us was that CMCC was a service provider” (Interview Djemal). Also the collaboration between the different organizations is not always easy, for instance, with different interpretations of time management (“Strategic Marketing Assessment”). Moreover, the structural openness toward NGO membership might also bring in more radical NGOs, opposed to the reconciliation process, putting pressure on the participatory model the CCMC is using, although the staff members see the CCMC's Foundation Charter as sufficient protection. Second, the close relationship with CSOs also impedes upon the possibility of establishing connections with other segments of the communities the CCMC seeks to serve, blocking off the further development of the rhizome. As one of the outreach officers explains: “I think we lose the rhythm with the communities in general. Maybe we are communicating with our members, but CCMC should be something more … belong to the community” (Interview Djemal). Reaching these communities, and establishing their needs, is also not without problems. Keeping, for instance, the people who received training from the CCMC involved in the organization has not always been easy. But especially once the safety of the representational model (based on NGOs membership) is left behind, and the CCMC tries to reach out to the communities of Cyprus, beyond these NGOs, the complexity of the signifier “community” becomes very apparent. Even when only considering the different ethnic/religious communities on the island, the interviewees refer (apart from Greek and Turkish Cypriots) to Maronites, Filipinos, Palestinians, and Russians, leading the project manager to remark: “you can't represent all segments of the community regardless of what you call the community” (Interview Fergeson). Capturing their needs, and respecting their diversity, however important it is to the CCMC, remains difficult. Here, the locality of the CCMC, based in the Cypriot capital, becomes a problem, which also explains the CCMC's efforts to establish CCMC community spaces island-wide. Another problem is related to providing a voice to this multitude of communities, and to enabling them to enter into a dialogue. One element here is the lack of awareness of the Cypriots about what community media have to offer, as the project coordinator explains: “I don't think they're aware. I don't think they're aware, I think that the media, mainstream media has such a strong hold on the market here” (Interview Simopoulos). But also the language diversity is generating structural problems for the CCMC, as “there are so few people who'll speak Greek and Turkish” (Interview Malian). There is no money or staff for translations (Interview Djemal & “Strategic Marketing Assessment”), which in turn has led to the “over-dominance” of English (Interview Malian). The third strand of problems for the CCMC in fulfilling its reconciliatory role is grounded in the sometimes difficult relationships with other organizations and institutions. As already mentioned, the relation with the CCMC's NGO members is characterized by a series of complexities, but also the relationship with the CCMC's main donor, the UNDP, who is responsible for the ACT and for managing the financial resources made available by USAID, generates difficulties. Some of these issues are ideological, as being “funded by the Americans” (Interview Simopoulos) is still frowned upon. Some problems are very practical, like fluctuating exchange rates (“Strategic Marketing Assessment”). Also difficulties in dealing with the UNDP bureaucracy and its many rules and policies,7 and in respecting the obligations arising from the UNDP funding are frequently mentioned. Especially the impact of the UNDP rules on the media output of the CCMC itself is framed as problematic, as “everything we make is signed off by UNDP because they fund everything” (Interview Malian). This jeopardizes the CCMC's independence and puts limits to the alternativeness of the content produced by the CCMC. A bit to their surprise, the CCMC staff members acknowledge the support from the local governments, which are (after the entry of the island into the EU) more “favourable towards cross-community work” (Interview Simopoulos). When explicitly asked about the CCMC's political enemies or adversaries, the project manager answers: “It's very common in the Cyprus Problem for that to happen. And it's very common in small communities too. […] From what I've seen so far, no. […] From my experience, I've never experienced anything, in an official capacity or even a non-official capacity, where we'd been denied or told no or you can't do this, you know.” Also the commercial media organizations seem to have accepted the CCMC's argument that they are not rivals or competitors: “We haven't had any media channel come and complain about us. We haven't had a production house come and say: Why are you doing productions? […] we tend to have quite good relationship with everyone, at least neutral.” Conclusion The CCMC example illustrates that community media can play a role in conflict resolution, but this case study also shows the complexities and restrictions of their interventionist capacity, even when exclusively focussing on the CCMC (and disregarding the perspectives other Cypriot actors might have on their role). Community media studies have often neglected how community media can contribute in areas ridden with conflict to more peaceful ways of cohabitation. Their participatory-democratic ideology brings them to enhance pluralism and dialogue, which are vital tools for conflict resolution and reconciliation. Because of their openness toward different voices in society, allowing them to produce content within the same physical and symbolic environment, they become meeting places for the different actors involved in the conflict. By allowing these actors to