TY - JOUR
AU - McLean,, Robert
AB - Abstract Utilizing interviews with 42 current and ex-street offenders, this study explores the relationship between street gang organization and robbery. Robbery type is affected by level of organization exhibited by the gang. For recreational and territorial young street gangs, robbery is opportunistic, occurring in a diffuse manner, and conducted individually, even when others are present as ‘backup’. For criminal gangs, robbery is often planned in advance with proceeds of crime divided more evenly amongst group members. Serious Organized Crime gangs are typically more specialized; thus, robbery may often be the gang’s main ‘occupation’. For organized crime groups, robbery most often occurs in the illegitimate market, but can be aimed at legitimate and highly profitable institutions. We make sense of these findings with reference to street capital theory and present implications for future research and practice. Introduction Although a long-standing stable component of interpersonal violence and gang behaviours, street robbery remains comparatively under-researched in the United Kingdom with scholarly analysis mostly focused on victim profiles, offender motivations or type of violence employed. Such specifics have perhaps obscured closer examination of how both victims and offenders are ordered in social space and the variable employment of differing methods. This apparent research gap is even more evident when one considers the utilization of robbery within a street gang context where variable employment of robbery might be determinant upon status within a gang hierarchy. Setting aside opportunistic robberies conducted by individuals (e.g. by drug misusers seeking to fund a habit), we set out to specifically consider the relationship between street robbery and street gangs. To inform this article, we conducted in-depth interviews with 42 current and ex-street offenders (aged 16–35 years), thereby producing a short typology of gang organization and street robbery. Prior to exploring our data, we begin by situating this study in the extant literature on street robbery and its utilization as part of street gang repertoire of violence. Existing research on robbery In English law, robbery is defined under Section 8(1) of the Theft Act 1968. According to the law, ‘A person is guilty of robbery if he steals, and immediately before or at the time of doing so, and in order to do so, he uses force on any person, or puts or seeks to put any person in fear of being then and there subjected to force’ (Smith 2003). Street robbery, street crime and mugging are often considered to be synonymous with robbery despite having a different application (Stockdale and Gresham 1998). For example, the classic study by Hall et al. (1978: 327), Policing the Crisis, explored the construction of the moral panic around ‘predatory’ young black males and ‘mugging’. Informed by the labelling theories of Howard Becker and Edwin Lemert, Hall et al. concluded that the term ‘mugging’ and the epithet ‘mugger’ themselves functioned as a disturbing reductionism for ‘black crime’ created by the law-and-order institutions tasked with controlling it. Beyond the construction of street robbery, however, Jacobs and Wright (1999) consider the motivations for committing it, setting their research against the backdrop of anomie, labelling and structural factors of unemployment, drug abuse and limited opportunities arising from deprivation. For disadvantaged youth, legal work or ‘legitimate employment is not a realistic solution’, neither is borrowing (157). Instead, street robbery offers solutions—an easy cash-generator inherently less risky than burglary, which only generates goods for trade. Street robbery is over quickly and getting caught is a ‘remote and improbable contingency’ (Shover 1996: 102). Jacobs and Wright (1999: 156) suggest that robbers seek fast cash and must keep up appearances by displaying ‘the fetishized consumption of personal, nonessential, status-enhancing items’, which Anderson (1999) validates by noting street culture demands a bold display of contemporary status symbols (see also, Katz 1988). According to Jacobs and Wright (1999), street life, with its fast-paced, hedonistic, expressive and self-indulgent norms, presents a cycle of behaviour that traps some young men in an ever-present need for cash, often leading to ‘desperation’. Lofland (1969) posits that people operating under pressure seek to swiftly alleviate that pressure; thus, robbery is adopted as ‘pressure’ relief. Shover (1996) believes such relief is only ever temporary as the proceeds gained by robbery only ‘enable’ further action. Jacobs and Wright (1999) term this reinforcing behaviour, the Etiological Cycle of Robbery. Linking back to identifiable risk factors, they argue that offenders are ‘overwhelmed by their own predicament – emotional, financial, pharmacological and otherwise – and see robbery as the only way out’ (167). This argument implies a form of emotional desperation to which robbery is a logical crisis relief. Drug abuse by opportunistic individuals might fit this schema as noted in England, by the Joint Inspection of Street Crime Initiative, which identified ‘that many of the most prolific adult S[treet] C[rime] offenders were indeed misusers of Class A drugs’ (Home Office 2003). In the United Kingdom, where robbery scholarship often focuses on serious armed robbery (Wright et al. 2006) rather than low-level street robbery, we acknowledge the Home Office review by Smith in 2003. Smith (2003) found personal robbery victims (76 per cent) and suspects (94 per cent) were mostly male with robberies mostly conducted using two or more suspects (62 per cent). The younger the victim, moreover, the larger the group of offenders involved. Smith also identified five distinct types of street robbery offending: Blitz (dramatic overwhelming to control or stun), Confrontation (property demands using threats), Con (deceiving victims via forms of street interaction), Snatch (grabbing property without prior interaction) and Victim-initiated (such as via drug deals or procuring sex). Also in the United Kingdom, Hallsworth’s (2005) purview of street robbery followed the key arguments of Routine Activities Theory insomuch that robbery occurred where motivated offenders and suitable targets converged and capable guardians were absent (Cohen and Felson 1979; Felson and Clarke 1998). Much lauded by the Home Office, related opportunity perspectives have been central to how Britain sought to reduce street robbery (see Stockdale and Gresham 1998; Burrows et al. 2003; Tilley et al. 2004; Curran et al. 2005; Home Office 2006). Wright et al. (2006) suggest the motivations of UK street robbers match those of the United States, whilst identifying the shortcomings of rational choice theory as an overarching explanation, arguing it oversimplifies a highly complex