TY - JOUR
AU - Stevenson,, Jane
AB - Abstract The ESTC has privileged a view of Britain's early print culture focused on London, while making it hard to look at British contributions to continental print cultures. But there were readers in early-modern Britain who were acculturated elsewhere. Scots bought most of their books on the continent, preferring Latin or French to English, and published on the continent, bypassing London. In Britain as a whole, there are effectively three centres for British print culture, London, ‘Rome’ and ‘Geneva’. The Netherlands printed for the English market, notably illicit bibles with Geneva notes, and particularly successful books were often issued there in Dutch or French, while British writers in Latin fed into continental literary fashions. Take-up of English literature as such was limited, partly because the Dutch did not admire English poetics. Most of what the Dutch translated from English was political or religious. Some English protestant writers were massively successful in translation, but translation into Dutch was almost always a first step from which their work was disseminated. The English Short Title Catalogue is one of the most important aids to early-modern scholarship. Early English Books Online, based on the work which the ESTC enshrines, aims to make as many as possible of the books it lists easily available worldwide. This is an endlessly useful achievement. However, the fact that the focus of English bibliography and subsequently, digitization, has been on books published in the British Isles and in the vernacular languages of the island ever since A. W. Pollard and G. W. Redgrave published the first edition of their Short Title Catalogue in 1948, is not without consequences. It privileges a master- narrative of the rise and development of the English language; and tends to conceal, or elide, less insular currents in early-modern British cultural history.1 A possible unintended consequence of scholarly tools is the reinforcement of the prejudices which determined how they were initially conceptualized. Further, the presence or absence of catalogues and digitized books not only affects what scholars do and how they do it, but more subtly, what they think of doing in the first place. The ESTC facilitates many lines of enquiry, but conceals the possibility of others: the effective invisibility of writing by British authors published outside England in languages other than English makes it very hard even to think about studying topics such as neo-Latin, translation out of English into other European languages, and the contributions of British writers to European literary, scientific, and political controversies. One basic assumption about early-modern Britain is seldom addressed: it is that London held an unrivalled position as the cultural capital. Whereas medieval writers such as the Gawain Poet had written in their own dialects, whatever they might be, by the sixteenth century, George Puttenham was advising that English should be the English of London: ‘ye shall therefore take the vsuall speech of the Court, and that of London and the shires lying about London within lx. Myles, and not much aboue’.2 To a German, this was not as axiomatic as it seems to us: in 1668, Georg Neumark observed as a curious fact that English books ‘are all written in the dialect of Middlesex, such as is spoken in the neighbourhood of the capital, London, and not in the language of Argyle, Cumberland, Pembroke and similar ruder dialects’: he is clearly aware that Scots, northern English, and Welsh speech differed considerably from standard English.3 The Court itself, the Inns of Court, and the developing public theatre, among other institutions, made London a centre of linguistic and cultural innovation, but above all, it was the trajectory of development taken by English printing which confirmed the primacy of London English over all other dialects.4 Apart from the academic presses which were eventually established at Oxford and Cambridge, before 1700, early-modern English printing was almost entirely centralized in London, and policed by the Stationers’ Company.5 It is not always recognised that this degree of centralization is anomalous from the perspective of Europe as a whole; in Italy, France, Germany and the Low Countries, printers distributed themselves wherever they thought a press might be commercially viable, and they sometimes printed in dialect.6 The unique importance of London as the centre of printing in the British Isles was not challenged by the other countries of Great Britain: in Scotland, print-culture was rudimentary, effectively policed by religious and secular authority, and catered to purely local markets.7 Printing was vestigial in Ireland, beginning only when Humphrey Powell was appointed King's Printer in 1550,8 and officially non-existent in Wales, where, apart from a little clandestine Catholic printing, there was no press until 1718.9 On this basis, the primacy of London as the centre of British cultural and intellectual life is hard to challenge. However, some of the conclusions which have been drawn from this assumption of a single centre bear investigation. Given this centralization of publishing in London, it is readily believed that the circulation of knowledge inevitably begins from there. To be ‘mainstream’ is therefore definable as ‘in immediate contact with the development of thought in the intellectual centres of the capital’. It is precisely this unexamined assumption which underlies Daniel Woolf's description of William Blundell of Little Crosby, in the early seventeenth century, as ‘a struggling minor gentleman who was both regionally (he lived in rural Lancashire) and religiously (he was a firm recusant) outside the mainstream’.10 Blundell owned only three books published in London (John Stowe's Annals, Foxe's Acts and Monuments, and William Camden's Britannia). However, these were by no means the whole of his library. Most of the works he cites and regards as authoritative (a status he does not accord to Foxe or Camden), were published outside England. Their authors were Catholic, and by no means all of them were English: they include Polydore Vergil, Laurentius Surius, Bede, Robert Parsons, Roberto Bellarmino and William of Malmesbury. There is a real case for saying that his sense of history, how he arrived at it, and the writers he valued, suggest that he is fully functional within a completely different mainstream, and that his outlook is not so much provincial, as Woolf implies, but supra-national.11 This perception that some groups of individuals born and resident in Britain might receive their essential cultural formation from somewhere other than London also helps to explain the formation of other varieties of religious dissidents besides recusants, including nonconformist Protestants, and also the majority of literate Scots, Welsh, and Irish. In order to come to terms with alterity in early-modern Britain, or even to appreciate its extent, it is thus necessary to abandon the insular perspective which is inadvertently fostered by the ESTC, and to cultivate an awareness of alternative modes of self-formation, and alternative routes for the dissemination of cultural production. This basic issue of whether there is more than one ‘stream’ in the British Isles affects how we understand patterns of book production, and also book-buying and reading, among differently acculturated groups. These are interconnected issues; since what people choose to read affects what they decide to write, and also how they choose to disseminate their work, once written. With respect to book-buying, London was the great emporium for English books from the fifteenth century, and the trade came to centre on St Paul's Churchyard. By 1500, French publishers such as Antoine Verard thought it worth keeping agents there, and so did the greatest publisher of the Low Countries in the sixteenth century, Christoph Plantijn.12 Other continental publishers also sold in London, via agents, and English library catalogues and booklists reflect this. However, the assumption that this is also true of how books were bought in Scotland must be treated with care. Sebastiaan Verweij's assessment of the literary culture of seventeenth- century Scotland, both in terms of the circulation of books and of manuscript material, includes this statement: ‘the northern regions of Scotland were a very long way from Edinburgh, and further yet from London: however, books and literary cultures easily traversed such distances’.13 He is indisputably right about this; and, as he demonstrates, there is lively evidence for the importation of music, both instrumental and vocal, and of songbooks, from England to Scotland, as well as for the maintenance of a literary tradition among educated landed gentry through the seventeenth century.14 However, he does not make the further point that, music aside, seventeenth-century Scottish patterns of book-buying generally bypassed London, unless the individual was actually resident there. An instance of how seventeenth-century Scottish intellectual life actually worked can be found in a letter which John Maitland, the future earl of Lauderdale, wrote to his cousin Alexander Lindsay, Lord Balcarres, who shared his love of books, in March 1643.15 My Lord, If Fife wer on this side of the water, yee should be oftner troubled with me nor yow are, and my mislike of the ferrie is one of the reasons I doe not waite on you at this time,16 … We shall not end our booke bargane at this time, but when yee come over (wch I am very confident wil be nixt week), I hope this studie shal be fitter for making coses [chatting] nor [than] balcarres [Lord Balcarres's home]; and if yee will bring over ‘Novus Orbis’ and the book that is dedicate to God, yor Lo. shall not be troubled with the Italian Bible, which I so oft offered to yow, and we shall end the rest of your bargane heir, neithr need yow fear that I seeke Bibliotheca Mundi, for I will send for it to Paris tomorrow. These two young men (twenty-six and twenty-four), who were cousins and friends, have evidently been carrying out an intricate set of swops. Maitland read Italian, but there is no indication that Lord Balcarres did, which might account for his lack of enthusiasm for acquiring a Bible in that language. ‘Novus Orbis’ is presumably Novus orbis, id est, Navigationes primae in Americam, a description of the New World. There was a book called Bibliotheca mundi, which was written by the thirteenth-century encyclopaedist Vincent of Beauvais, and printed at Douai in 1624, but one wonders if Maitland might actually have been after a more recent work, Conrad Gesner's Bibliotheca universalis, since Lord Balcarres certainly owned this—it is one of a group of books from Balcarres which is now in Worcester College, Oxford.17 In any case, it is worth observing that of the books under discussion, Italian bibles were printed in Geneva and Venice, Novus orbis was published in Rotterdam, Bibliotheca mundi in Douai, and Gesner's Bibliotheca in Basel. None of the books Maitland wants from his cousin's collection are in English, or published in London. Additionally, though continental books were to be bought in London in 1643,18 Maitland proposes to source a copy of the book he wants (whichever one it is) in Paris, where the Rue St Jacques was, like St Paul's Churchyard in London, a major centre of bookselling. Maitland's turning automatically to Paris rather than London for a book is an illustration of a general truth about early-modern Scottish books and readers. Before the Reformation, Scots bought books on the continent, via agents if necessary, and not in London. John Durkan and Anthony Ross's Early Scottish Libraries lists no English-language books printed in England which were owned by Scots before 1560, and indeed, no English literature whatsoever. There is, of course, evidence of the circulation of English literary texts in manuscript before and after the Reformation.19 One might argue that the survival of early printed books is unfairly biased towards books preserved in institutions such as universities, and therefore towards Latin, but other contemporary information, such as the books purchased for James IV, preserved in the Lord Treasurer's Accounts, tell the same tale.20 The king's purveyors invariably turned to Paris or the Low Countries for the books he wanted, never to London. The same is true of other book-buyers. In the 1490s, for example, James Watson, a student at Louvain, seems to have acted as an agent buying books for Scottish clients, and bought books in Louvain and Antwerp for Archbishop Schevez, among others, while the Edinburgh merchant and future publisher Walter Chepman kept a factor in Antwerp.21 He eventually set up the first Scottish press with a fellow Edinburgh burgess, Androw Myllar, who had learned the art of printing not in London, but in Rouen. In printing's first decades, books came into Scotland from many countries of Europe, but from 1500 to 1560, France became the principal source of Scotland's reading matter,22 and it is remarkable how little this cultural dependence on France was affected either by the Reformation, in 1560, or the union of crowns in 1603. Margaret Lane Ford, in her essay, ‘The Private Ownership of Printed Books’ stresses the ‘network of Scots, acting as conduits for both books and intellectual currents, between Scotland and the Continent’; France in particular.23 Even after the Reformation, Scots on the continent continued to buy books for Scots at home. For example, Patrick Gray, Master of Gray, was in exile in Paris at the end of the 1580s, and supplied Lord Hamilton with books. Robert Kerr, Earl of Ancrum, who was Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Charles I, collected both French and Latin titles, and used continental contacts and agents to scour foreign book markets.24 The ecumenical minister John Durie, during his wide travels throughout Europe, became a conduit for the supply of ‘nonconformist’ and suppressed literature for Presbyterian and Puritan readers in Scotland and England, especially in the 1630s and ’40s. Maitland and Balcarres, quoted above, were Protestants and loyal subjects, but they still bought most of their books in Catholic Paris (usefully, Lord Balcarres often wrote the place of purchase into his books as well as his ownership signature).25 James VI himself was brought up in the hope and expectation that he would become king of England, and as a Protestant. But the library he grew up with contained only forty-five books in English (about ten per cent of the total number), and no English poetry at all, not even the works of Chaucer, though it included verse in French and Latin.26 Paris, not London, remained the natural cultural centre for educated Scots until at least the second half of the seventeenth century, and Scots continued to buy their books there.27 The Lindsay library created by Lord Balcarres and other members of his