TY - JOUR AU1 - Mastrobuoni,, Giovanni AB - Abstract This study uses declassified data on US mafia members of the 1950s and 1960s to estimate the criminal network effect on their economic status. I measure economic status exploiting detailed information about their place of residence. Housing values are reconstructed using current deflated transactions data. I deal with non‐random sampling of mobsters modelling investigations on connections as Markov chains. Reverse causality between economic status and the gangster’s position in the network is solved exploiting exogenous exposure to pre‐immigration connections. A standard deviation increase in closeness centrality increases economic status by between one‐quarter and three‐quarters of a standard deviation. In January 2011, exactly 50 years after Robert F. Kennedy’s first concentrated attack on the American mafia as the newly appointed attorney general of the US, nearly 125 people were arrested on federal charges, leading to what federal officials called the ‘largest mob roundup in FBI history’.1 Over the last 50 years the mafia has continued following the same rules and is still active in many countries, including the US.2 Despite this, the illicit nature of organised crime activities has precluded empirical analysis and the literature has overwhelmingly been anecdotal or theoretical (Reuter, 1994; Williams, 2001). This study uses declassified data on 800 mafia members, who were active just before the 1961 crackdown, to study the importance of criminal connections inside such a secret society (linking the network position of mobsters to an economic measure of their success). The records are based on an exact facsimile of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) secret files on American mafia members in 1960 (MAF, 2007).3 The data contain information collected from FBN agents on the gangsters’ closest criminal associates, which I use to reconstruct the criminal network.4 Connections are believed to be the building blocks of secret societies and of organised crime groups, including the mafia. Francisco Costiglia, alias Frank Costello, a mafia boss who according to the data was connected to 34 gangsters, would say ‘he is connected’ to describe someone’s affiliation to the mafia (Wolf and DiMona, 1974). Indeed, the first rule in mafia’s decalogue states that ‘No one can present himself directly to another of our friends. There must be a third person to do it’, who knows both affiliates (Maas, 1968).5 As a consequence, gangsters who are on average closer to all the other gangsters need fewer interconnecting associates to expand their network. While gangsters who bridge connections across separate clusters of the network can maintain such monopoly power. There are measures of importance of members inside networks that are based on the average closeness and on the bridging capacity, called closeness centrality and betweenness centrality.6 But even just the number of connections, known as degree centrality, might be important to reach leadership positions, as in the mafia these are not simply inherited. Soldiers elect their bosses using secret ballots (Falcone and Padovani, 1991, p. 101).7 Three main empirical challenges emerge when estimating how a gangster’s network centrality influences his economic prospects, called the network effect: (i) the measurement of economic prospects in the absence of information about illegal proceeds; (ii) the non‐random; and (iii) endogenous nature of the network. Regarding the first issue, since illicit transactions and criminal proceeds inside the mafia are unobservable, I use the value of the house or the apartment where such criminals presumably resided (or nearby housing) to measure their economic success. Such value is reconstructed based on the deflated value of the current selling price of their housing based on the internet site Zillow.com. Prices are deflated using the metropolitan statistical areas’ (MSAs) average housing values from Gyourko et al. (2013). Given that most mobsters who were active in 1960 were born into very poor families (Lupo, 2009), the value of the house where they resided, whether it was owned or rented, is arguably a reasonable measure of their illegal proceeds,8 though reconstructing the original value is certainly prone to error.9 Regarding the second issue, in the 1960s, the total estimated number of mafia members was around 5,000 (Maas, 1968). Since almost all high‐ranking members have a record, the 800 criminal profiles are clearly a potentially non‐representative sample of mafia members. To deal with the incompleteness and non‐randomness of the network, in Section 1 I model law enforcement’s surveillance and detection of mafia network nodes (mobsters) as a Markov chain (Mastrobuoni and Patacchini, 2012). The final issue about the potential endogeneity of the network requires a longer discussion. Sparrow (1991) and Coles (2001) propose the use of network analysis to study criminal networks, however, apart from some event studies based on a handful of connections, empirical evidence on