process (Shover 1991; Wright and Decker 1994) whilst obscuring the wider cultural context of offending. Respondents in their sample committed street robberies not to sustain their material lives but their hedonistic lifestyles. Wright et al. (2006: 13) argue rational choice theorists overlook the fact that street robbers operate within a pre-existing cultural context that values toughness and violence and where a street reputation ‘would be compromised by the disciplined subordination to authority demanded by most employers’. Deakin et al. (2007) noted behavioural practice and use of violence were dependent upon victim selection with older, drug-using respondents more likely to employ violence as a necessary practice. Victim selection was also determined by ‘a complex and insightful understanding of non-verbal communication and body language on the part of the offender’ (65; see also, Collins 2009). Violent victimization can be avoided through careful reading of these behavioural cues and ‘signals’ (Densley 2012a), especially in spaces where the ‘street code’ thrives (Anderson 1999). Numerous ethnographic studies have documented how young people ‘living the drama’ (e.g. Harding 2010) evaluate the authenticity of those around them and campaign to gain expressive rewards such as honour or respect through violence (Horowitz 1983). Street robbery and street gangs Interestingly, research on street robbery in Scotland, the site of this study, is all but absent, save for brief mentions in Scottish ‘gangs’ literature (e.g. Smith and Bradshaw 2005). Gangs have long existed in Scotland with the largest city, Glasgow, synonymous with ‘gang culture’ (see Patrick 1973; Deuchar 2009, 2016; Davies 2013; Fraser 2015). McLean (2018) argues a number of different gang types exist in the Scottish context, each with their own features, which when examined in comparative perspective appear like stages in the life cycle of the gang. First, there are Young Street Gangs (YSGs), essentially recreational fighting groups. Next, there are Youth Crime Group (YCGs), engaged in more instrumental crime. And finally, Serious Organized Crime Groups (SOCGs) engaged in illicit enterprise and, in some cases, illegal governance for communities (see Campana and Varese 2018; McLean et al. 2018a). It is important to put McLean’s work into broader context. There is some debate over the threshold level of organization needed for a group to be called a ‘gang’ or an organized crime group (see von Lampe 2016). However, research indicates that gang organization exists on a continuum (Densley 2014), with ‘instrumental-rational’ (organized) groups at one extreme and ‘informal-diffuse’ (disorganized) groups on the other (Decker et al. 1998; 2008). For this reason, organizational structure is largely a descriptor rather than a definer of groups, provided it satisfies a minimal threshold of members and maintains a collective identity (Klein and Maxson 2006). Gang activity, like gang structure, also exists on a continuum. Gang members are known to engage in ‘cafeteria style’ offending (Klein 1995: 132), but crime type might be dictated by the evolutionary stage the gang is in and its overarching aims (Densley 2012b; 2014). In its embryonic stages, when gangs more closely resemble ‘peer groups’, robbery might be a means to ‘break the humdrum of routine’ (Thrasher 1927: 82). But as gangs mature, with focus shifting from recreational to financial gains, robbery potentially becomes more central to group goals (Densley 2014). Hence, Varese (2010) argues that organized crime should be defined on the basis of activities rather than organizational structure. This study follows this logic and focuses squarely on what the gang actually does. Studies find a connection between the organizational structure of the gang and the level of organization in offending, particularly violent crime (Sheley et al. 1995; Decker et al. 1998; Bouchard and Spindler 2010). Notably, Peterson et al. (2001) found gang organization, specifically its gender composition, predicted levels of involvement in property, violent and drug crimes. Decker et al. (2008: 169) similarly found, ‘The more organized the gang, even at low levels of organization, the more likely it is that members will be involved in violent offences, drug sales, and violent victimizations’. The question for the current study is to what extent does this ring true for street robbery. The Current Study We acknowledge the background of street robbery motivation pertains to a cultural context of limited youth opportunities (Pitts 2008) coupled with desire to acquire high-value commodities that sustain hedonistic lifestyles (Jacobs 2000). However, foreground issues are less well mapped out. Existing street robbery research has hitherto failed to engage with illuminating concepts of social control (Black 1983), habitus and social field (Bourdieu 1984), street capital (Harding 2014) and social capital (Halpern 2005; Deuchar 2009). Each of these offers a theoretical perspective whose interface with street robbery sheds fresh light on this old topic. Although the portability of high-value items such as iPads and iPhones offers monetary benefits to robbers, the monetary value is often only effectively realized if robbers are criminally networked into individuals able to fence stolen goods. Such links might help individual drug users raise their required cash. However, street robbery also operates within the context of a street gang and in this way we argue that the presentation of street robbery and its employment operates differently within different social fields and street contexts. We argue that concepts of street capital (Harding 2014) legitimize street robbery as a form of strategizing through which skills are acquired, displayed and honed. This in turn offers strategic advancement leading to elevation through street gang hierarchies, from YSGs to SOCGs. We conceive each of these criminally oriented groups as co-joined but slightly different social fields where membership, rules and criminal repertoire have been altered and modified to reflect age, experience and position in the criminal hierarchy (Harding 2014). To expand this thesis, further we propose a typology of street robbery illustrating how it adapts and changes in both style and technique with upward progression within the gang hierarchy from YSG to SOCG. To illustrate this, we have elected to establish this argument within a Scottish context, focusing specifically on the criminal gang hierarchy and how robbery is strategically employed to gain elevation then sustain position within the social fields. Method Within the wider context of a qualitative research study focused on gang membership, offending and evolution in Glasgow (Scotland’s largest city), data were gathered between 2012 and 2016. Extensive and multiple semi-structured interviews were conducted with young people over the age