family was sold up in 1792, in Edinburgh, and a catalogue for the sale survives.28 One must bear in mind that it was probably padded by the Edinburgh bookseller with extraneous items (there are some suspicious duplicates, though not very many). However, even if padded, it is still revealing about the Edinburgh book trade. The list contains 600 books published on the continent before 1660, as against seventy-six published in England, fifteen of which are political pamphlets. The only literary texts in English it includes are the works of Chaucer, Ben Jonson, and Samuel Daniel, Chapman's Homer, and two works by Scots, Gavin Douglas's Eneados, and William Alexander's Recreations with the Muses, i.e. less than one per cent of the collection. Other libraries amassed in Scotland tell similar tales.29 An inventory of the second Earl of Buccleuch's books at Newark Castle made in 1634 lists 944 items, predominantly in Latin, Italian and French, only seventy of which are in English.30 William Drummond of Hawthornden, a friend of Ben Jonson's, was one of the most Anglophile Scots of his generation. In 1606, he went to England, and from thence to France, where he visited Paris before going to the university of Bourges to study law. In these years, he laid the foundations of his library. By the time he returned to Scotland in 1608, he had bought nearly 400 books, 323 in France and seventy-six in England.31 The biography of almost all seventeenth-century educated Scots shows a sojourn abroad: they tended to take a first degree in a Scots university, then move on; Protestants to Protestant universities such as Leiden or Sedan, Catholics to Paris, Orleans, Poitiers, or further afield. W. A. McNeill lists some 385 Scottish students in Paris from 1519 to c. 1633.32 When Lord Balcarres's widowed grandmother decided to send her two oldest sons to university in 1567 (the future John Lindsay, Lord Menmuir and David Lindsay, Lord Edzell), despite her convinced Protestantism, it was Paris that she sent them to. Scots students also attended (and taught at) other French universities, notably Orleans, Poitiers, Bourges and Sedan; in such numbers that the more studious complained that it could be hard to learn French.33 Scottish Catholics, of course, bypassed the Scottish universities, and usually started their further education in the Scots colleges abroad.34 Edinburgh booksellers carried a very limited stock: an impression of what they offered can be gained from stock-inventories made on death, and before the Restoration, these suggest that booksellers sold catechisms, psalters, school textbooks, standard classics, works of religious instruction, and not much else.35 Educated men therefore tended to buy most of their books while they were living abroad. Henry Erskine, Master of Cardross, for example, wrote from Paris in 1620 to assure his father, the second Earl of Mar, that ‘I will not be so prodigall in nothing except in baying of bookes, and yit none bot suche as shall be necessarie’.36 A century later, Sir John Lauder is another example of a Scottish future statesman building his library while studying in France: he bought seventy-five books there, including light reading in French and Latin, such as the works of Rabelais and Scarron's Virgil travesty.37 Because surviving booklists and other indirect evidence suggest that even the leisure reading of educated Scotsmen was typically in Latin, French, or sometimes Italian, their habits of thought about books and reading did not assume London as a principal centre. Perhaps consequently, few of them show the interest in English literature which is characteristic of so many educated Englishmen.38 After 1603, a number of Scots, principally those who went South with James, started publishing in London, either in English or in Latin (never in Scots), some, such as William Alexander, quite successfully. Those who were able to establish themselves in England became Anglicized in their language and tastes, but Scottish booklists from the seventeenth century suggest that the impact of this on Scots who stayed in Scotland was minimal. There was a very limited interest within Scotland in the English national project of turning their vernacular into a literary language capable of withstanding comparison to French or Italian. When James VI attempted to refine and update Scottish poetry in the 1580s, he looked to France, not England, for models.39 English studies as a discipline has tended to the view that, before the mid-sixteenth century, the literary cultures of England and Scotland are in dialogue, and that the work of writers such as William Dunbar are worthy of study.40 After the Reformation, Scots, apart from the emigres to England, on the whole lost interest in a literary dialogue with England, or in English. Their culture in the early-modern period therefore cannot readily be understood in English terms, and so there has been little attempt outside Scotland itself to come to terms with it. The question of what they were doing instead has seldom been asked, but it can at least be addressed if one looks beyond the British Isles and the English language. There is a ‘plain style’ poetics in seventeenth-century Scotland, which was encouraged by the kirk. Its most notable monument is Elizabeth Melville, Lady Culross's long poem, Ane Godlie Dreame, issued at least thirteen times between 1603 and 1737. This was the most frequently published poem of the Scottish seventeenth century, and, it would seem, completely unread in England.41 However, there is also a huge florescence of Latin belles-lettres, printed in Scotland, England, and on the continent;42 and these works are far commoner in Scottish booklists than any kind of English literature. One is forced to the conclusion that educated and cultivated Scotsmen not only wrote Latin with fluency, they read it with enjoyment. A genuine market for literature in neo-Latin is suggested by the patterns of both publication and purchasing in seventeenth-century Scotland: literary works in Latin, ancient and modern, far outnumber those in English in Scottish booklists, whether those of book-owners or booksellers. Whereas most English writers expressed themselves in vernacular poetry and prose, and very few wrote exclusively in Latin, creative writing by seventeenth-century Scotsmen was almost entirely in the latter tongue. Many of the books in the Lindsay catalogue are by Scots who printed their books abroad, as well as by continental authors; they include, for example, John Sharp's Cursus theologicus (Geneva, 1622), John Hay SJ's Bibliotheca sancta (Lyon, 1591), Thomas Moresinus's Liber novus de metallorum causis (Frankfurt, 1593) and John Leslie's De origine, moribus, et rebus gestis Scotorum (Rome, 1578). For early-modern Scots, this use of Latin as their primary literary language helped reduce the pull of London as a cultural centre of gravity, and equally, helped to maintain Scotland's traditional links with European centres of learning and commerce.43 Here again, as with recusant literary culture, we are looking at participants in an alternative mainstream. Duncan Shaw observes of Adam Bothwell, sixteenth-century Bishop of Orkney, ‘[his] library, like any in Scotland at that time, shows that Scotland was almost exclusively receiving its theological and intellectual impulses directly from the continent’.44 This was still the case in the first half of the seventeenth century. It was only in the second half of that century that a reorientation of Scottish culture began. Alastair Mann argues that the late 1650s was the start of a historical ‘gear change’ where book culture and literacy expanded at a rapid and accelerating speed.45 A rise in basic literacy is certainly an aspect, but there is also a reorientation of cultural production which, increasingly, caused Scots to write in English and publish in the British Isles. Additionally, it is not often remembered that the only time the English invaded Scotland and actually conquered it was in 1652, under Cromwell. It is in the aftermath of this national humiliation that some writers based in Scotland began to imitate English models, such as Samuel Colville, ‘the Scotch Hudibras’, and Thomas Sydserf, or St Serfe, who opened an English- style public playhouse in Edinburgh,46 and there came to be a very noticeable upturn in the variety of literature for sale in the Scottish capital.47 There may be a relationship between these facts. However, though the late 1600s seem to be a transitional period, it was the large-scale re-drawing of Britain's cultural map which took place after the Union of 1707 that caused significant numbers of Scots to perceive their principal advantage in taking ‘the high road to England’, and to buy into the cultivation of English. The first place where English was studied as a university subject is actually the University of Edinburgh, where Hugh Blair became lecturer, then professor, of Rhetoric and Belles Lettres in 1759. As Robert Crawford observes, ‘the growing wish for a “pure” English in eighteenth-century Scotland was not an anti-Scottish gesture but a proBritish one’.48 However, it indicates a major change of direction. Opting for English involved a significant act of cultural amnesia; and an unintended consequence is that eighteenth-century Scots came to accept the centrality of London, and consequently, to perceive their own culture in English terms, that is to say, as limited, provincial, and peculiar. The perspective of writers active in the first half of the seventeenth century, such as Thomas Dempster, is entirely different. In a Latin poem addressed to King James, Dempster writes, ‘Paris accounts me among the distinguished, my titles are familiar at Pallas’ Toulouse, Nemansus [i.e. Ntmes] (bright with its crystal fountain) honours me, and Germany and both lands called Hesperia [i.e. Italy] know me, whether I sweep the stage with my trailing tragedian's gown or fill capacious pages with my heroic verses, whether I choose to write austere verses in graver measures or my naughty page … requires the censor's rod’.49 As these verses imply, he was less well known in England than he was in Germany, France and Italy. His chequered career was mostly spent on the continent (he was a Catholic), where he repeatedly gained positions due to his considerable talents, only to lose them due to his difficult character. He had held positions at Paris, Toulouse, Nîmes, Pisa, and at the time of writing, was in Bologna. He published principally in Paris, but also in Geneva, Florence, Bologna, Cologne, and Frankfurt, and he was respected both as an academic writer and a poet by continental contemporaries. He is one of many Scots whose oeuvre was not formed by contact with the intellectual life of London, and who published entirely outside the British Isles. While most—not all—of Dempster's works were published in the city he lived in at the time, we also find individuals, both English and Scottish, for whom publishing abroad was a positive choice, arising from the basic fact that printing in France, Germany or the Netherlands tended to be cheaper and better quality than printing in Scotland.50 Not all of them were Catholics, by any means. For instance, John Johnston, who made his career in Scotland and ended it as professor of divinity in St Andrews, published ten books in his lifetime, not one of them in either Scotland or England.51 We have detailed information about the printing and distribution of one particular book. He asked his friend Robert Boyd of Trochrig, who was then professor of theology at the Protestant university of Saumur, to organize the printing of some of his Latin verses there. Boyd subsequently noted that the transaction cost £48 (Scots), and Thomas Porteau, the printer, gave him half of the edition to dispose of as he chose (360 books): sixty copies were sent to Scotland ‘to be given to the authors relations’, a hundred went to an unnamed bookseller in Paris, and 200 to Protestant La Rochelle to be sent on to H. Laurence, a bookseller in Amsterdam (probably Hendrick Laurensz. Spieghel), who would send them on to Frankfurt. It is worth observing that none were sent to booksellers in Edinburgh, or to London.52 Sometimes continental printers were so efficient they could even pay their authors. The English iatrochymist Robert Fludd hotly denied that he was sending his work abroad because it was suspiciously magical: he printed in Germany, he claimed, ‘because our home-borne Printers demanded of me fiue hundred pounds to Print the first Volume, and to find [i.e. pay for] the cuts in copper; but beyond the Seas it was printed at no cost of mine, and that as I would wish: And I had 16 coppies sent me ouer with 40 pounds in Gold, as an vnexpected gratuitie for it’.53 His printer was Theodor du Bry of Frankfurt and Oppenheim, who had a name for producing high-quality illustrated books. Similarly, William Harvey initially published his celebrated book on the circulation of the blood, De motu cordis, in Frankfurt, with William Fitzer, a printer of English origin who had settled in that city. There is some debate over why he made this choice, but there are a number of possibly relevant factors: Harvey knew Fludd personally, and, since Fitzer collaborated with Johann Theodor du Bry, Theodor's son, and in fact took over the publication of Fludd's works, Fludd was in a position to recommend Harvey's book to the Frankfurt printers. Like Fludd, Harvey required copperplate illustrations, which would have been cheaper to produce in Frankfurt (and Fitzer, as de Bry did for Fludd, might even have stood the expense). Additionally, a book printed in Frankfurt could attract notice in London, via the catalogues, while a book printed in London would not necessarily attract notice on the continent. The contemporary response to Harvey was extensive; apart from Italian and Dutch editions and a Dutch translation, his theory provoked fierce debate, both pro and anti, from physicians and scholars all over Europe, such as James de Back, Paul Marquart Slegel, Marcantonio Madero, and James Primrose. Another issue for many early-modern writers was censorship. Scots who wanted to publish in Scotland found that the small scale and controllable nature of the Scottish press, and the dependence of the printers on kirk and state for the bulk of their work, meant that only writing which met exacting censorship criteria could appear.54 It is also true that in England, Stationers’ Company licensing produced a censored range of reading, but with dozens of printers active at any one time, governmental control over their output was not nearly so effective. The level of control over the press was thus always stringent in Scotland, but it varied in England. The percentage of books printed under formal legal authorization rose dramatically in late Elizabethan England, as the authorities made a determined effort to control the press, from sixteen per cent in 1585, to seventy-eight per cent in 1588, rising as high as eighty-six