work together on specific media content and projects, which form alternatives to the content produced by Cypriot mainstream media, but also by having them decide collectively on the community media organization itself, they become sites of collaboration and collective decision making, transgressing the dichotomized realities of conflict. Their role in conflict resolution and reconciliation is further strengthened by their very nature as medium, which allows them to act as discursive machineries that make these sometimes still counterhegemonic discourses on peace circulate within society. Here, it is important to remark that their strength does not lie in the explicit celebration of peace and reconciliation, and that is not a matter of creating an unstoppable flow of propagandistic peace messages. Their strength lies in the generation of a discourse of peace through bicommunity collaboration and dialogue about the infinitude of everyday life topics, where “peace” and “reconciliation” are not even necessarily mentioned but are permanently signified and performed (see Rodríguez, 2011). The CCMC shows that this capacity can be realized in actual practice, by empowering and networking civil society, serving and bridging the two communities, affecting mainstream media content, producing their own alternative content, and advocating for more community media organizations. The CCMC's mere existence, also as a physical location, is already in itself a significant contribution to the Cyprus conflict resolution process, as it is one of the rare meeting points of organized Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Also representatives of the NGO members of the CCMC acknowledge the CCMC's role. For instance, two representatives of the NGO Support Centre are quoted in the CCMC CS Needs Assessment Chart document saying “You [the CCMC] have been extremely effective in bringing together CSOs from both communities into a space for media creation and innovation.” But at the same time, we should not overestimate the potential impact of the CCMC—still a very small and young organization—on the long and slow process of conflict resolution. To repeat the words of the project manager mentioned before: the CCMC is “one small outlet where energy is channeled” (Interview Fergeson). We should also not fall into the trap of blindly celebrating community media, defining them as a catch-all solution, or assume that community media will never be dragged into a conflict, forsaking their participatory-democratic remit. Finally, we should not remain blind for the vulnerable position they often have in society, and for the problems inherent to the community media model. The problems of the CCMC are not so much related to their hybrid and rhizomatic nature, but are partially generated by the problems community media always have to face. As is often the case, the relationship of the CCMC with the communities it seeks to serve is complex and the participatory logics are not always easy to translate into practice. This is further complicated by the ever-returning issues of sustainability and autonomy and by the many objectives the organization has set for itself. In a country where there are actually no community media and no legislation for community media, the CCMC serves as community media facilitator, as CSO facilitator, and as a mediator amongst CSOs, community media, mass media organizations, and (the rest of) society. Another cluster of problems is generated by the context of conflictuality in which the CCMC has to function. The specificity of the context, whether it is legal/regulatory, political or societal always impacts on community media. Being able to contribute to conflict resolution also obviously means having to function within the conflict itself, which is far from easy and even potentially dangerous. Despite these problems, related to the community media model and to the embeddedness within a conflict, the CCMC shows that community media can play a significant role in conflict resolution, creating more opportunities for mutual understanding and for the humanization of the other. Notes 1 " The World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters is usually referred to by its French acronym AMARC, or the Association Mondiale des Radio diffuseurs Communautaires. The AMARC website can be found at http://www.amarc.org. 2 " Also European policymakers have recently recognized the role and value of community media. In the European Parliament's Resolution of 25 September 2008 on Community Media in Europe (European Parliament, 2008a, 2008b), community media are endorsed as “an effective means of strengthening cultural and linguistic diversity, social inclusion and local identity.” The resolution also stresses “that community media promote intercultural dialogue by educating the general public, combating negative stereotypes and correcting the ideas put forward by the mass media regarding communities within society threatened with exclusion,” and the EU member states are advised “to give legal recognition to community media as a distinct group alongside commercial and public media where such recognition is still lacking.” 3 " A few exceptions are listed in Rodríguez (2011, p. 20). 4 " Rodríguez calls them citizen's media. 5 " The term qualitative content analysis is preferred to the much broader term of textual analysis. 6 " The abovementioned Strategic Marketing Assessment document reported on 200 persons that had been trained in its second year of operation. 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TI - Community Media for Reconciliation: A Cypriot Case Study
JF - Communication Culture and Critique
DO - 10.1111/cccr.12017
DA - 2014-12-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/community-media-for-reconciliation-a-cypriot-case-study-aF5Omg0ItM
SP - 415
VL - 7
IS - 4
DP - DeepDyve
ER -