of 16 years who had been involved in gang-related, organized criminal activity (specifically drug dealing; Scottish Government 2015). We acknowledge that by focusing on participants embedded in gangs and organized crime, the voices of small-scale drug users and dealers who may be involved in street robbery but who are not gang members are excluded, and this is a limitation. Still, we present data from a unique ‘hard-to-reach’ sample population (Bhopal and Deuchar 2016), accessed via a combined purposive and snowball sample that started with frontline practitioners in outreach projects acting as gatekeepers. In total, we conducted interviews with 34 young men and 8 young women; of these, 10 were ex-offenders and 32 active offenders (aged 16–35 years), and all were raised in the most socially disadvantaged areas of Glasgow. Our flexible interview schedule enabled attitudes and beliefs to be foregrounded from the perspective of insiders whilst privileging their collective voice (Carlsson 2012; Holligan and Deuchar 2015). Whenever possible, multiple interviews (between one and five; lasting on average one hour) were scheduled for each participant. Most were interviewed on a one-to-one basis, although three interviews were group interviews. Whenever feasible, data were triangulated through discussions with other interviewees or participants voluntarily providing corroborating evidence. Interviews were digitally recorded then transcribed, coded and analyzed thematically (Creswell 1994). Ethical approval was granted by the researcher’s home institution. Names are pseudonyms, and some dates/locations have been changed to help preserve confidentiality. Findings Our findings are presented under three headings. Each heading relates to the level of gang organization and outlines how robbery may present itself at each stage. These headings are YSG and Robbery, YCG and Robbery and SOCG and Robbery. Respondent names are pseudonyms and some dates and locations have been changed to protect participant identity. YSG and robbery Although Glasgow YSGs typically comprise both core and peripheral members, nonetheless such groups are inherently recreational. Although the number of YSGs in Glasgow has varied, at the peak of YSG violence in the early 2000s, Police Scotland identified 170 YSGs operating within their geographical remit. Over 1,700 YSG members were identified (Centre for Social Justice 2009). When criminality occurs in YSGs, more often than not this involves core members, although peripheral members may be present. The types of delinquent and criminal activities that YSGs engage in is generally minor, expressive crime such vandalism, graffiti and drink/drug taking with occasional gang fighting, as the statements later suggest: I like a wee toke (smoking cannabis) with [friends]. … Helps me chill out and stop stressing. … Probably drunk most weekends and toured the streets wi’ [my] muckers, having a laugh, shit. (Del) Most [of the] time we hung out was spent getting high. Used to meet up down the woods to take buckets[(consuming cannabis using a plastic bottle]. … People would take turns in getting the [cannabis]. I used to get it [from my older brother], but they had to pay me back. … Or sometimes we would all chip in. I got it but so didn’t pay. (Fraser) I hung around wi’ my best pal and only really seen the other lads (YSG members and associates) if I got a Facebook [message] or call about a fight happening … [or] when I see them at the dancing [on weekends], or doing [other] stuff. (Henry) As illustrated earlier, YSGs are essentially recreational outfits that occasionally engage in delinquent and criminal acts. Group formation is essentially driven by social factors, of which delinquency is a potential and not a given. Such delinquency is more likely to occur at certain times, events (i.e. weekends, clubbing), where drink and drugs were frequently consumed. Yet as Fraser notes, drug taking and drug supply are rarely distinct; an idea consistent with the work of Coomber and Moyle (2014) and others. When YSGs do engage in drug supply, often this is in terms of social supply as opposed to outright drug dealing proper. Cannabis use can be heavy. Robbery is one of several activities employed by gang-affiliated young people as part of a strategy for advancement within the social field of this peer group. In this way, street robbery includes the manufacture of ‘street capital’ (Harding 2014) to help them build their status and reputation amongst peers or used as an opportunity to demonstrate trust and in-group loyalty (Halpern 2005; Densley 2012a). At this level, and within this context, three forms of robbery are most frequent: (1) opportunistic robbery of criminal peers; (2) street robbery of peer groups (e.g. clubbers); and (3) Street robbery of the general public. Clearly, the latter two forms listed earlier are usually undertaken in small groups or duos, whereas opportunistic robbery might be undertaken by one individual against another. Opportunistic robbery of criminal peers Although robbery is often a group or dual activity, some individuals from YSGs will commit robbery against other peers perceived, or known, to be criminally active. Here the individual acts as a lone operator. Often this is a form of criminal opportunism and ‘seizing the moment’. Transactional insecurity is widely recognized amongst the drug-dealing fraternity and accepted as part of life. Waldo recalls a past drugs transaction in which he robbed the dealer: [I] knew the [dealers]. … [He] stayed [near] me, [and was] a bit younger. [I] heard he was selling [ecstasy tablets]. … I didn’t go [out] to rob him, but after I bought the pills I seen him take out a wad of cash and though ‘fuck it, am taking that. … [I] Just said “give me that”. Obv[iously] he was shocked, but fuck it. [I] Got up in his face … [and] he shat it and gave me the money. [I] took the pills as well. … I don’t feel bad. He knew what he was getting into … his fault for no[t] protecting himself.’ (William) For William, robbery was not planned but opportunistic and ad hoc to the circumstances. This robbery strategy involved a rapid risk assessment of the situation and the dealer’s personal attributes (i.e. is the dealer [soon to be opponent] ‘tooled up’ or ready to fight back; is he stoned, relaxed, in his own domain or elsewhere; able to acquire assistance from others, etc.). Sometimes these assessments are conducted over time establishing a basic assumption that this person is ‘takeable’. An asymmetric imbalance of physicality might influence this judgement. A further element of asymmetric imbalance is that the robber simply wants the cash more than the victim and is prepared to do what it takes to get it. Here a sudden rush of the victim or a sudden switch in persona will provoke shock and demonstrate unpredictability. Violence is also available. On occasion this form of ‘ambush’ robbery can be more skilfully planned (Wright and Decker 1997: 98). By fitting into the street world as a drug consumer, would-be assailants can establish co-presence and use these short transactions to establish where drugs and cash are secreted. These ‘set-up buys’ permit risk assessment of viability and defensibility. Justification or techniques of neutralization (Sykes and Matza 1957) are often offered up as a way of rationalizing why violent robbery is suddenly necessary, e.g. the dealer was careless, annoying, unprofessional, ‘taking the piss’, or waving money around. The key technique of neutralization being, ‘he knew what he was getting into’. In this way, robbery of a criminal peer is an expected and well-understood condition of The Game. It also assures, and confirms that within The Game rules (Harding 2014), snitching or reporting to the police will not occur, not least due to the primary criminal activity involved in dealing drugs (see also Anderson 1999). The use of weapons in robbery is common. Our study participants who had partaken in robbery, or been victims of robbery, spoke of knife use, or threat, as frequent in such attacks. Steff’s statement captures this process: [Most] guys I know [that] rob folk [do] carry blades … [because] the guy (victim) will be [more likely] to hand over his stuff … makes [the robbery] quick (Steff) As Steff points out, opportunistic robbery often requires production of a blade. This expedites the incident by visually illustrating both intent and capacity to use violence. A fast execution of a robbery will help the attacker avoid apprehension. Core YSG members were more inclined to carry knives (see Violence Reduction Unit [VRU] 2011). Knife-carrying practices increase the likelihood for opportunistic robbery, as Vince, who was incarcerated for this offence, explains: Not as if I thought I am going take this dagger, rob that cunt, and plug him. Isn’t how shit happened. Had the dagger cause [YSG rival] was pure out scanning the place, [he was] after me. Me and [YSG friend’s A, B, and C] bumped into [YSG rival’s] two mates. Things got out of hand, didn’t they! We cornered them … made them hug each other, shit, like gays (laughs). … I took the dagger out, [said] ‘gees your jackets or you’re getting made into a fucking teabag’. [I] thought I was being funny … [probably because] my mates were there. You see your chance don’t you, you take it. (Vince) Outnumbering his rivals and being armed with a blade stacked the odds in clear favour of Vince and his companions. This increased the likelihood for robbery to take place, as mocking quickly turned to robbery and even assault. Vince had not initially intended to rob his opponents but quickly recognized their position of weakness and level of complicity, meaning Vince moved from humiliating his opponents to robbery as he looked to ‘get one over them’. Thus, although robbery may manifestly appear opportunistic, deeper and more complex latent issues may also be attendant. Street robbery of peer groups (e.g. clubbers) Robbery, as a criminal activity, can be conducted by a single gang member, but is more commonly conducted in group formation with other members present. The manifest reasoning being it provides an added advantage against the victims. Members may simply be present whilst robbery occurs, or may be actively participant. Adopted targets are frequently other young peers exiting pubs to go clubbing, probably intoxicated, ill-prepared, unaware and assumed to be carrying cash: We would [travel to Glasgow city centre] for a [gang fight] … [but we’d] make a tidy wee earner [in addition] … [the YSG] would wander around the main streets, usually where the old [nightclubs] would be. [club goers] would have to pass [by]. … We would rob them [as they] made their way [to the nightclub] … cops and adults never got involved either … was easy enough. We were already [in Glasgow] for a [fight] so everyone was usually [carrying weapons] and [intoxicated]. We would all be egging each other to do shit. … We would look for stragglers, or goons (weak) … [We] would just stop them and say ‘gi[v]e’s a pound’, but we’d take everything. … Anything I got I kept … everyone (in the YSG) just got in a frenzy and would be robbing people all over the street. (Robert) The latent motivation here is that robbery is a type of ‘performance’ played out before peers that demonstrates bravado and adherence to group or peer objectives, thus strengthening in-group loyalty and belonging. It serves to build trust amongst the peer group whilst demonstrating skill at the physical execution of robbery including articulation of threat, speed of execution and of course the value of the takings (Densley 2012a). Through such bonding mechanisms, the YSGs will generate personal and group reputations, build their own personal brands and biographies (Harding 2014) whilst using the night’s events to craft exaggerated stories and narratives and contribute to myth-making (Decker and Van Winkle 1996; Pickering et al. 2012; Lauger 2014). There are similarities between William and Robert’s statements indicating that for YSGs, robbery appears highly opportunistic and sporadic. The favourable advantage of group robbery is that it acts as a training ground and group performance, giving younger or peripheral members the confidence needed to carry out such audacious acts. Street robbery of the general public A third form of robbery undertaken by YSGs is robbery against the general public. Here again a level of planning and premeditation is required. YSG members will often undertake these robberies in proximity to busy town centres thereby avoiding their local scheme territories and or rival schemes: … would travel into town. Just get the bus you know … get off and walk through to the Trongate, down to the Barras.1 You know where [I am talking about]. … There’s like a wee underpass just off the main road … [because] was more people about to choose from, plus no one knows you. If you do shit in your scheme, you are going to get well huckled (caught by police). (Boab) As Boab points out, with his peers, he would specifically travel to the periphery of Glasgow centre, select a quiet location adjacent to a busy main road and carefully target victims. Here again attacks are not random: Aye, prob[ably] is a type you look for. No even thinking about it mate. You can see when someone is quiet, makes it easier to take their money, know man … no’ like you’re going to take on the guy built like a brick shit house, and scars all over his coupon (face) … mostly quiet boys themselves, or wi’ like one mate or that … rob junkies as well, they fight back but never go to the police. (Boab) As Boab suggests, victimization is determinant upon risk assessment of multiple variables including social space, physical appearance and attributes. Interestingly, having planned to rob, Boab then claims victim selection is largely unconscious. His