per cent between 1589 and 1590.55 In Scotland, all books had to be authorized. In England, however, religious or political nonconformists with well-established clandestine distribution networks— the Quakers, for instance56—were often able to produce and circulate unlicensed print to the like-minded, and according to John Gee, illicit Catholic printers were active in Holborn and Clerkenwell in the 1620s.57 Additionally, Nancy Pollard Brown uncovered syndicates of Catholic scribes in Elizabethan Spitalfields, surreptitiously circulating devotional texts in manuscript.58 This is a reminder that, as Harold Love and others have shown, scribal publication continued to be a significant aspect of the circulation of writers whose work would not have been licensed (not only Catholics); and this is true of both England and Scotland.59 In Ireland, print did not compete with scribal circulation at all, and since in Wales only religious books commanded a large enough market for print to be an appropriate strategy, other literature, similarly, continued to circulate in manuscript.60 However, the inevitable result of censorship was not merely recourse to scribal publication, but a great deal of unlicensed printing. English nonconformists, Catholic and Protestant alike, had in effect a choice between risking the wrath of the authorities by printing surreptitiously in England, or printing abroad, and smuggling their books and pamphlets back into the country.61 The second option was often a better one: for example, A. C. Southern has calculated that some 20,000 recusant books were smuggled into England before 1580.62 Dissident Scots, on the other hand, did not have this choice. They had to publish outside Scotland, if they published at all. Almost always, they did so outside the British Isles, both because it was cheaper, and because their reading and book-buying habits had forged connections with printers and booksellers in France and the Netherlands rather than with London.63 For example, the works of the ‘Aberdeen Doctor’, Patrick Forbes of Corse, who articulated resistance to the covenanters, were printed in Middelburg,64 as were those of his ideological opposite, David Calderwood, covenanter and historian of the kirk, who published more than a dozen pro-Presbyterian tracts in the Netherlands. Similarly in England, a variety of Puritans found that their work was refused a licence for publication, and so several of them resorted to William Brewster's Pilgrim Press at Leiden. They included Thomas Cartwright, whose Confutation of the Rhemists translation, glosses and annotations on the Nevv Testament was stopped at the press by Archbishop Whitgift in 1586, but eventually printed in Leiden in 1618.65 This was so familiar a manoeuvre that it could also be used as a feint on occasion. Thus, according to Anthony a Wood, ‘the reason why ’tis said in the title’ of Dr Rawlings Dring's thesis on chemiatry, ‘that it was printed at Amsterdam is because the College of Physicians refused to license it, having several things therein written against Dr. Martin Lister’. The Netherlands Short Title Catalogue is of the opinion that, despite its title page, the book was surreptitiously printed in London, an opinion clearly shared by Wood (though it is not in the ESTC).66 Dissenting Protestant readers, as well as writers, might well look beyond England for their reading matter. For example, the Congregationalist theologian's John Owen's immensely learned Theologoumena pantodapa, first published in 1661, draws on Greek and Latin theologians, philosophers, and historians whose writings were edited and printed in Protestant strongholds such as Basel, Geneva, Zürich, Leiden, Cologne and Frankfurt and in Venice (which must be distinguished from the rest of Italy in this context, since it steadfastly refused to concede the Catholic Church's right to control what was printed there). Books from the Catholic world, printed in Counter-Reformation centres such as Rome, Paris, and Antwerp, were also available to him. Very few of the dozens of texts that he cites or refutes in Book I were printed in England: the only exceptions are Edward Pococke's Specimen historiae Arabum, the ‘London Polyglot’ Bible, perhaps Chaucer's Canterbury Tales,67 perhaps Gildas's De excidio Britanniae (though the editio princeps of Gildas was printed in Antwerp), a Latin poem by the diplomat Sir Richard Fanshawe, and Martin Fotherby's Atheomastix, which is the only theological work in English he cites in this text.68 If it is true that non-conformist Protestants such as John Owen might inhabit a mental world in which intellectual centres such as Geneva, Sedan, Leiden and Emden were as important, or more important, than London, it is even truer of Catholics. William Blundell, mentioned earlier in this paper, is far from being the only recusant whose library consisted primarily of books printed outside England, and whose habits of thought were formed without reference to intellectual developments in London. The clandestine traffic between English Catholic centres on the continent and recusants at home included the smuggling of books; and in Blundell's immediate milieu, Thomas Bell, a seminary priest who had been a member of the northern mission, was captured by the authorities, and recanted. He subsequently reported that visiting priests ‘hath many times brought books from beyond the seas’ to Little Crosby, where Blundell lived, a mere three miles from the Irish Sea.69 The English, Scots, and Irish Catholic colleges and monasteries published extensively, in both Latin and English. The English colleges translated dozens of devotional and apologetic works by counter-reformation writers such as Nicolas Caussin, St Francis de Sales, and Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino, as well as issuing a substantial literature of their own. Additionally, some of the earliest Irish-language printing was the work of exiled Irish Franciscans such as Fr Bonaventure O’Hussey, and, Salvador Ryan suggests, distributed in Ireland.70 Irish Catholics were fairly successful in smuggling their books into Ireland.71 Additionally, some members of Irish colleges abroad engaged in major works of Hiberno-Latin scholarship. John Colgan and Luke Wadding are two of the more distinguished and prolific of these exile scholars.72 Welsh Catholic exiles also printed in their own vernacular, and the fact that Morys Clynnog's catechism, Athrauaeth Gristnogaul, published in Milan in 1568, provoked a published rebuttal (Lewis Evans, A brief Answer to a short trifling Treatise of late set forth in the Britaine Tongue, written by one Clinnock at Rome, and lately spread secretly abroad in Wales), strongly suggests that it was distributed at home.73 While the Irish and Welsh Catholics concentrated on basic religious instruction in their vernacular printing, much of the English recusant literature is nonpolemical books of lay spirituality and devotion, written to sustain faith among Catholics with little or no access to the services of a priest.74 Recusant Catholicism, like Protestantism, was profoundly dependent on the written word.75 Most of the books which sustained it were written, translated or edited by exiles, published abroad, and brought into England by devious means. There were also secret Catholic presses active within England, the products of which were put into circulation by smuggling: the clandestine paths travelled by these books were equally suited to facilitating the circulation of recusant literature printed abroad.76 But even when their reading matter was published in England, London is patently not the centre of recusant readers’ intellectual formation or cultural universe. The story of a recusant bookbinder and bookseller called Francis Ash shows how a business selling contraband Catholic books could develop and expand in 1630s England without reference to the print culture of London:77 He grew so famous in Bristoll, Glocester, Shrewsbury, Hereford, and many places, especially with all the Papists in Worcestershire, and having got intimation with most of the greatest Papists was in a manner Agent for them, got good sums of money, and was greatly preferred of all, for Popish Books, Pictures, and the like; and found an extraordinary Trade … Mr. Ash after took a voyage to France for Popish Books, and pictures for the Bible, which the Papists so much extolled … that all their sorts must have pictures, and I fear Popish notes … in France he dealt for the pictures of all the Popish sorts, and the most excellent, as of Vandikes Draft, and there bargained with an excellent workman Mr. Hollard to ingrave and cut them. Of course, dissident writers, both Catholic and Protestant, show a strong awareness of London printing; evidenced by the endless pamphlet wars from the 1550s onwards, the ‘Blasts’, ‘Counterblasts’, ‘Challenges’ and ‘Replies’ which are a strong feature of both nonconformist literature and Anglican engagement with it. One way of understanding this is to suggest that there were alternative mainstreams for which London is a significant other in an oppositional sense; alternative centres, which might loosely be called ‘Geneva’ and ‘Rome’ (though practically speaking, they were Amsterdam and Frankfurt for Protestants, and Antwerp and Paris for Catholics), and a continuous dialectic between different authority structures. A completely different aspect of the London monopoly on English printing, which also has a bearing on patterns of printing and book-buying in the British Isles, as the habits of Scottish book-buyers suggests, is that English printing was relatively inefficient. Paul Hoftijzer has suggested that this was a direct result of the Stationers’ Company's control over printers, which led to the inefficiency so often characteristic of monopolies;78 though the high price of paper in England also had something to do with it.79 In any case, the consequence was that the great continental printers could, and did, undercut English rivals when there was sound commercial reason to do so. One reason why the Anglophile Drummond of Hawthornden bought only nineteen per cent of his books in England is that French books were cheaper. MacDonald notes in his study of Drummond's library, ‘on an average, a book in Paris cost half its price in London, or even less … apart from English books, Paris plainly had a better (and cheaper) selection in every subject than London or Edinburgh’.80 Even factoring in the extra cost of shipping, printing unlicensed editions outside England was often commercially worthwhile, particularly for publishers based in the Low Countries, due both to their geographic proximity to England, and to the sophistication of their printing industry. Leaving to one side the productions of English Catholic college presses in France and Belgium, the Netherlands is the only country outside Britain itself which printed books and pamphlets in the English language: the Netherlands Short Title Catalogue lists 1,233 of them before 1700. Some were printed by, or for, dissidents and exiles, but others are straightforwardly commercial productions. Bibles were a particular issue in the aftermath of the production of King James's Authorised Version, since many readers preferred bibles which were, in one way or another, proscribed. Archbishop George Abbot banned the issue of Bibles without the apocrypha (preferred by puritans), and the importation of Geneva bibles was banned by Archbishop Laud in 1637.81 Neither ban was effectual, because Dutch printers could, and did, supply these markets, and could not readily be controlled by English bishops.82 English and Scots authorities made repeated, futile, attempts to persuade Dutch magistrates to act against both monopoly-breakers and spreaders of seditious material: promises were made from time to time, in the interests of good international relations, but little was ever done, apart from during a brief period when Archbishop Laud contrived to recruit a like-minded ally in Amsterdam;83 though even so, the Amsterdam magistrates could not control printing in other provinces of the Low Countries. It was also possible for Dutch printers to combine the King James text with the Geneva notes, which James I disliked and attempted to suppress, since he considered that ‘the Notes on the Genevian Bible were partial, untrue, seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous and trayterous conceits’.84 But quite apart from adding value by producing bibles tailored for particular reading communities, the Dutch were able to produce a bible for half the price of one printed in England.85 One Amsterdam printer claimed to have printed more than a million English-language bibles.86 Dutch printers also produced opportunistic editions of popular works, undercutting the Stationers’ Company's licensed editions. Some German printers did too: for example, John Case had the irritating experience of finding that his London publisher, Joseph Barnes, refused to print further work of his, because Case's Sphaera civitatis had been speedily and repeatedly pirated by the Wechel press in Frankfurt, leaving Barnes with unsold copies of his own edition, which must have been more expensive than the Wechel books, even taking carriage to England into consideration: this story also indicates that it was easy for Case's English readers to get books from Frankfurt.87 As Case's experience implies, the Frankfurt book fair allowed for the efficient circulation of books, and also of information about books. French publishers advertised in the Frankfurt catalogues, and some, such as the heirs and successors of Guillaume Rouillé of Lyons, issued catalogues themselves.88 On 3 January 1616 the ‘Latin stock’ of the Stationers’ Company was established to export English books, import books published abroad, and to reprint foreign books if demand justified it. The Latin stock issued semi-annual catalogues from the autumn of 1622 to the autumn of 1626. It was not a successful enterprise.89 This reflects the fact that an area where English printers conspicuously struggled to compete was publishing classical and patristic texts. Oxford and Cambridge printed a few, but England's university presses were commercially uncompetitive, and had difficulty in getting off the ground.90 Kristian Jensen has observed that Oxford's struggle to maintain a press is unexceptional if the comparanda are other University cities which were similarly on the geographical margins of Europe and distant from major economic hubs, such as Greifswald, rather than with Paris. David McKitterick similarly stresses the difficulty Cambridge experienced in supporting a press in the sixteenth century: there was no printing at Cambridge until 1583, or at Oxford until 1585.91 The greatest English classical scholars, men such as Thomas Linacre, published with continental printers. The short-title catalogues reveal a lively culture of translation into English. Almost half the verse published in the first half-century of printing in