criminal networks is scarce and never addresses the potential endogeneity of the network.10 In non‐experimental settings the variation that identifies the effect of networks may be partly driven by homophily (the tendency of individuals to be linked to others with similar characteristics), or unobserved characteristics which determine someone’s position in the network as well as his or her outcomes. Mobsters might, for example, use their (unobserved) wealth to build connections and buy more expensive housing. Since real networks can hardly be generated entirely through an intervention, there are three ways to estimate (causal) network effects:11 (i) modelling sequentially the network formation and the network effects (Chandrasekhar and Lewis, 2011); (ii) experimenting with networks;12 and (iii) instrumenting the position in the network.13 ,14 Since connections, their number, as well as their quality, are potentially even more important in a world without enforceable contracts, a world where secrecy, reputation and violence prevail, such bonds are even more likely to be endogenous. Several factors might influence the decision to connect and do business with another gangster. When gangsters expand their network they are trading off the increased risk of whistleblowing with increased criminal proceeds (Bonanno, 1983). Criminal hierarchies, kinships, complementarity and substitutability in criminal as well as non‐criminal activities are just some of the factors that are likely to influence the gangster’s decision to expand his network and, thus, his network centrality. Instead of modelling the entire network formation mechanism, I rely on an instrumental variable that influences mobsters’ centrality in the mafia network. Such instrument is based on information collected from the pre‐immigration communities (Munshi, 2003), that the mobsters left several decades before I observe their network and their housing wealth in 1960. The identification strategy is based on advantages in building connections that originate from the gangsters’ or from his ancestors’ place of origin (Italy). Conditional on the region of birth, a detailed description of their legal and illegal activities and other individual characteristics of the mobsters these innate connections should not influence mobsters’ housing wealth in the US (other than through such connections).15 While this exclusion restriction remains untestable, I address potential pitfalls; mainly endogenous migration driven by successful mobsters and direct effects of potential innate connections on housing values. Several factors might have helped building more connections when the gangster’s ancestors were concentrated in more traditional mafia territories: (i) increased trust that spills over from known and reputable families;16 (ii) easier punishments through left‐behind kinships; and (iii) knowledge about the rules and traditions of the secret society (e.g. omertá, which is a vow of silence). Without detailed information on the communities of origin for all the members born in the US, I use the informative content of surnames on the place of origin, more commonly known as isonomy. Such a measure of potential innate interactions predicts the gangster’s individual number and quality of connections. Exploiting differences in isonomy between Southern and Northern Italy, I perform falsification tests of the first stage regressions which validate the instrument’s capability to proxy for the place of origin. The instrument is weak, though I show that restricting the analysis to gangsters who have ever been arrested (making up 80% of the sample), for which surnames are arguably measured with greater precision, strengthens the instrument without changing the results. When using the instrument, a one standard deviation increase in network closeness centrality (the inverse of the average network distance from all other gangsters) increases housing value by three‐quarters of a standard deviation, with the p‐values on the endogeneity tests being usually close to 10%. The results are similar for eigenvector centrality (which is a function of the prestige of the connected members), while the results for degree (the simple count of connections) and betweenness centrality (the bridging capacity across different clusters of the network) tend to be weaker but for different reasons. On one hand, degree appears to be a crude measure of someone’s importance (the value of connections is increasing in the rank of the gangster). On the other hand, gangsters with high betweenness were more likely to be part of the commissione, the governing body of the mafia. These members of the mafia often kept a lower profile by living in more humble housing, which unresolvably biases the corresponding results downward. 