risk assessment skill is sufficiently honed to assess those who are ‘quiet’, less likely to fight back or report to police. Use of the term ‘boy’ indicates his targets are usually younger thus he employs asymmetry in his selection process. Although an element of planning is identifiable, once ‘in the moment’ some offenders adopt a more ‘casual approach’ (Feeney 1986) to victim selection, where crude choices are made on limited information (Jacobs 2000). Rational choice theorists refer to ‘bounded rationality’ (Cornish and Clarke 1986) where time pressures might limit and simplify complex decision-making. In such circumstances, perceived rewards might be exaggerated as justification for risk taking. Here again the need for follow-through can dominate with the selection of the right target overtaken by the selection of any target (Simon 1990; Jacobs 2000). YCGs and robbery Though clearly linked to YSGs, YCGs operate as a slightly different social field with their own rules, members and preferred forms of criminal activity. Although progression from the social field of YSGs to YCGs is not universally determined (Harding 2014), it is nonetheless common, often ‘expected’ and deemed ‘logical’ by participants. Unlike YSGs, the social field of the YCGs is predominantly composed of core members operating in much smaller outfits: most commonly of around three individuals. By this stage, the recreational excitement of group activity is fading whilst more instrumental or criminal activity ascends. Unlike YSGs, this criminal core seeks to project their own personal and innate identity onto the group as a whole. Thus, YCGs are intrinsically criminal in purpose and intent. YCG members are older, physically more developed and intellectually more mature. Although YCGs retain social properties—in maintaining group relationships and the criteria for selection of group memberships—crime has become the group’s prime orientation. YCGs primarily centre on drug supply, yet given that the gang is in its early stage of ‘criminal’ evolvement, it is common for YCGs to experiment with other types of crime. This often sees YCG engage in crime such as robbery more frequently than other criminal groupings: [My YCG] shifted [an assortment of drugs] … always wanting to make a faster buck … getting older, [we were] on the scene a lot … tried armed robbery … tried [fraud involving third party delivery services] … [also sold other commodities] we’d got [smuggled] in, well no’ us directly like, more through a guy … [carried out false] insurance claims … just meet people in this game that are into all sorts. End up giving it a try and see if it works for you. (Ken) As Ken points out, YCGs are inclined to try out numerous criminal ventures in addition to drug supply: often in search of a ‘fast[er] buck’. At this level, they are also exposed to wider criminal networks already actively engaged in a wider repertoire of criminal activity. This allows YCGs to broaden their horizons by ‘trying out’ other crimes. Invitations are offered to ‘jump in’ on various planned exploits. YCG members use these opportunities to test their ability, to train and acquire or build expertise before commonly favouring one type of criminal activity in which they might excel. Older SOCGs may also utilize YCG members for odd (criminal) jobs to monitor their ability and performance and ‘test them out’. Group robbery of rival dealers Robbery for YCGs typically involves targeting others involved in illegitimate markets, knowing that such individuals have no recourse to third parties or law. Moreover robbery against drug dealers is viewed as ‘justifiable’ and part of ‘the Game’, as Ryan demonstrates: There is nothing wrong with [robbing] dealers … [it is not] like they are your mates or that. [Dealers] aren’t respectable, know what am saying? … They [should] be expecting it. - Ryan As noted by Ryan, criminals targeted for robbery primarily comprise other groups and individuals involved in drug supply. Targeting of rival dealers at this level generally involves group robbery rather than individual robbery. It is recognized that at this middle tier of the gang drug supply profits will be greater and takings more lucrative. Again robberies often appear opportunistic but are in fact planned and rely upon the gang being supplied with intelligence (Intel) from credible local sources (family, friends and acquaintances). These sources inform the YCG that others have recently acquired, or are storing drugs or money. It is whilst such goods are ‘housed’ and stockpiled (with girlfriends or indebted drug users), that they offer greatest potential for profit and vulnerability leading the YCG to strike: We would usually steal drugs, aye mainly drugs, from like other [dealers] … no’ like ounces … needs to be worthwhile …. that’s why we hit it when its housed, know … [Therefore robbery] depends [upon] who has what, and when they have it know … people might know you are into that game but see if they can prove it was you that [robbed] them, they’d wan[t to] fucking kill you, for serious … fact, more time goes into planning … [when] robbing other krews2 then ramming the locals (shops). - Ken As Ken notes, because robberies target other criminals, considerable effort is crafted to ensure robber identities remain anonymous, even if such ‘Krews’ are known among criminal networks for conducting robbery against other criminals. Ken states that identification would often result in victims seeking revenge via murder. Thus, it seems robbery against other criminals carries significant degrees of risk. To further reduce chances of identification and harm, Alan states: Fucking right its dangerous man, know? See, you can hit a place and the cunt’s inside are heavy Ricky Maroo’d (armed) right up, no joke … aye, we would defo be tooled up, [as well], know. Aye … take a shooter (firearm) if you can get your hands on one, but that’s more like shit you read about happening down England … we always had blades, case shit gets close and personal know … [YCG X] always carried a machete on raids … they aren’t the best in truth mate, but they scar the fuck right out of cunts. And see if [they] see you wielding that thing about their face, they mostly shite it and give you what you’re asking for, [e]specially if you start taking off ears, know … you really want to hit the place when its empty. - Alan At the YCG level, the risks involved in robbery are greater but rewards are sweeter. Several key principles and variables are in play: firstly, the importance of verifiable, credible intelligence. This represents a risk in its own right and purveyors of Intel will have already earned the trust of the gang by virtue of long-standing personal ties. Part of the Intel includes assessing the rival dealing group, including their capacity (number in the Krew) and capabilities (will opponents be armed?), location (access) and timing of