England is translated.92 Translation was a means by which England could participate in continental literary developments such as Petrarchanism and romance in the sixteenth century, and in the seventeenth, preciosite, particularly in the circle of Henrietta Maria.93 Anne Coldiron has drawn attention to the transformative role of translation and printing in the development of English literature, and the way that English translators appropriated texts from higher-status languages, notably French and Latin.94 All this is well known, but translation out of English has attracted less attention, though it is the essential key to the not-inconsiderable extent to which British writings are tributary to other mainstreams. There were indeed British writers with a notable presence on the continent. Quite a number of English and Scottish writers from the middle ages and earlier continued to be deemed important in the print era, among them John Duns Scotus, Bede, and Anselm, and were frequently reprinted.95 One of the first renaissance Englishmen to achieve a major literary reputation outside his own country is Sir Thomas More. His name was well known in Europe thanks to his friendship with Erasmus, perhaps the best-known writer of his era. The fact that he was subsequently executed for opposition to Henry VIII's divorce and remarriage gained him a different kind of fame, but his Latin poetry and prose was valued for more than just its associations. ‘Sir Thomas Mores Epigrams … flie all over Europe for their wit and conceit’, said Sir John Harington, who translated two of them.96 The first complete and separately issued edition of his Latin and Greek epigrams was published by John Froben in Basel in 1520, from manuscripts collected by Erasmus. More's posthumous reputation was curated by a variety of friends and associates, who also included John and William Rastell and Thomas Stapleton. The Rastells’ publications were issued in London,97 but Stapleton's Life was printed in Cologne, Douai, Paris, and Graz.98 Both friendship with Erasmus and martyrdom may have contributed to the success of Utopia, as publicity generally does, but the work generated its own momentum. From its first publication, in Louvain in 1516, it was immensely successful, and as well as being reprinted several times in Latin, it was translated into German, French, Italian, Spanish, and Dutch. Curiously, after Utopia, there continued to be a continental appetite for fantastical literature of English origin. Joseph Hall's satirical Mundus alter et idem was popular in Germany and the Netherlands, as was Francis Godwin's The Man in the Moon, which was also translated into French as well as German and Dutch, and Henry Neville's The Isle of Pines was similarly translated into French, German and Dutch. Other popular English writers were translated: Robert Greene's most frequently reprinted pam phlet, A Quip for an Upstart Courtier, also found Dutch and German readers, while his romance Pandosto, which gave Shakespeare the basic plot of Twelfth Night, was translated into French.99 Thomas Nashe's Pierce Penilesse, which again, had been a great success in English, was translated into Dutch.100 All this suggests that there was enough interaction between members of the Dutch and English book trades that Dutch printers might become aware of English books that had become a popular success in their original language, and take action accordingly by commissioning a translation. One writer who emerges possessed of a completely different stature when viewed from a European perspective is James VI. His book of advice written for his oldest son Prince Henry, Basilikon Doron, achieved a substantial international readership: there were fourteen editions, mostly in Latin, but it was also issued in Dutch, German, French, Swedish and Hungarian. Italian and Spanish versions survive in manuscript.101 His poem Lepanto similarly circulated outside Britain; there was a French translation by Saluste du Bartas, and it was also issued in Dutch.102 The King's views on monarchy were both widely promulgated, and also challenged, for example by the Jesuit Francisco Suarez.103 There were also English writers who contributed to genres fashionable within Europe, notably the well-travelled and well-read Sir Philip Sidney, whose Arcadia was issued in German, Dutch, French, and Italian. Ian Maclean has observed that the libraries of foreigners who owned English- language books seldom included literary texts, but that Arcadia was an exception to this rule.104 Still more successful, and often bracketed with Arcadia, was Argenis, a neo-Latin romance by John Barclay, a Catholic naturalized in France who considered himself Scots at least by origin, which was one of the most popular romances of the seventeenth century, and much esteemed by critics.105 It went through at least eighty editions before 1700, half of them in Latin, and the other half in Dutch, English, French, German, Italian, Polish, and Spanish. Additionally, what Anne Coldiron and Jerome McGann call ‘radiant textuality’—the creation of multiple more or less simultaneous translations—is also an occasional feature of translation out of English; usually generated by causes celebres such as the executions of Edmund Campion, Mary, Queen of Scots, and Charles I.106 One of the more important early-modern English genres, the public theatre, also proved exportable, up to a point. It is well known that groups of English players were active in Germany, the Netherlands, and Denmark in the sixteenth century, and also in Poland, where they were much admired.107 But there were also Dutch and German works translated from, or adapted from, English plays. There were Dutch versions of plays by Kyd, Tourneur, Davenant, John Mason, Marlowe, and, above all, Shakespeare. Titus Andronicus and The Taming of a Shrew were the Shakespeare plays which fared best on the continent,108 and additionally, the ‘Pyramus and Thisbe’ subplot from A Midsummer Night's Dream took on a life of its own, and remained in the popular repertory in Holland for at least fifty years.109 However, drama always tends to be adapted rather than translated if it is intended for performance; it was effective plotting and staging, not linguistic virtuosity, which won these plays an audience outside England. It is also noticeable that English public theatre did not find an audience beyond the Protestant north.110 Latin drama is of course also part of the English tradition, and was a useful tool for Protestant controversialists. John Bale's English-language comedies printed in Wesel must have been intended to be smuggled back to England, but John Foxe's Christus Trivmphans (Basel, 1556, and Nuremberg, 1590) evidently also found a continental audience, since it was translated into French.111 George Buchanan was still more successful: his Jepthes was printed six times in Latin, eight times in French, six times in German, thrice in Hungarian and thrice in Italian. Baptistes was issued eleven times, in Latin, French, Dutch, and German. At the same time, there were both English and Scottish contributors to the international phenomenon which is the Catholic Latin drama, often associated with the Jesuits, though not peculiar to them. Catholic playwrights drew on Old Latin Comedy, the Commedia dell’arte, and the English popular theatre, to produce a unique dramatic form characterized by both pathos and comedy.112 The Englishmen William Drury and Joseph Simon were particularly successful,113 and the Scot Thomas Dempster's Decemviratus abrogatus, based on the tragic story of Appius and his daughter Virginia, was staged to applause in 1613.114 There were also English playwrights at Douai, such as Thomas Compton Carleton, SJ, author of plays centred on Vortigern, Emma wife of king Canute, and Henry VIII,115 and at the English college in Rome, such as the anonymous authors of plays based on the lives of saints John Fisher, Thomas Becket, and Thomas More. Latin drama was important to the English colleges, as to all Jesuit colleges: they served not merely to educate the boys, but to bring a good deal of welcome and positive publicity to the college's activities, since performances were spectacular, open to the public, and free. British travellers on the continent were potentially exposed to these alternative dramatic traditions; the English might have been hampered in comprehension by their curious pronunciation of Latin, but Scots followed the French pronunciation and so could understand it.116 For example, Drummond of Hawthomden, a Protestant, read English plays with interest, but additionally, when he was in Bourges in 1609, he went night after night to hear Italian and French comedians, and also attended a Jesuit Latin play.117 Though there were thus continental audiences for English prose fiction and drama, English-language poetics attract almost no interest outside England itself; not least because few people spoke English outside the British Isles.118 The greatest evidence for continental interest comes from the Netherlands. The poet Henry Constable probably visited the Netherlands in the 1580s, while acting as a peripatetic English representative mostly in France, since he wrote two poems to Louise de Coligny some time before 1584,119 and perhaps became personally known to Janus Dousa the Younger, since the latter translated one of his sonnets into Latin, published in 1591, and made Dutch versions of two others.120 Despite Dousa's interest, Constable is not otherwise mentioned by Dutch poets or critics. Additionally, some Dutch reactions to English poetry are negative. Constantijn Huygens, an unusually Anglophile Dutchman who spent time in England and had excellent English, was genuinely interested in John Donne, and translated several of the latter's poems in his Korenblumen.121 This may have been due to King James, who apparently once told him he believed Donne to be untranslatable; a challenge Huygens probably found hard to resist.122 However, Joost van den Vondel, perhaps the most prominent Dutch poet and playwright of the seventeenth century, responded to Huygens’ work with a poem, ‘On the abstruse epigrams of the English poet John Donne translated by C. Huigens’, registering distaste: De Britse DONN Die duistre zon Schijnt niet voor ieders oogen Seit Huigens, ongeloogen. The British Donne That darkened sun Shines not to every eye Says Huygens—’tis no lie.123 Thus even in Holland, the country with the highest proportion of English- speakers outside the British Isles, the literary English of the seventeenth century often fell on unsympathetic ears: English linguistic eclecticism was noticed there, but not admired.124 Franciscus Ridderus objected that English was ‘patched together from various languages’.125 Johannes Ubelman, wrestling not with a literary text, but with a work of theology, Edward Stillingfleet's Origines sacrae, complained that his source-text was ‘floating high up in a cloud of many outlandish and beautiful loanwords, since the lisping English language is all languages, and almost completely botched together from all languages of Europe’.126 William Sewel, Dutch but with an English father, and a prolific translator, objected, like Vondel, to the irregularity and linguistic licence of contemporary English verse (in English):127 … for we esteem ’t a great disgrace If poems can't be read almost as prose Tho that may find with you no Yeas but No's. The only works of Donne to find a continental readership apart from Huygens’ experimental translations were prose; the satire Ignatius his Conclave, in Latin translation, and some sermons, Devotions upon emergent occasions, in Dutch: this collection had been particularly successful in English, and was the work most frequently reprinted in Donne's lifetime, so again, this may be a case of a Dutch publisher seizing a commercial opportunity.128 Elsewhere in Europe, Guarini similarly had a low opinion of English poetry, claiming, according to Samuel Daniel, that ‘our costes were with no measures grac'd, Nor Barbarous tongues could any verse bring forth’.129 Part of the reason for English poets’ failure to find a Dutch audience is that the trajectory of Dutch as a language was in the opposite direction to that of English. Whereas writers such as Richard Carew praise, and prize, rich linguistic inventiveness and borrowing from Italian, Latin, and French,130 the Dutch opted for plain style. By contrast with English writers’ willingness to expand their language,131 Dirk Volckertsz Coomhert (1570), poet and translator, complained about the adoption of Latin, Walloon and other foreign words into Dutch, saying that ‘vreemde hoeren ons moedertaal moorden’ (foreign whores murder our mother-tongue). Simon Stevin, Jan van Hout, and Hendrik Laurensz. Spieghel voice similar objections: van Hout, for example, makes the Dutch language plead, ‘stop disfiguring me with the feathers of other birds’, a reference to Aesop's fable of the crow.132 Petrus Rabus, editor of the first Dutch literary periodical, praised Spenser and Donne as ‘scherpsinnige rijmers’ (sharp- witted rhymers), but all the same, in his magazine, De Boekzaal van Europe, he bracketed ‘W. d'Avenant, J. Denham, J. Donne, B. Johnson, J. Milton, J. Oldham, J. Wilmot, Grave van Rochester, W. Shakespear, Ph. Sidney, E. Spencer, J. Lukkling [i.e. Suckling], E. Waller en andere’, not as members of the central canon of contemporary English poets, but as ‘English poets who do not move us Dutchmen very much’ (‘Engelsche Digters, die ons Hollanders niet veel raken’).133 On the basis of this critical consensus, one might have guessed that the Dutch would have been more responsive to the plain style of Scots such as Zachary Boyd and Elizabeth Melville, but none seems in fact to have been translated. However, three English poets are positively commended in an anonymous treatise on poetry from 1610, Den Nederduytschen Helicon. They are James VI, Geffrey Whitney, and John Weever: Brittaenschen Koningh selfs, in eer hoogh op gesteghen, Mits Withney, Wever ooc, dees Konst men reyn sagh plegen (The King of Britain himself, highly elevated, I honour, With Witney and Weever, he could be seen practising this art [poetry] purely).134 The context is a country by country pantheon of well-known writers, beginning with classical authors and moving on to modern times: Petrarch has just been mentioned. This trio are the only English poets in the list; after them come the internationally celebrated Hungarian emblematist and Latin poet Sambucus (János Zsámboky), and the French poets Du Bartas, du Bellay, Ronsard and Marot. James VI was of course known in Holland as a poet, due to Lepanto.135 Geffrey Whitney lived in Leiden for a time, had Dutch literary friends and published his A Choice of Emblemes (a genre appreciated in the Netherlands) in Leiden in 1586, which might explain his inclusion. However, John Weever had no known Dutch connections (though he claims to have travelled on the continent), and there is no evidence that