1. Sampling and Estimating Network effects A quick look at record number one, Joe Bonanno (see the online Appendix Figure B2), reveals the kind of information that will be used to link a mobster’s network centrality to his economic success. According to the FBN he was born on 18 January 1905 in Castellamare (Sicily), and resided in 1847 East Elm Street in Tucson (Arizona). He had interests in three legal businesses: Grande Cheese Co., Fond du Lac (Wisconsin), Alliance Realty & Insurance (Tucson, Arizona) and Brunswick Laundry Service (Brooklyn, New York)e.tc.Finally, his closest criminal associates were Lucky Luciano, Francisco Costiglia (Frank Costello), Giuseppe Profaci, Anthony Corallo, Thomas Lucchese, and Carmine Galante. I use: (i) the value of the house where mobsters reside to measure economic success y (subsection 2.1.); (ii) information on their associates to reconstruct the network G(subsection 2.2.);17 (iii) the informational content of surnames to build the instrumental variable (subsection 2.4). But before analysing networks, particularly when such networks are hidden, it is important to take into account that the observed network Grepresents a subset (subgraph) of the entire network Gand not necessarily a random one. More formally, the goal is to model an economic outcome y as a linear function of network centrality c (abstracting for simplicity from other covariates), y=α+c(G)β+ϵ,(1) when the observed network Gis a subset of G. In general the measurement error that biases the estimate β^ will not be classical. Chandrasekhar and Lewis (2011) show that when c measures degree centrality, the network is exogenous, and the sampling is random (with sampling rate ψ), plimβ^=β·ψ−1· attenuation bias. The reason for the scaling factor ψ−1 is that under random sampling the expectation of c(G) is approximately equal to ψc(G). However, the observed mafia records are unlikely to represent a random sample of mobsters. The 800 criminal files come from an exact facsimile of a Federal Bureau of Narcotics report of which 50 copies were circulated within the Bureau starting in the 1950s. They come from more than 20 years of investigations and several successful infiltrations by undercover agents (McWilliams, 1990). The FBN data represent a snapshot of what the authorities knew in 1960 and thus do not contain exact information about the hierarchies within the organisation. Such information was revealed only a few years later, when Joe Valachi, a mafia associate, became the first FBN and later FBI informant.18 Joe Valachi’s testimony confirmed FBN’s view that the mafia had a pyramidal structure with connections leading towards every single member.19 Indeed, the observed network is connected (or ergodic), meaning that from each node (gangster) one can reach any other node. Moreover, it is a ‘small‐world’ network, as the average path length between gangsters is just 3.7 steps. Given the hierarchical structure of the mafia and the estimated 5,000 associates who were active during those years, the 800 gangsters are likely to be a non‐random sample of Cosa Nostra members. More active, more important, and more connected mobsters were certainly more likely to be noticed and tracked. Indeed, all known mafia bosses who were alive in 1960 are listed in the records. This means that the observed 800 gangsters are likely to be more connected than the average one and that part of the network is unobserved. There are no written records about how the FBN followed mobsters and constructed the network. Through surveillance posts and undercover agents, the agency was likely to have been discovering previously unknown mobsters by following known ones. Two surveillance photographs of Italian mobsters taken in 1980 and in 1988 show evidence of these patterns (see the online Appendix Figure B1). As a consequence more connected gangsters were more likely to be ‘sampled’ by the FBN. In order to produce a representative sample of mobsters, ‘sampling’ weights should underweigh highly connected mobsters and vice versa. This kind of sampling resembles a procedure that is used to sample hidden populations, called snowball sampling (Goodman, 1961; Granovetter, 1976; Frank, 1979; Snijders, 1992; Rothenberg, 1995). Let us assume the FBN starts observing one or more mobsters out of N, and that such known mobsters are indicated with the number one in the 1 × N vector of zeros and ones p0 ⁠, called the seed. Following the initial mobsters’ links the FBN will observe more and more mobsters. Starting with the N × N symmetric matrix A=[aij] with elements equal to 1 when mobsters i and j are connected and zero otherwise (called the adjacency matrix), one can obtain the transition matrix Tnormalising the columns to sum up to one. The element tij of Tmeasures the likelihood of discovering mobster j when mobster i is under surveillance. After k steps the likelihood of discovering mobster j is equal to the j‐th of the vector pk=p0Tk ⁠. The corresponding stationary distribution p, defined as a vector that does not change under application of the transition matrix, is independent of the seed, where p= pT.20 Element pi of the probability vector pcan be interpreted as the likelihood of observing gangster i if one randomly picked and followed an edge of the network. The resampling weights are thus equal to the inverse of such probability wi=1/pi ⁠, with 0