activities. Planning the robbery or the home invasion is the key. Here other variables are risk assessed then risk managed, including how to outnumber the opponent(s), use of weapons and utilizing the element of surprise. Employing these variables is important to successfully execute a robbery with minimal risk. Here robberies are committed for profit unlike for YSGs where robberies are primarily motivated by group bonding and excitement. As YCG core members are all tried and tested, each is expected to play an equal part in the overall execution of an event meaning profits acquired are typically distributed more evenly amongst group members. Group robbery of rival drug dealers typically goes unreported to law enforcement. Police involvement typically only occurs because an individual has ‘gone too far’ and ‘someone has been seriously hurt’, or law-abiding citizens have been caught up in the ensuing violence. Risk management practice attempts to identify all potential outcomes in a scenario; however, the potential for rival group violence remains an unpredictable variable and events can ‘[turn] ugly’. This potential outcome is increased as YCG members will typically be intoxicated or high during robberies. Drugs are consumed to eliminate fear and ‘pump up’ members, creating a ‘super-optimism’ (Walters 1990) and sense of invincibility, but in a tense scenario this can prove counterproductive, as Alan recalls: [YCG member Z] was pure mad with it (intoxicated) [on this occasion], fucking coked right out his eyeballs … [he] was [only] to watch the [hostages] … we use to always put them in the bathroom crouching down (Alan does motion), know. … It’s no[t] like in the movies, know, tying cunts up and that shit. No time man. Plus, you start that shit and the cunts are going to fight back. No chance they are going to let you just tie them up … anyway [YCG member Z] starts thinking he has heard one of the guys saying his name, pure para, fucking para, so [he] fucks this cunt right in the head with the [hatchet] … we had to fucking bail … left with fuck all [except] an attempted murder wrap on our hands, well on [YCG member Z’s] hands. I wasn’t taking no derry [blame] for that. - (Alan) Prior intoxication or drug use may reduce fear and inhibition, but it also generates a misreading of, or unplanned (and often violent) reactions to, the risks that are present (i.e. the robbery by Alan’s YCG not going to plan). Alan later pointed out that YCG member Z gave away his name resulting in later retaliation and serious facial scarring. Alcohol and drug misuse prior to a robbery therefore introduces a further variable of risk which is unpredictable. Transition to SOCG The social field of the YCG presents slightly modified rules of operating and rules of entry. It presents different stages of development typically characterized by testing and perfecting abilities, trying out new crimes, employing a heightened role of violence and individual hyper-masculine practices. Those who progress from the YCG to an SOCG will become aware of a slightly modified social field. Gang maturation brings a need for a greater sense of stability, reduced risk and for the individual/group to embody professionalism. Dee recalls this process of transition from YCG to SOCG: When [my YCG] started out we were always getting into shit … still young and learning the trade … [we] would fight with [everyone], robbing folk … building up big [drug] debts and no[t] pay … [we] were always looking to bump [people]. Can’t go on like that but … got to be more professional if you want to do it right, stop all that shit [be]cause no one wants to work with you [otherwise]. (Dee) Dee states that only by ‘stop[ping] all that shit’ could the group progress towards more profitable criminality. If a gang is known or has acquired a reputation for robbing other criminals or ‘bumping’ drug debts, this presents as ‘bad credit’ whereby the group’s short-term goals are counterproductive to long-term ambition. It could reduce the gang’s ability to be able to purchase drugs or other illegal commodities from other criminal/criminal groupings, leading rival groups to actively seek their demise. Only by embracing professionalism can a YCG member progress towards being, or becoming involved in, an SOCG. Professionalism then becomes a delineating requirement and codified expectation of this more elevated social field. SOCG and robbery Unlike lower tier YSGs and YCGs, the social field of the SOCGs is heavily focused on business relationships and economic principles. Police Scotland have identified 164 known SOCGs, comprising 3,282 individuals, to be active across Scotland, with the clear majority located in the Glasgow conurbation (Scottish Government 2015). The governing principle of the SOCG social field is increased social control of both markets and personal relationships to stabilize transactional security and increase profit margins. Control is maintained by developing a more hierarchical model of organizing their criminal activity, which is less visible and more insular, utilizing role differentiation to distance the upper echelon from street interactions or police surveillance. Again progression into this social field is not a ‘given’, but previous experience in the social fields of the YSG and YCG presents candidates as being in the ‘pool of availability’ (Harding 2014). Those within the SOCG are included largely because they can be trusted, act professionally, and importantly, bring a particular skill set that enhances group proficiency and improves individual revenue: [Former YCG associates] were too wild and were always going to end up dead. I missed hanging out wi’ them … but they were bad news … [They] never grew up. … I [eventually forged an alliance] with I guy a had done some business with in the past. He done alright for himself and just said if I wanted to help him out … only if I ditched my [YCG friends]. (Harry) The rationale for a group transitioning to an SOCG is complex (Densley 2014). Although Harry stressed the need for greater professionalism, factors both internal and external to the gang, from leadership to opportunity, cannot be discounted and deserve greater attention than can be provided here. Autobiographical accounts suggest SOCGs who entered the emerging drugs trade from the 1980s onwards were largely composed of professional criminals who previously robbed jewellers and banks. This shift in criminal speciality occurred for several reasons, including globalization (Pitts 2008), free market policies (Pearson and Hobbs 2001), increased access to illegal drugs from overseas (Densley et al. 2018) and risk mitigation owing to dedicated law enforcement action, technological advances and improved security (Walsh 2011). Of course, SOCGs existed in Scotland (and elsewhere) in earlier periods as a form of class resistance (e.g. Hobsbawm 1969) and a provisional solution for alleviating