he was published outside England, though a lost translation is always a possibility. He is presumably commended for Epigrammes in the oldest cut, and newest fashion (London, 1599), which are not metrically innovative, or possibly for Faunus and Melliflora (London, 1600); neither of which would now be considered canonically central works of English poetry. Yet it seems that to at least one Dutch critic, John Weever was rated higher than John Donne. The difficulty which the trajectory of English poetics presented to the non-English is also suggested by Drummond of Hawthornden. His own verse was written in English, not Scots, but it was highly conservative: MacDonald observes that ‘celebrating Auristella in a sonnet sequence in 1611 is practising a genre quite out of fashion in England’.135 Despite his friendships with a number of English poets and his real interest in English poetry, he was unhappy with the tendencies of the avant garde. He wrote, in an undated letter to the Scoto-Latin poet Arthur Johnston,137 In vain have some Men of late (Transformers of every Thing) consulted upon her [Poetry's] Reformation, and endeavoured to abstract her to Metaphysical Ideas and Scholastical Quiddities, denuding her of her own Habits, and those Ornaments with which she has amused the world some Thousand Years … [n]either do I think that a good Piece of Poesy, which Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Petrarch, Bartas, Ronsard, Boscan, Garcilasso (if they were alive, and had that Language [i.e. English] could not understand, and reach the Sense of the Writer … What is not like the ancient and conform to those rules which hath been agreed unto by all Times, may (indeed) be something like unto Poetry but it is no more Poetry than a Monster is a Man. He thus seems to show a certain discomfort with the poetry of Donne and his school, again suggesting that it had difficulties in finding a sympathetic audience beyond its own particular context (though he was admiring of Donne as an epigrammatist).138 The reception and publication history of the Welsh neo-Latin poet John Owen outside Britain is in complete contrast to that of his English-language contemporaries. An epigrammatist in the manner of Martial, he was perhaps the most popular poet of his day, and his work is frequently present in contemporary English book-collections. Additionally, there were at least thirty-one Latin editions of his epigrams printed outside England before 1700, German, French, Dutch, Belgian, and Polish, and some of them were also translated into German, French, and Spanish.139 Anthony à Wood draws particular attention to his success on the continent, writing, … he was a person endowed with several gifts, especially with the faculty of poetry, which hath made him famous for those books of epigrams, that he hath published, wherein an ingenious liberty of joking being by him used, was, and is now with some, especially foreigners, not a little pleasing and delightful … The first Latin impressions of the author Owen, being greedily bought, and taken into the hands of all ingenious scholars, and forthwith conveyed beyond the seas, they came at length into the hands of the Romish inquisitors after heretical matters in printed books, who finding dangerous things in them, especially these two verses following, the book was put into the Index Expurgatorius [V.8]: An Petrus fuerit Romae, sub iudice lis est.   Whether at Rome Saint Peter ever were, Simonem Romae nemo fuisse negat.   ’Tis doubtful: doubtless Simon was, is there.140 This did not in fact prevent Owen being read in Catholic Europe, as de la Torre and Lebrun's translations bear witness, though he was certainly more popular in the Protestant North. What is interesting about Wood's comment, though, is that he clearly perceives that a writer might have a reputation on the continent quite distinct from how he was received in England. Evidence from Scotland and the continent thus suggests that with only occasional exceptions, the grand project of the English language was only valued in England. One such exception is John Lyly's Euphues (1578), which achieved a belated success in the Netherlands: the last English edition was 1636, but it appeared in Dutch in 1668, and was thrice reprinted. It met a Dutch taste for ornate prose fiction, and gained an additional acceptability because Lyly preferred to avoid using words of Romance origin, a preference strongly shared by Dutch writers and critics.141 Additionally, prose writers whose work was of interest due to plot and incident, such as Sir Philip Sidney or Shakespeare, might be successful in translation; and those for whom English was merely a medium to express a message and not an object of interest in itself sometimes fared well. Indeed, some non-literary writers gained an extensive continental readership. There was a huge amount of translation from English to Dutch—some 2,500 editions before 1700.142 Noel Osselton has written of a ‘translation industry’, rendering even the most substantial English works into Dutch dress with remarkable speed.143 Very little of this translation was in any way literary; perhaps two-thirds is current affairs (parliamentary proclamations were translated where they touched on Dutch concerns, and there was a massive interest in some English causes cél ébres, most notably the trial and execution of Charles I).144 An English awareness of the Dutch interest in their current affairs is also indicated by the occasional publication of Dutch translations of proclamations in London itself; such as the form of thanksgiving for Mary of Modena's pregnancy: in this instance, the English authorities were evidently keen to emphasize that the forthcoming birth of a Catholic heir to the English throne was something to be celebrated, especially to the Dutch, whose Stadhouder, William, was the obvious Protestant alternative.145 Almost all of the other third of Dutch translation from English is religious. Some English Puritan writers, such as Lewis Bayly and William Perkins, were staggeringly popular wherever Protestant books were vendible. One of the greatest publishing successes of all time is John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress.146 In particular, English Puritans were powerfully influential on the development of Reformed Protestantism in the northern Netherlands.146 Johannes Janssonius of Amsterdam claimed that he was printing 10,000 copies of Bayly's The Practice of Piety at a time.148 There were countless editions of Bayly, for example: fifty-eight Dutch editions, more than fifty in Germany, at least a dozen French-language printings (some of them in Switzerland), multiple versions in Polish, and also editions in Swedish, Hungarian, and Romansch. The fact that it was translated into Algonquin as an aid to the conversion of native Americans suggests how universally it was perceived as a practical handbook for the practice of Protestantism.149 Similarly, there are more than two hundred continental editions of the works of William Perkins, who was translated into Latin, Dutch, German, Spanish, French, Czech, and Hungarian. William Ames and Richard Baxter were also much read outside England. One fact which becomes apparent when these translations are considered chronologically is that these writers are almost always first translated from English to Dutch (the same is also true of the literary writers mentioned earlier). It seems highly probable that many of the translations into German and other languages were made from Dutch versions, and indeed, some state as much on the title-page.150 It is telling, for example, that though James VI attracted considerable interest in the Netherlands, one of his tracts, The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, rejects the basis for a constitutional monarchy such as had evolved in Holland, and, perhaps consequently, was not translated into Dutch. It is the only one of his literary works not to be published in that language, and it may be a further consequence of this that it was not translated into any other foreign language until 1679, when it appeared in Latin as a supplement to a Latin version of Basilikon Doron, in Germany.151 Willem op ’t Hof has shown that translations by Vincent Meusevoet, the most prolific Dutch translator of English Puritan writings, are the source texts for five subsequent Latin and four German translations.152 While there are certainly writers who, on available evidence, were translated into German without there being a pre-existing Dutch translation,153 it is always more likely that an English work picked up by a German publisher has already proven successful on the continent. French translations issued by Dutch publishers also clearly play an intermediary role in some translations (the Netherlands printed huge numbers of books in French—more than 22,000 imprints before 1700—partly because printers in France were shackled by state censorship). Martin Opitz's version of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia was made from a literal German translation from French;154 and similarly, an anonymous Englishman's account of the conquests of Rashid, Sultan of Morocco, A short and strange relation of some part of the life of Tafiletta, published in London in 1669, was promptly translated into French (published in Holland), then from French to Dutch (also published in Holland), Italian, and German.155 The texts undergo what Anne Coldiron felicitously calls ‘catenary’ translation, one translation leading to another without recursion to the original text.156 Similarly, onward translations into languages such as Swedish and Polish generally seem to post-date translations into German; this seems to suggest that they were made after the text in question had achieved a significant presence in the German-speaking market. The intimate relations between the English and Dutch publishing industries only become evident when one looks at the outward trajectory of English books, since there is very little corresponding uptake of Dutch authors in England. There is some, but it has received little attention.157 Naturally, a certain amount of Dutch political writing is published in England, especially in time of war,158 and with both nations racing to build maritime empires, there is, additionally, English interest in Dutch travel writing, not just vice versa,159 while some writing by Dutch scholars, scientists and theologians is reprinted in England.160 But one thing which becomes evident from looking at British literature in the Netherlands is the Low Countries’ role as a gateway for British writers; those who successfully passed through it gained a hugely expanded readership, not only locally, but in some cases, throughout Europe. Focusing on the presence of British writers in European print culture thus reveals a variety of facts about the culture of early-modern Britain. One is that substantial numbers of people, for one reason or another, were book- users, but were not dependent on London for their information, and, instead, were internationally focused, frequently polyglot, and participant in alternative cultural networks and systems of knowledge exchange. This in turn suggests that the word ‘provincial’ should be employed with some care. Another factor which emerges from looking at printing outside England is that there were Protestant communities of dissidents, from the Geneva exiles in the reign of Mary Tudor, to puritans in centres such as Emden, Franeker, and Leiden later that century, together with colleges, convents and schools established by and for English, Irish and Scottish Catholics, all of whom were highly alert to the power of the press. Political dissent also generated exile communities, Royalists in the interregnum, for example, and Jacobites after 1588. All these exiles were intermediaries between their connections in Britain, and their connections in their place of adoption, and each of these groups was keeping its respective cause alive, acting as a centre of opposition to the regime in power, and was therefore an active centre of literary activity and historiography. As Gervase Holles observed, ‘banished men find very little business besides books’, and, as we have seen, there were established conduits for distributing what they wrote.161 Though the cultures of both England and Scotland ideally perceived themselves as single and responsive to the will of the sovereign and the people, as expressed through parliament, there were always exiles; there were always alternative currents; virtual communities kept alive by the circulation of books.162 Something else which is revealed by considering books printed abroad is that a number of writers, both English and Scots, achieved a European reputation; many, though not all, of whom were writers in Latin.163 The impact of early-modern British writers on other European cultures has not been a traditional concern of English studies, but perhaps it should be. The remarkable, Europe-wide distribution of some English Protestant writers is particularly noteworthy, but so is the success of English prose fiction in translation. Additionally, the relative importance of English and neo-Latin writing as literary languages, as it is reflected through the lens of the English Short-Title Catalogues, is powerfully biased towards English. If one considers books published outside England, the reverse is true. Although some writers in English were widely translated, no literary work that was first written in English reached a reading public comparable in size with the audience for the works of John Owen, George Buchanan, John Barclay, or Thomas More. Footnotes 1 The Scottish National Bibliography currently being undertaken by the National Library of Scotland, which aims to include publications by Scots regardless of language or place of publication, is a welcome sign of a move away from this approach. 2 George Puttenham, The Art of English Poesie (London: Richard Field, 1589), p. 120. 3 [Georg Neumark], Der Neu-Sprossende Teutsche Palmbaum (Nuremberg: Hoffman, 1668), p. 98: ‘in Engeland find nicht weniger der statlichsten Werke ausgangen, man sicht aber dass folche alle auf gut Middelsexische Sprachahrt wie folche üm die königliche Thronstadt Londen gebrauchlich und nicht auf Argylisch Cumberlandisch Pembrokkisch und dergleichen unformlichere aussrede gestellet find’. 4 Peter Burke, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 91—94, John H. Fisher, ‘Caxton and Chancery English’, in his The Emergence of Standard English (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), pp.121—44. T. H. Howard-Hill, ‘Early Modern Printers and the Standardization of English Spelling’, The Modern Language Review, 101 (2006), 16—29. See also E. Anthony Wrigley, ‘A Simple Model of London's Importance in Changing English Society and Economy 1650—1750’, Past and Present, 37 (1967), 44—70: Wrigley suggests that one adult in six had some experience of life in London (p. 50). 5 John Barnard & Maureen Bell, ‘The English Provinces’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, IV: 1557—1695, ed. by John Barnard and D. F. McKenzie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 665—86. Roelant Harms, Joad Raymond & Jeroen Salman, Not Dead Things: The Dissemination of Popular Print in England and Wales, Italy and the Low Countries, 1500—1820 (Leiden: Brill, 2014): ‘After [1695, the date of expiry of the Printing Act] however, the effective monopoly of the Stationers’ Company was substantially reduced. by The provinces started to produce their own material’ (p. 24). 6 Harms, Raymond & Salman, Not Dead Things, p. 14. 7 Alastair Mann, The Scottish Book Trade, 1500—1720 (East Linton: Tuckwell, 2000). There are a few exceptions, such as William Davidson, Theophrasti Veridici Scoti medici plicomastix of 1668 printed in Aberdeen for sale in Danzig by J. Puffler (J. F. Kellas Johnstone and A. F. Robertson, Bibliographia Aberdonensis, 2 vols (Aberdeen: for the Third Spalding Club, 1930), 11, 416). 8 There was a little early printing in Irish, in the context of promoting Protestantism. A translation of the New Testament was undertaken by Uilliam Ó Domhnuill some time in the 1560s (based on the Geneva Bible) and printed in a folio edition of 500 in Dublin in 1602. In 1608, an Irish-language Book of Common Prayer was also printed in Dublin, in quarto. The scope of printing in Irish was very limited: Edward W. Lynam, ‘The Irish Character in Print’, The Library, iv, 4 (1924), 286—325 (p. 287), observes that ‘from O’Kearney's Catechism of 1571 to Gallagher's Sermons of 1721, practically every book in the Irish language published in England, Ireland, or the Continent was for religious propaganda’. See also Niall Ó. Cios á in, ‘Print and Irish, 1570—1900: An Exception among the Celtic Languages?’, Radharc, a Journal of Irish and Irish-American Studies, 5/7 (2004—6), 73—106. 9 On illegal Catholic printing, see D. M. Rogers, ‘“Popishe Thackwell” and Early Catholic Printing in Wales’, Biographical Studies, 1534—1829, 2 (1953), 37—54. On Welsh books more generally, see Eiluned Rees, Libri Walliae: A Catalogue of Welsh Books and Books Printed in Wales, 1546—1820, 2 vols (Aberystwyth: National Library of Wales, 1987): fifty-four books by Welshmen or containing Welsh language texts were printed before 1600, and 232 from 1601—1700, nearly all of them religious. 10 D. R. Woolf, ‘Little Crosby and the Horizons of Early Modern Historical Culture’, in The Historical Imagination in Early Modern Britain, ed. by D. R. Kelley & D. M. Sacks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 93—132 (p. 95). 11 Compare the recusant booklists discussed in Earle Havens, ‘Lay Catholic Book Ownership and International Catholicism in Elizabethan England’, in Subversive Texts in Elizabethan England and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, ed. by Teresa Bela, Clarinda Calma & Jolanta Rzegocka (Leiden: Brill, 2016), pp. 217—62— notably weighted towards the literature of post-Tridentine continental Catholicism—and Christian Coppens, Reading in Exile: The Libraries of John Ramridge (d. 1568): Thomas Harding (d. 1572) and Henry Joliffe (d. 1573): Recusants in Louvain (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York, 1993). 12 Elizabeth Armstrong, ‘English Purchases of Printed Books from the Continent 1465—1526’, The English Historical Review, 94 (1979), 268—90; John Macfarlane, Antoine Verard (London: for the Bibliographical Society, 1900); Colin Clair, ‘Christopher Plantin's Trade Connexions with England and Scotland’, The Library, 111, 14 (1959), 43—45. 13 Sebastiaan Verweij, The Literary Culture of Early Modern Scotland: Manuscript Production and Transmission, 1560—1625 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. 243. 14 See also A. A. MacDonald, ‘Early Modern Scottish Literature and the Parameters of Culture’, T he Rose and the Thistle, ed. by Sally Mapstone & Juliette Wood (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998), pp. 77—100 (pp. 86—90), and Theo van Heijnsbergen, ‘Amphibious Music: Literature, Music and Dry Land in Early Modern Verse’, Notis Musycall: Essays on Music and Scottish Culture in Honour of Kenneth Elliott, ed. by Gordon Munro & others (Glasgow: Musica Scotica Trust, 2005), pp. 165—80. 15 Alexander William Crawford Lindsay, 25th earl of Crawford, A Memoir of Lady Anna Mackenzie, Countess of Balcarres and afterwards of Argyll (1621—1706) (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1868), p. 414. 16 In 1643, Maitland lived at Haddington, in East Lothian, Balcarres at Balcarres, in Fife, on the far side of the Firth of Forth, which was at that time only crossable by boat. 17 A tranche of Balcarres books was bought by Sir William Clark, secretary to General Monck (Cromwell's commander-in-chief in Scotland) during the Lindsay family's exile, and were presented to Worcester College by his son in 1736. 18 Julian Roberts, ‘The Latin Trade’, in Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, IV, pp. 141—73. 19 There is indirect information for printed copies of Lydgate and Chaucer in fifteenth-century Scotland, and for the circulation of English texts in manuscript. See Jane Stevenson, ‘Reading, Writing and Gender in Early Modern Scotland’, The Seventeenth Century, 27 (2012), 335—74 (p. 340). 20 For example, The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. by Thomas Dickson, James Balfour Paul, C. T. Mclnnes & others, 13 vols (Edinburgh: General Register House, 1877—1978), 11, 1503—4, 206: ‘To the said Robert [Bartoune] that he gaif to Maister Johnne Herry for certane bukis he bocht to the king in Paris ix li v s’; and 359: ‘To William Fowlar for certaine bukis, Missale et Breviarium de usu Romae, Strabo de scitu orbis, Racionale divinorum officiorum, Conclusiones sancti Pauli, Sermones Panarini in Monte, Ars Moriendi, Stimulus Amoris in Deo, Manuale pro ecclesia de Strivelin, Holcatis Dorbellis, pro fratribus de Strivelin, v li xj s vi d’. 21 The Ledger of Andrew Halyburton, conservator of the privileges of the Scotch nation in the Netherlands, 1492—1503 (Edinburgh: General Register House, 1867), pp. 6, 100—103, 254. 22 Alastair Mann, ‘The Anatomy of the Printed Book in Early Modern Scotland’, The Scottish Historical Review, 80 (2001), 181—200 (p. 183). 23The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, III: 1400—1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga & J. B. Trapp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 205—28 (p. 225). 24Correspondence of Sir Robert Kerr, first Earl of Ancram, and his son William, third Earl of Lothian, ed. by David Laing, Roxburghe Club, 2 vols (Edinburgh: [Printed by R. &. R. Clark], 1875), 11, 524—28. His agent in Paris was John Clerk. 25 See my forthcoming ‘The Lindsay Library in Context’, in T he Early History of the Lindsay Library, ed. by Kelsey Jackson Williams (Brill: Leiden and Boston). 26 George F. Warner, The Library of James VI (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1893); Stevenson, ‘Reading, Writing and Gender’, p. 353. Richard M. Clewett argued that James was isolated from English influence in ‘James VI of Scotland and his Literary Circle’, Aevum 47 (1973), 441—54: he observes that all the poets in the king's circle were fluent in French; and Fowler and Stuart of Baldynneis also fluent in Italian. 27 Murray C. T. Simpson, ‘Some Aspects of Book Purchasing in Restoration Scotland: Two Letters from James Fall to the Earl of Tweeddale, May 1678’, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions 6 (1987—89), 2—9. Fall comments that Paris is still the cheapest place to buy books, though he also sourced some texts from the Elzeviers in the Netherlands for his noble client (p. 7). 28 A Catalogue of Scarce and Curious Books (Edinburgh: for C. Elliott, 1792). 29 Stevenson, ‘Reading, Writing and Gender’, pp. 350, 353—54. Adam Bothwell, bishop of Orkney and uncle of John Napier of Merchiston, was one of the first major book collectors, active in the midsixteenth century: his library contained only a few ‘workis in Inglis’, lumped together as such (his library inventory survives, printed in the The Warrender Papers, ed. by A. I. Cameron, 2 vols (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1931), 11, 396—413). 30 Edinburgh, Register House, GD224/935/22: ‘Inventar of the Earle of Bucleugh his Books taken up 7 August 1634 at Newwork’. The only work of English literature Buccleugh owned was a copy of the 1561 London edition of Chaucer; the list overall suggests that he did his light reading in French, since he also owned several romances. 31 Robert H. MacDonald, The Library of William Drummond of Hawthornden (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1971), p. 37. 32 W. A. McNeill, ‘Scottish Entries in the Acta Rectoria Universitatis Parisiensis 1,519 to c. 1633’, The Scottish Historical Review, 43 (1964), 66—86. See also Jacques Pannier, ‘Quelques É cossais Professeurs et É tudiants à Paris, du 12e au 17e si è cle’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 4 (1932), 93—106, and John Durkan, ‘The French Connection in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries’, in Scotland and Europe 1200—1850, ed. by T. C. Smout (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1986), pp. 19—44. 33 Henry Erkine's tutor explained to his father why they had fled Bourges in 1617: ‘if we had stayed still in Bourges we could not have lernit the Frence, in respet of the great number of Scotsmen that is ther’ (Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, I (London: HMSO, 1904), p. 8i). Forty years later, Sir John Lauder decided to go to Orleans, because ‘I could have a richer advantage in reference to the language, both because its beter spoken their [then at] Poictiers, as also fewer Scotsmen their then in Poictiers’; Journals of Sir John Lauder Lord Fountainhall,with his Observations on Public Affairs and other Memoranda, 1665—1676, ed. by Donald Crawford (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1900), p. 4. 34 Thomas McInalley, Scotland's Sixth University: The Scots Colleges Abroad: 1575 to 1799 (Leiden: Brill, 2012). 35 ‘The Wills of Thomas Bassandyne and Other Printers in Edinburgh, MDLXXVn—MDCLXXVIT, The Bannatyne Miscellany II (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Society, 1836), pp. 185—296, and see Stevenson, ‘Reading, Writing and Gender’, pp. 343—44. In 1633, Patrick Hume of Polwarth had trouble even finding a Greek New Testament in Edinburgh (a book almost any minister would have bought if he could afford it): and had to ask the Earl of Ancram, in London, to find him one (The Correspondence of Sir Robert Kerr, 1, 77). Booksellers’ catalogues post-1660 show a much wider range of stock. 36 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Supplementary Report on the MSS of the Earl of Mar & Kellie (London: HMSO, 1930), p. 97. 37Journals of Sir John Lauder, ed. Crawford, pp. 153—63. Only three were by English authors, and of these, only one is certainly in English and printed in London (Profitable instructions; describing what speciall obseruations are to be taken by trauellers in all nations (London: for Beniamin Fisher, 1633). The other two are Roger Ascham, Familiarium epistolarum libri III (quite possibly the Hanau edition of 1602, or Geneva, 1611): and Edward Brerewood, ‘of sundry religions’, by which he may well mean the French translation, Recherches curievses sur la diversite? des langues & religions en toutes les principales parties du monde (Paris: O. de Varennes, 1640) 38 There are of course exceptions: for example, Alexander Dickson and Patrick, Master of Gray were peripheral members of the Sidney circle (see Jan van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons and Professors (Leiden: for the Thomas Brown Institute, 1962), p. 92, and Letters and Papers of Patrick, Master of Gray, ed. by Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1835)). Roderick J. Lyall, ‘“Thrie Truear Hairts”: Alexander Montgomerie, Henry Constable, Henry Keir and Cultural Politics in Renaissance Britain’, The Innes Review, 54 (2003), 186—215, points to the transnational friendship of Montgomerie and Keir with the English Henry Constable. 39 Jane Rickard, Authorship and Authority: The Writings of James VI and I (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), p. 39, and R. D. S. Jack, ‘James I and Renaissance Poetic Theory’, English 16 (1967), 208—11. 40 Works such as Priscilla Bawcutt, ‘Crossing the Border: Scottish Poetry and English Readers in the Sixteenth Century’, in The Rose and the Thistle, ed. by Sally Mapston & Juliette Wood (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998), pp. 59—76, Gregory Kratzmann, Anglo-Scottish Literary Relations, 1430—1550 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980): and A. A. Macdonald, ‘Anglo-Scottish Literary Relations: Problems and Possibilities’, Studies in Scottish Literature, 26 (1991), 172—84, explore these connections. 41 I have never seen a contemporary reference to Melville or her work in any English writer, or in any of the catalogues of learned women. Jamie Reid Baxter, ‘Elizabeth Melville, Calvinism and the Lyric Voice’, in James VI and I, Literature and Scotland: Tides of Change, 1567—1625, ed. by D. J. Parkinson (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), pp. 151—72; and on ‘plain style’, his ‘Presbytery, Politics and Poetry: Maister Robert Bruce, John Burel and Elizabeth Melville’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 34 (2004), 6—27. 42 134 works of polite literature in Latin (i.e. poems, epithalamia, panegyrics, dialogues, etc. on topics other than religion) were published in Scotland before 1640. Also, in the same period, 144 were published in France by Scots (not counting editions of Barclay's Argenis and Euphorion) and another fifty-nine in England by Scots. This was the high point of Scotland's engagement with Latinity, as Steven Reid has shown: ‘A Latin Renaissance in Reformation Scotland? Print Trends in Scottish Latin Literature, c. 1480—1700’, Scottish Historical Review, 95 (2016), 1—29. See now R. P. H. Green, P. H. Burton and D. J. Ford, Scottish Latin Authors in Print up to 1700, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia XXX (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2012). 43 Jonquil Bevan, ‘Scotland’, in Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, IV, pp. 687—70 (p. 688), discusses Scotland's cultural and mercantile orientation towards continental Europe. 44 Duncan Shaw, ‘Adam Bothwell, a Conserver of the Renaissance in Scotland’, in The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland: Essays in Honour of Gordon Donaldson, ed. by I. B. Cowan & Duncan Shaw (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1983), pp. 141—69 (p. 168). 45 Mann, Scottish Book Trade, p. 35. 