strain (Cohen 1955). A resultant decrease in bank heists and robbery of jewellery stores, however, effectively means that outright or violent robbery may be a redundant strategy for SOCGs, supplanted by more ‘white collar’ forms of robbery (e.g. fraud, insurance claims, tax avoidance) associated with laundering the proceeds of drug crime (Levi 2008): Running about acting the macho man is only going to see you ending up dead … [I don’t act like that], am a pro. (Harry) For those involved in SOCGs, the criminal persona has altered to one of ‘professional businessman’ as opposed to ‘thugs’. At this level, members have acquired status and reputation alongside the trappings of criminal activity. Their intention is now to conserve this position of privilege using conservation strategies (Bourdieu 1984). This includes a more conservative perspective on risk and for some an active risk aversion. For SOCGs, highly visible or violent acts of robbery decrease as professionalization increases and conservation strategies are employed. Gang business is reassessed with a new focus on limiting risk and increasing sustainable or diversified profits (see Gootenberg 2011). This is not to suggest SOCGs do not engage in robbery, rather, it presents more subtlety, as Alan explains, when discussing how stolen money and commodities are divided: [When] we done (robbed) [SOCG A] stash over at the flats [in Glasgow area A], we got about a Kilo in Chico (already cut cocaine), I would say so. Aye, think about that. Probably just over to be honest, [be]cause some was already bagged to go. … I got [paid] about 8 G[rand] for that hit. Same wi’ the [other YCG members], more or less, aye. It was worth more but we had to punt it on fast [for an associate to sell]. … I kept the weed I took, wee [YCG member A] took the speed we got off [victim A] … think there was around £13000 [in cash]. That went to [SOCG B] … [because] that’s [YCG member A’s] brother, well step-brother. Was him that tipped us off. (Alan) Alan points out that although YCGs are more inclined to carry out robbery, particularly those aimed at riskier targets, such ‘hits’ rely on information being made known to them. This Intel can come from SOCGs, who whilst unwilling for direct involvement, happily forward information that permits events to occur: for a small fee or cut of the take. In the aforementioned incident, the SOCG who provided the Intel originally sold the package to another SOCG, before supplying a YCG with Intel, which allowed them to gain a double profit. For SOCGs, robbery also diversifies in form to include fraud, online fraud, bogus calling and burglary artifice. The latter often involves partnering with female affiliates, wives, girlfriends, etc., to locate elderly residents and secure entry to the house by conning their way in. This utilizes considerable skill and craft as well as confidence and determined planning and observation. Again such activities are low risk and high return. At this level, robbery can also be used as a strategic containment of rival business operations, i.e. to target legitimate or illegitimate operations and inflict damage to a rival seeking to expand within a neighbourhood or community. The use of robbery to scare rivals and/or target businesses that do not show respect comes almost directly from the mafia and organized crime playbook (see von Lampe 2016). Discussion Drawing on McLean’s (2018) earlier research, through extensive insights gathered via semi-structured interviews with offenders, this study attempted to create a typology of street robbery by examining how this particular criminal activity may adapt and change with progression up a gang hierarchy (McLean et al. 2018b). Our findings suggest that, in the embryonic stages of gang activity where criminal behaviour is mostly recreational and expressive in form and nature (Densley 2014), young men may engage in opportunistic robbery that is violent and often morally neutralized on the basis of being part of ‘The Game’ (Harding 2014; see also Matthews 2002). In addition, violent street robbery of peer groups was seen as a form of masculine performance and a reputation-building pursuit, whereas engaging in street robbery of the general public lent itself to building and cementing criminal distinction within the context of gang membership (Harding 2014; Deuchar 2018). As young men progress from street gangs to young crime gangs and accompanying criminal activity becomes more instrumental, robbery increasingly focuses on targeting rival drug dealers and criminals based on intelligence-gathering and risk assessment. Although still clearly involving the need for potential violence, robbery becomes a means of gaining economic capital as opposed to symbolic capital (Harding 2014), whilst also being motivated by a need to strengthen and sustain social capital in the form of male group bonding and brotherhood (Deuchar 2018). As young men transition into SOCGs, emphasis changes to reducing risks, greater stability and enhanced professionalism. There is a corresponding shift in violent street-oriented robbery to more subtle forms of business-oriented practices including fraud and money laundering—but the occasional need for ‘flash holdups’ to instil fear and a sense of potential retribution among rival criminally oriented businessmen. Accordingly, our data suggest that, as gangs evolve, so too does the common enactment of robbery—from street-oriented violent dramatic performance as a form of expressive status enhancement to a more criminally oriented means of enacting social control and ensuring the maximization of economic capital (Jacobs 2000; Harding 2010; Densley 2013; Deuchar 2018; McLean et al. 2018b). In its ten-year strategy, the Scottish VRU (2017: 5) stresses its commitment to prevention and to ensuring the bringing about of ‘attitudinal change towards violence at a societal, community and personal level’. It focuses on the need for mentoring of the most ‘at risk’ young people as a way to ‘reduce impulsive and aggressive behaviour and to increase social competence and resilience’ (ibid: 11). Further, in its own ten-year strategy, Policing 2026, Police Scotland (2016: 22) recognizes increased future demand in respect of ‘investigations into serious crimes’. The force highlights the need to ‘scale and develop’ (p. 25) its capabilities to meet new demands in this area. It places an emphasis on driving future improvement through ‘detecting crime, protecting vulnerable people’ and enhanced multi-agency prevention work including members of local communities (ibid: 13). As highlighted elsewhere (McLean et al. 2018b), in its national strategy for reducing harm caused by organized crime, the Scottish Government (2015) presents a four-pronged approach, namely: divert people from becoming involved in Organized Crime (OC), deter SOCGs, detect and prosecute those involved in OC and disrupt SOCGs. Previous