46 Colville was the author of Mock Poem, or The Whiggs Supplication, first published in London in 1681, reprinted both in London and Edinburgh, and also extensively circulated in manuscript. Sydserf translated/adapted two Spanish intrigue comedies, Arnaldo, or, the Injur’d lover (London: Thomas Dring, 1660), and Tarugo's Wiles, or the Coffee House (London: for Henry Herringman, 1668). The latter was performed in Edinburgh in 1669 in the playhouse Sydserf had opened in Edinburgh's Canongate. 47 See, for example, Catalogus librum venalium apud D Trench (Edinburgh, 1667): and A Catalogue of excellent and rare books … to be sold by way of auction the 9th. day of July 1690 (Edinburgh, 1690). 48 Robert Crawford, Devolving English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), pp. 16—44 (p. 18). 49 ‘Divinatio ad augustissimum potentissimumque regem Iacobum VI’, in Delitiae poetarum Scotorum, 2 vols (Amsterdam: Joan Blaeu, 1637), 1, 322—25 (p. 324) (trans. by Dana F. Sutton): … Me Lutetia claris Annumerat, mea Palladiae sunt nota Tholosae Nomina, me vitreo quae lucet fonte Nemansus Observat, libris Germania, & utraque novit Hesperia, orchestram quatio seu syrmate longo, Sive stilo hero chartas implore capaces, Seu numero traxisse libet graviora severos, Pagina censoris seu poscat adultera virgam . 50 See now Scottish Latin Authors in Print up to 1700, which gives an idea of the sheer quantity of neo-Latin produced by Scottish writers, much of it published outside Scotland. This checklist excludes George Buchanan, the subject of a dedicated bibliography by John Durkan; Matthias Shaaber, CheckList of Works of British Authors Printed Abroad, in Languages other than English, to 1641 (New York: Bibliographic Society of America, 1975), lists 115 editions and translations of his works printed abroad before 1641. 51 Though five of his works were printed at the expense of the Edinburgh publisher Andrew Hart, and must therefore have been on sale in Edinburgh, they were printed (by various printers) in Leiden. 52 Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin poetry, 1500—1925 (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p. 157. 53Doctor Fludds answer vnto M- Foster or, The squeesing of Parson Fosters sponge, ordained by him for the wiping away of the weapon-salue (London: for Nathaniel Butter, 1631), pp. 21—22. 54 Joad Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 161—201, points to the General Assembly's capacity to control printers. However, the printing of Cantus, songs and fancies with a briefe introduction of as is taught in the musick-schule of Aberdene by T. D. Mr. of Musick (Aberdeen: Iohn Forbes, 1662; and later editions), an Episcopalian songbook explicitly critical of the Kirk, suggests that was after a press was established there (in 1622): Aberdeen printers were protected up to a point by sheer remoteness, and perhaps also by the continued strong presence of Episcopalians in positions of power. 55 Cyndia Clegg, Press Censorship in Elizabethan England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 60—61. 56 Kate Peters, Print Culture and the Early Quakers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 50-64. 57 John Gee, The Foot out of the Snare … Whereunto is Added … the Names of Such as Disperse, Print, Bind or Sell Popish Bookes, 3rd edn (London: R. Milbourne, 1624), sigs. O1—P1. 58 Nancy Pollard Brown, ‘Paperchase: The Dissemination of Catholic Texts in Elizabethan England’, English Manuscript Studies, 1100—1700, 1 (1989), 120—43. See also Earle Havens, ‘Notes from a Literary Underground: Recusant Catholics, Jesuit Priests, and Scribal Publication in Elizabethan England’, Publications of the Bibliographical Society of America, 99 (2005), 505—38. 59 Brice Harris, ‘Captain Robert Julian, Secretary to the Muses’, English Literary History, 10 (1943), 294—309; Harold Love, ‘Scribal Texts and Literary Communities: The Rochester Circle and Osborn b. 105’, Studies in Bibliography, 42 (1989), 219—35, and his Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 185, 292—93. Scribal circulation was also important in Scotland. Satirical or subversive works such as John Scot of Scotstarvit's ‘The Staggering State of Scottish Statesmen’ were circulated in manuscript in the seventeenth century, but not printed. 60 Graham C. G. Thomas, ‘From Manuscript to Print — I. Manuscript’; Charles Parry, ‘From Manuscript to Print — II. Printed Books’, in A Guide to Welsh Literature, 1530—1700, ed. by R. Geraint Gruffydd (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1997), pp. 241—62, 263—74. 61 Both Catholic and Protestant patterns of publication are discussed in Leona Rostenberg, The Minority Press & the English Crown: A Study in Repression, 1558—1625 (Nieuwkoop: B. De Graaf, 1971). 62 A. C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose, 1559—1583 (London & Glasgow: Sands & Co., 1950), p.36. 63 See for example, Keith L. Sprunger, Trumpets from the Tower: English Puritan Printing in the Netherlands, 1600—1640 (Leiden: Brill, 1993); Rendel Harris & Stephen K. Jones, The Pilgrim Press, ed. by R. Breugelmans (Nieuwkoop: de Graaf, 1987); Andrew Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt: Exile and the Development of Reformed Protestantism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), which lists books printed in Emden at pp. 252—311. 64An Learned commentarie vpon the revelation of Saint Iohn (Middelburg: R. Schilders, 1614): Commentarius in Apocalypsin … Latine vertit, & annotationibus illustravit Johannes Forbesius a Corse (Middelburg: R. Schilders, 1614). 65 Sprunger, Trumpets, 12—13. 66Dissertatio Epistolica ad amplissimum virum & clarissimum pyrophilum J. N. Armigerum conscripta; … contra Medicos & Chymicos hodiernos evincitur ([Amsterdam: s.n., 1688]). Anthony a Wood, Athene Oxoniensis, ed. by Philip Bliss, 4 vols (London: F. C. & J. Rivington, 1813—20), iv, 738. 67 Or Gee, The Foot out of the Snare; which quotes the same couplet (Owen's only Chaucer reference) at p. 30. 68The Works of Lucy Hutchinson II: Theological Writings and Translations, ed. by David Norbrook, Elizabeth Clarke & Jane Stevenson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), pt I, 289—92. For Owen's library, see Crawford Gribben, ‘John Owen—Renaissance Man? The Evidence of Edward Millington's Bibliotheca Oweniana (1684)’, Westminster Theological Journal, 71 (2010), 321—32. As a guide to Owen's library it is useful up to a point: Gribben suggest that ‘after cataloguing Owen's actual books … Millington decided to pack the catalogue with recently published material he hoped to sell on the back of Owen's reputation’ (p. 331). 69 His report on the Little Crosby community is in Archives of the Archbishop of Westminster, Series A, vol. 4, no. 38., 446—47. 70 Salvador Ryan, ‘Bonaventura Ó hEoghusa's “An Teagasg Cr í osdaidhe” (1611/1614): A Reassessment of its Audience and Use’, Archivium 58 (2004), 259—67. 71 Brian Mac Cuarta SJ, ‘Old English Catholicism in Chester documents, 1609—19’, Archivium Hibernicum, 57 (2003), 1—10. See also Raymond Gillespie, ‘The Circulation of Print in Seventeenth- Century Ireland’, Studia Hibernica, 29 (1995—97), 31—58 (pp. 46—48), and Crawford Gribben & Elizabethanne Boran, Enforcing Reformation in Ireland and Scotland: 1550—1700 (London: Routledge, 2006). Gribben and Boran point out that these contraband books were produced in small formats so they would be easier for their eventual owners to conceal (p. 44). 72 For an overview of the colleges’ production, see M. O’N. Walsh, ‘Irish Books Printed Abroad 1475—1700’, The Irish Book, 2 (Dublin: Dolmen Press, 1962—63). 73 Counter-Reformation authors such as St Robert Southwell, Roberto Bellarmino, and Peter Canisius were published on the continent in Welsh translation. Athrauaeth Gristnogaul itself was an adaptation of Diego de Ledesma's Doctrina Christiana. See Paul Bryant-Quinn, ‘“To preserve our language”: Gruffydd Robert and Morys Clynnog’, Journal of Welsh Religious History, 8 (2000), 16— 33. Evans's rebuttal was published in London in 1571: no copy of this edition is known to survive, but it is attested by Thomas Tanner in Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica (London: Societatis ad Literas Promovendas, 1748), p. 270. 74 Thomas H. Clancy, ‘A Content Analysis of English Catholic Books, 1615—1714’, The Catholic Historical Review, 86 (2000), 258—72. 75 Alexandra Walsham, ‘“Domme Preachers”? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past & Present, 168 (2000), 72—123. 76 Patrick Collinson, Arnold Hunt & Alexandra Walsham, ‘Religious Publishing in England, 1557— 1640’, in Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, IV, pp. 29—66 (p. 47): prohibited literature was hidden in other freight, landed at isolated spots, or customs officers were bribed to turn a blind eye. On the distribution of Catholic books in particular, see Barnard and Bell, ‘The English Provinces’, p. 681, and Walsham, ‘“Domme Preachers”’. 77 Michael Sparke, A second beacon fired by Scintilla (London: Printed for the author, 1652), p. 6. 78 Paul Hoftijzer, ‘The English Book in the Seventeenth-Century Early Dutch Republic’, in The Bookshop of the World—The Role of the Low Countries in the Book Trade, 1473—1941, ed. by Lotte Hellinga & others (Houten: HES and De Graaf, 2001), pp. 89—107 (p. 92). 79The Notebook of Thomas Bennet and Henry Clements (1686—1719): With Some Aspects of Book Trade Practice, ed. by Norma Hodgson & Cyprian Blagden (Oxford: the Bibliographical Society, 1956K p. 14. 80 MacDonald, Library of William Drummond, pp. 38, 40. 81 Mann, Scottish Book Trade, pp. 91—92; Paul Hoftijzer, Engelse Boekverkopen bij de Beurse (Amsterdam and Maarssen: Holland Universiteits Pers, 1987). 82 Hoftijzer, ‘The English Book’, p. 95. 83 Sprunger, Trumpets, 119—23, and see his ‘Archbishop Laud's Campaign Against Puritanism at The Hague’, Church History, 44 (1975), 308—320. 84 Peter Heylyn, Aerius redivivus, or, The history of the Presbyterians (Oxford: Jo. Crosley, 1670), p. 247. The Amsterdam printers Mercy Bruyning (or Browning) and Steven Swart produced several editions of these bibles, which were illegal in Britain: P. G. Hoftijzer, Engelse Boekverkopers bij de Beurs (Amsterdam & Maarssen: APA-Holland Universiteits Pers, 1987), p. 359. 85 The figure of half the price of an English imprint is from the printer Michael Sparke's Scintilla (London: s.n., 1641), pp. 3—5. 86 I. H. van Eeghen, ‘De befaamde drukkerij op de Herengracht over Plantage (1685—1755)’, Amstelodamum Jaarboek, 58 (1966), 82—100 (p. 83). 87 J. W. Binns, Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England (Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1990), p. 370. The Frankfurt book fair was held twice yearly, and issued catalogues, so London booksellers could arrange to supply Frankfurt books. See Notebook of Thomas Bennet and Henry Clements, ed. by Hodgson & Blagden, pp. 13—15; and James Raven, The Business of Books: Booksellers and the English Book Trade (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), pp. 58—61. 88 The Rouillé press issued catalogues in 1604 and 1625. 89 Ian Maclean, Learning and the Market Place: Essays in the History of the Early Modern Book (Leiden: Brill), pp. 316—17. 90 See The History of Oxford University Press I: Beginnings to 1780, ed. by Simon Eliot (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); and David McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press I: Printing and the Book Trade in Cambridge, 1534—1698 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). …. 91 ‘Printing at Oxford in its European Context, 1478—1584’, in History of Oxford University Press I, pp. 3I-5 °. 92 William A. Ringler, Jr, Bibliography and Index of English Verse Printed 1476—1558 (London: Mansell, 1988), pp. 5—6. 93 See Renaissance Cultural Crossroads: Translation, Print and Culture in Britain, 1473—1640, ed. by S. K. Barker & Brenda M. Hosington (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 94 A. E. B. Coldiron, Printers without Borders: Translation and Textuality in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). 95 The extent of Anselm's influence on devotio moderna would be worth investigating; Dialogus beatae Mariae et Anselmi de passione Domini was translated into Dutch in 1492, as Vraege zo Marien van der Passie uns lieven Heren (Cologne: [Johann Koelhoff, the Younger], 1492): and subsequently into German; Sent Anselmus vrage tzo marine (Köln: Heinrich von Neuß, 1509). It was frequently reprinted in both languages through the sixteenth century. 96The Epigrams of Sir John Harington, ed. by Gerard Kilroy (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), p. 31. 97 A. W. Reed, ‘The Editor of Sir Thomas More's English Works: William Rastell’, The Library, iv, 4 (1923-4h 25-49. 98 There were also other lives of More published on the continent. They include anon, Beschreybuug [sic] des vrtheyls vnd todts weiland des Gsofi Cantzlers in Engenlandt, Herrn Thomas Morus, perhaps the earliest (probably printed Nuremberg: Friedrich Peypus, 1535): Expositio Fidelis De Morte D. Thomae Mori, et quorundam aliorum insignium virorum in Anglia (Antwerp: Steelsius, 1536), also anonymous; and [Cresacre More], The life and death of Sir Thomas Moore Lord high Chancellour of England (probably Douai: Balthasar Bellere, 1631). 99 Additionally, Meynert Pietersz Voskuyl; M.P. Voskuyls Dorastus en Fauniaas treur-bly-eyndend’ spel, 2 parts (Amsterdam: Dirck Cornelisz. Hout-haeck, 1637) is a Dutch play based on Pandosto. 100Request van Gys sonder Ghelt, gheseght Pieter Penningloos (s.l.: s.n., 1646) 101 Astrid Stilma, A King Translated: James VI and I and the Dutch Interpretations of his Works (Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit, 2005), pp. 159—60; and see Hanna Orsolya Vincze, The Politics of Translation and Transmission: Basilikon Doron in Hungarian Political Thought (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012). 102La Lépanthe de Jacques VI, roi d’Escosse, faicte françoise par G. de Saluste, seigneur Du Bartas (s.l.: s.n., 1591); and Den slach van Lepanten, trans. by A. van der Myl (Middelburgh: R. Schilders, 1593): reissued in Amsterdam, 1603. 103Tractatus de legibus, ac Deo legislatore : in decem libros distributus (Coimbra: Diogo Gomes Loureiro, 1612); Defensio fidei catholicae et apostolicae aduersus anglicanae sectae errores, cum responsione ad apologiam pro iuramento fidelitatis [et] praefationem monitoriam serenissimi Iacobi angliae regis (Coimbra: Diogo Gomes Loureiro, 1613); and three subsequent editions in Mainz. See Ronald G. Asch, ‘The Anglo-Gallican Moment’, in his Sacral Kingship Between Disenchantment and Re-Enchantment: The French and English Monarchies 1587—1688 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). 104 Ian Maclean, Learning and the Marketplace (Leiden: Brill, 2009), p. 352. 105 William Alexander, for example, considered Arcadia and Argenis the only two works by Britons which could stand comparison with classical authors. The Works of William Drummond, of Hawthornden (Edinburgh: James Watson, 1711), pp. 159—62, 160—62, and Argenis is equally commended in Thomas Pope Blount's comparative critical study, Censura celebriorum authorum (London: Richard Chiswell, 1690), pp. 655—56. 