research into robbery, which predominantly focused on the victim/offender profiles or types of violence utilized in offences, has largely obscured opportunities to consider how robbery presents differently in different social fields each of which operate variant forms of gang organization and gang hierarchies. The empirical insights contained within this article suggest more bespoke diversionary strategies are needed. In doing so, they could deepen the existing knowledge base of the Scottish Government, VRU and Police Scotland regarding how best to tackle robbery and attendant issues of violence and organized criminality. The findings hold the capacity to further inform members of the VRU in how best to identify those ‘at risk’ young men who are the most impulsive, as well as focusing interventions on the transition periods between these co-joined but distinct social fields. By focusing on neighbourhoods with high levels of violent street robbery, targeting peer groups or the general public, authorities might more readily evidence the presence of YSGs (McLean 2018) and offer targeted interventions whilst protecting the public. For persistent offenders, mentoring interventions should seek to educate young men about the impact of violence whilst also actively deflecting them from the allure of the drug market as a means of preventing local gang evolution (Densley 2014). Conversely, patterns of robbery that target local drug dealers may indicate evolution from YSGs to a more dominant YCGs. Here, Police Scotland should focus on the need to deter young men from increased immersion in OC through improved partnership working, to prevent YCGs evolving from expressive to instrumental violence, and to ensure criminal activity with an overarching focus on drug trading fails to evolve into more elevated forms of enterprise and governance (Densley 2014). Finally, if incidents of violent street robbery reduce but incidents of online fraud increase and combine with occasional flashpoints of retaliatory firearms, an increased presence of SOCGs may be indicated. In such cases, police officers will need to avoid the inclination to adopt a ‘warrior mentality’ and the sole use of enforcement to deter and disrupt—although it is recognized that this may be initially needed as an immediate means of stopping retaliatory gang shootings where these arise (Deuchar et al. 2018). More importantly, detectives will require to take a more proactive approach to community engagement (Crocker et al. 2017), recognizing local citizens’ status as knowledgeable informants about their local areas and placing an emphasis on ‘local definition, investment, creativity, hope and control’ (Kretzmann and McKnight 1993: 8; see also Deuchar et al. 2018). Working closely with and learning from local people and agencies, empowering them to come forward and to take a proactive approach towards co-construction of knowledge, insight and investment will be the only way to ensure that these communities become more resilient in terms of preventing organized crime to flourish. Conclusion We have highlighted the relative paucity of research exploring the ways in which robbery is performed by offenders and the types of violence and criminality variably employed alongside it. In this article, we have drawn attention to the relationship suggested in the extant literature between street culture, gangs and the hedonistic, fast-paced and self-indulgent culture that sometimes spawns young men’s participation in robbery to accumulate economic capital (Jacobs and Wright 1999). We have examined existing scholarship noting distinct types of robbery including the dramatic overwhelming of victims, the conning of victims to engage in street interaction, ‘snatch and grab’ or victim-oriented robberies involving drug deals (Smith 2003). However, we have also identified the absence of research to date on street and other forms of robbery in Scotland, and particularly in relation to gang culture. At first glance, street robbery appears either routine or opportunistic. However, closer inspection informs us that robbery is a much more considered and planned activity than previous data suggest with risk management strategies and targeted victim selection being undertaken. Moving away from routine activities theory (Cohen and Felson 1979; Felson and Clarke 1998) and basic concepts of opportunism, we propose that the conduct of street robbery should be viewed as a form of strategic action employed by gang-affiliated young people with the purpose of gaining ‘street capital’ or building profit (Harding 2014). Further, street robbery as a criminal activity appears to include both manifest and latent motivations, especially at the younger end of the age spectrum. Here street robbery can often be performed in public as a group activity. Ostensibly it is undertaken for financial gain; however, we found that it is often highly important as a collective activity for generating bonding social capital (Halpern 2005; Deuchar 2009). Risk aversion, risk assessment and risk management strategies are clearly evident in our data as offenders actively strategize to maximize profit whilst minimizing risk of violence or arrest. Thus, our research illustrates that as gangs evolve from what McLean (2018) describes as YSGs to YCGs or even SOCGs, adaptive employment of robbery occurs and robbery changes in how and where it is performed and against whom. Thus, policing and early intervention strategies may need to be sensitive and responsive to the subtle nuances of gang evolution stages and the forms of robbery that may accompany them. Although our insights may enable a more informed, nuanced approach to tackling and preventing various forms of robbery in Scotland through paying due cognizance to issues of gang evolution, we believe further research is required. 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Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Wright , R. and Decker , S . ( 1994 ), Burglars on the Job . Northeastern University Press . —— ( 1997 ), Armed Robbers in Action . Northeastern University Press . Footnotes 1 A busy open market characterized by stalls and street sellers at the edge of Glasgow city centre. 2 When referring to criminal ‘crews’, Glaswegians often replace the c with the letter k for spelling purposes. © The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies (ISTD). All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/open_access/funder_policies/chorus/standard_publication_model)
TI - A Typology of Street Robbery and Gang Organization: Insights from Qualitative Research in Scotland
JF - The British Journal of Criminology
DO - 10.1093/bjc/azy064
DA - 2019-06-06
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/a-typology-of-street-robbery-and-gang-organization-insights-from-YsO07xLdfS
SP - 879
VL - 59
IS - 4
DP - DeepDyve
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