106 Coldiron, Printers Without Borders, p. 24. For example, William Cecil's justification of Campion's execution, Justitia Britannica, was issued in Italian, Dutch, French and Latin as well as English; while simultaneously, the Catholic account of his death appeared in French, Italian and Latin, and his Rationes decem in German, French and Polish as well as the original Latin. There are also examples of the kind of the polyglot productions discussed by Coldiron, notably Fr James Bonaventure Hepburn's seventy-two-language Virga Aurea septuaginta duobus encomiis b.v. Mariae coelata (Rome: s.n., 1616), and Richard Corbington SJ's multiple versions of the story of the Holy House of Loreto in Latin, English, Welsh, Scots, and Irish, published in Loreto in 1635. 107 Willem Schrickx, ‘“Pickleherring” and English Actors in Germany’, Shakespeare Survey, 36 (1983), 135—48; and his ‘English Actors at the Courts of Wolfenbuttel, Brussels and Graz’, Shakespeare Survey, 33 (1980), 153—68; Jerzy Limon, Gentlemen of a Company: English Players in Central and Eastern Europe, 1590—1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). 108 Adriaen Van den Bergh (Utrecht), Titus Andronicus [Dutch], 1621, lost; Engelische Comedien und Tragedien … 2. Theil, ‘Eine sehr klagliche Tragoedia von Tito Andronico’, Leipzig, 1620, 2nd edn, 1623; Jan Vos, Aran en Titus of Wraak en Weerwrak, twenty edns from 1641—1699; De dolle bruyloft, Amsterdam, 1654; Kunst iiber alle Kunste Ein bos Weib gut zu machen, Rapperschweyl, 1672. 109 M. Gramsberg, Kluchtige Tragoedie of den Hartoog van Pierlepon (Amsterdam: Tymon Houthaeck, 1650). Andreas Gryphius, Absurda Comica: Oder Herr Peter Squenz (Breslau: Treschner, 1658). The Dutch play is shown, performed by a company of strolling players, in a 1708 painting by Matthijs Naiveu, ‘Toneelvoorstelling in een Dorp’, now in the Lakenhal, Leiden. 110 An exception to this statement is the appearance of a troupe of English comedians in Paris for two months in 1598 and again to English actors in 1602—4: there is no record of what they performed (Francis A. Yates, ‘English Actors in Paris during the Lifetime of Shakespeare’, The Review of English Studies, 1 (1925), 392—403). 111Le triomphe de Jesus Christ (Geneva: J. Bonnefoy, 1562). 112 Robert Knightley, Alfrede or Right Reinthron’d. A Translation of William Drury's Aluredus sive Alfredus (Binghamton, NY: State University of New York at Binghamton, 1993), pp. 8—9. 113 Two of Drury's plays were published in Douai in 1620, and his complete Dramatica poemata in Antwerp, in 1621 and again in 1643. Joseph Simon's Zeno was published three times in Rome, and his Tragoedia quinque in Liege, 1657, and Cologne, 1680. 114Tragoedia, decemviratus abrogatus, Thomae Dempsteri (Paris: J. Libert, 1613). 115 The first of these survives as London, British Library, MS Lansdowne 723, fols. 1—42; the other two are mentioned in The First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay edited by Fathers of the congregation of the London oratory; with an historical introduction by Thomas Francis Knox (London: Catholic Record Society, 1878), pp. 181, 207. They were not printed. 116 Additionally, a playbill was often provided with a synopsis in the local language for the benefit of the non-Latinate. On pronunciation, see T. Tunberg, ‘Observations on the Pronunciation of Latin during the Renaissance’, The Classical Outlook, 82 (2005), 68—71. Thomas Coryate noted the difference of English pronunciation in Coryates Crudities, 2 vols (Glasgow: James Maclehose, 1905), II, 59—60; and James VI commented on the French pronunciation used in Scotland in an address to the University of Edinburgh recorded by Thomas Craufurd, A History of the University of Edinburgh, from 1580 to 1646 (Edinburgh: A. Neill & Co., 1808), pp. 86—87. 117 Dermot Cavanagh, ‘William Drummond of Hawthornden as Reader of Renaissance Drama’, Review of English Studies, 66 (2015), 676—97, and Robert H. MacDonald, ‘Drummond of Hawthornden: The Season at Bourges, 1607’, Comparative , 4 (1970), 89—109. 118 P. G. Hoftijzer, ‘British Books Abroad: The Continent’, in Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, IV, pp. 735—52 (p. 735). 119 Lyall, ‘Thrie Truear Hairts’, p. 198. 120 van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons and Professors, pp. 82—90. 121 Theo Hermans, ‘Huyghens on Translation’, Dutch Crossing, 11 (1987), 3—27. 122 His friend Jacob Westerbaen mentions this parenthetically, asking, ‘Dixisti mihi, si bene memini, de poeta quodam Anglicano, quem Jacobus Rex tanti faciebat, ut neminem alia lingua exprimere posse putaret illius aut mentem, aut figmenta, aut stylum. Velim, si placet, scire hominis nomen…’ (You told me, if I remember rightly, about some English poet whom King J ames made to be such, that he thought nobody would be able to express either his thought, his imagery or his style in any other language. I would like, if you don't mind, to know the man's name); De briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens (1608—1687), ed. by J. A. Worp, 6 vols ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1911—17), v, 192. 123 Rosalie Colie, Some Thankfulnesse to Constantine’: A Study of English Influence upon the Early Works of Constantijn Huygens (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1956), p. 67. However, Pieter Hooft and Caspar van Baerle were more appreciative (pp. 65—66). 124 Petrus L. M. Loonen, For to Learne to Buy and Sell: Learning English in the Low Dutch Area between 1500 and 1800 (Amsterdam-Maarssen: APA-Holland University Press, 1991), pp. 27—28. 125Historischen Engels-man, in bysondere Engelsche, Schotse en Yersche geschiedenissen, gepast op de onderdruckte staet van ons lieve vaderlandt (Rotterdam: by de weduwe van Arnout Leers, 1674), p. 24. 126 Preface to Origines sacrae, of Heilige oorsprongkelykheden, zynde een redelijk bewijs van de gronden des Christelijken geloofs, tot bevestiginge van de waarheid, en goddelijke authoriteit der H. Schriftuur (Amsterdam: Y. Haring, 1690), sig. *4v: ‘die lispende Engelsche Taal alle Taalen is’. 127 Cornelis W. Schonevelt, Intertraffic of the Mind: Studies in Seventeenth-Century Anglo-Dutch Translation (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1983), p. 121, quoting Willem Sewel, A Large Dictionary in English and Dutch, 2nd edn (Amsterdam: by de weduwe van Steven Swart, 1708), pp. 679—80. 128Conclaue Ignati (s.l., perhaps Hanau, 1611): and Aendachtige bedenckingen, op de voorvallende gelegentheden, en besonderen trappen in des autheurs sieckte (Amsterdam: A. de Wees, 1655). 129 Woudhuysen, Philip Sidney, p. 359, Mark Eccles, ‘Daniel in France and Italy’, Studies in Philology, 34 (1937), 148-67 (pp. 161-66). 130 Richard Carew, Excellency of the English Tongue (c. 1595). See Paula Blank's study, Broken English: Dialects and the Politics of Language in Renaissance Writings (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 20. By contrast, the Dane Ludvig Holberg retailed an anecdote ‘that the devil once threw all the ancient and modern languages into a brass pot, and that when the pot began to boil, he made the English language out of the scum’; Ludvig Holberg's Memoirs; An Eighteenth Century Danish Contribution to International Understanding, ed. & trans. by Stewart E. Fraser (Leiden: Brill, 1970), p. 220. 131 Tiffany Stern, Making Shakespeare (London: Routledge, 2004), p. 21. 132 Astrid Stilma, A King Translated: James VI & I and the Dutch Interpretations of his Works (Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit, 2005), p. 79. 133Boekzaal van Europe, May/June 1695, p. 433. 134 Anon., Den Nederduytschen Helicon : eygentlijck wesende der maetdicht beminders lust-tooneel daar vertoont worden … veelderley versamelde . ghedichten (Alkmaar: Jacob de Meester, 1610), p. 42. 135 See Stilma, A King Translated, pp. 91—158. 136 MacDonald, Library of Drummond of Hawthornden p. 26. 137The Works of William Drummond, of Hawthornden (Edinburgh: James Watson, 1711), p. 143. Roderick J. Lyall, ‘London or the World? The Paradox of Culture in (post) Jacobean Scotland’, in The Accession of James I: Historical and Cultural Consequences, ed. by Glenn Burgess, Rowland Wymer & Jason Lawrence (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 88—100 (p. 91). 138 Lyall, ‘London or the World?’, pp. 91—92. 139Rosarium, Das ist Rosen-Garten (Embden: Kallenbach, 1641); Florilegii Oweniani centuria, colligente, versibus Germanicis exprimente Joh. Petro Titio [Johann Peter Titz] (Danzig: Andreas Hunefeld, 1643); Teutschredender Owenus. Oder: Eilf Bücher der Lateinischen Uberschriften des überaus-sinnreichen Englischen Dichters Oweni (Hamburg: Hertel, 1653); Agudezas de Juan Oven, traducidas en metro castellano … por Don Francisco de La Torre (Madrid: F. Sanz, 1674); Les epigrammes d'Owen : traduites en vers francois par Monsieur Le B. [A.L. Lebrun] (Paris: Pierre Ribou, 1709). 140 Anthony á Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss, 4 vols (London: for F. C. and J. Rivington & others, 1813—20), 11, 320—21. The reference in the second line is to Simon Magus, after whom the sin of simony is named. 141 Schoneveld, Intertraffic of the Mind, pp. 96—102. He observes (p. 102) ‘[John] Grindal's translation does not possess those features which make Lyly's prose rank among the most idiosyncratic ever written in English … [but] the argument remains virtually intact’. 142 Figures from the Netherlands Short Title Catalogue (STCN): which is searchable on ‘original language’. There were also translations from English and Scottish Latin writings. 143 Noel Osselton, The Dumb Linguists: A Study of the Earliest English and Dutch Dictionaries (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 1973), p. 20. Astrid Stilma, A King Translated, pp. 19, 160, observes that James VI's Basilicon Doron appeared in Dutch less than two months after it was published in London. 144 Helmer J. Helmers, The Royalist Republic: Literature, Politics, and Religion in the Anglo-Dutch Public Sphere, 1639—1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). 145Wyse of ordre van dankzegginge en gebeden, om gebruykt te werden binnen London op Saturdagh den 25 [sic, i.e. Sondagh den 15] deser maand January, en over geheel Engeland op Sondagh den 29 … by alle kerkedienaren, vicarien, curees … ten opsichte van de Coningh, Coninginne en't Conincklyck Huys, ter occasie van het swanger sijn der Coninginne (London: C. Bill, H. Hills & T. Newcomb, 1687 [i.e. 1688]), a translation of A form, or order of thanksgiving, and prayer, to be used in London, and ten miles round it, on Sunday the 15th. of this instant January, and throughout England on Sunday the 29th. of the same month, by all parsons, vicars, and curates in behalf of the King, the Queen, and the royal family, upon occasion of the Queen's being with child. 146 Isabel Hofmeyr, The Portable Bunyan: A Transnational History of The Pilgrim's Progress (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003). 147 See Willem Jan op ’t Hof, Engelse pietistische geschriften in het Nederlands, 1598—1622 (Utrecht: Rijksuniversiteit, 1987). 148 Sprunger, Trumpets, 159 149 These figures are arrived at by collecting together data from STCN, VD-16, and other national catalogues. 150 For example, the German version of Greene's A Quip for an Upstart Courtier was translated from Dutch: Ein Sehr kurtzweiliger Proces Zwischen der Sammeten Hose und Tuchen Hose In Englischer Spraachen beschrieben … und nun aus Niederlandischer in Hochdeutsche Spraache (s.l.: s.n., 1650). 151 Stilma, A King Translated, p. 178; Potentissimi Anglorum Regis Jacobi Donum Regium … Et Jus Libert Monarchic, Sive De Mutuis Regis Liberi Et Populi Nascendi Condition Illi Subditi Officiis … de novo edidit Joh. Christoph. Becmanus (Frankfurt an der Oder: Zeitler, 1679) 152 Op ’t Hof, Engelse pietistische geschriften, p. 455. For instance, a Latin translation of James VI's Daemonologie (Hanover: G. Antonius, 1604) specifically states that it is ‘ex Anglico quidem sermone per Vincentium Meusevotium in belgicum, nunc vero e belgico in latinum conversa’ (translated from the English tongue into Dutch by Vincent Meusevoet, and now from Dutch into Latin). 153 William Cecil's Certaine Precepts, or Directions, for the well ordering and carriage of a mans life, for example, was apparently not translated into Dutch or published in the Netherlands, but appears in German as Heylsame Lehren, So da dienen zur Richtschnur der gantzen menschlichen Lebens (Frankfurt: s.n., 1681), translated by Christian Georg von Bessel. 154Arcadia Der Gräffin von Pembrock / Vom Herrn Graffen und Rittern Philippsen von Sidney In Englischer Sprach geschrieben/ aufi derselbigen Frantzosisch/ und beyden erstlich Teutsch gegeben Durch Valentinum Theocritum Von Hirschberg (Leiden: F. Heger, 1642). 155Printers without Borders, p. 21. 156Waerachtigh verhael van Tafilette, den grooten conquerant, overwinner en keyser van Barbaryen … overgeset uyt het Engels ende Frans (s.l.: s.n., 1669); Vera istoria del principe Tafiletto il gran vincitore … Nuouamente tradotta dall'inglese nella lingua francese, et hora di nuouo dalla francese (Milan: Federico Agnelli, 1669); Warhaffte und merckwurdige Geschichts-Erzehlung von Tafilette … aus der Englischen in die Frantzosische, und aus solcher in die Teutsche Sprach ubersetzt (Nuremberg: J. Hofmann, 1670). 157 One exception to this generalization is Jacob Cats; John Quarles translated one of the prolific Cats's works, his Self-conflict, or, The powerful motions between the flesh & spirit represented in the person and upon the occasion of Joseph when by Potiphar's wife he was enticed to adultery : a divine poem, written originally in low-Dutch by Jacob Catts ; and from thence translated (London: Robert Sollers, 1680), with a second edition in 1684. 158 For example, A declaration of his Excellency the Lord Admiral Vantrump, touching the royal fort of monarchy, the King of Scots, and the D. of York (London: for George Horton, 1652). 159 For example, Iohn Huighen van Linschoten. his discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies (London: Iohn Wolfe, 1598); The perillous and most unhappy voyages of John Struys Through Italy, Greece, Lifeland, Muscovia, Tartary, Media, Persia, East-India, Japan, and other places in Europe, Africa and Asia (London: for Samuel Smith, 1683). 160 Such as Isaaci Vossii De Sibyllinis aliisque quae Christi natalem praecessere oraculis accedit ejusdem responsio ad objectiones nuperae criticae sacrae (Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1679). Additionally, there is considerable intercommunication between Dutch, Scots and English Quakers, e.g. Geertruyd Deriks Niesen, An epistle to be communicated to Friends & to be read in the fear of the Lord in their men and womens meetings (?England: s.n., 1677). 161 Gervase Holles, Memorials of The Holles Family 1493—1656, ed. by A. C. Wood, Camden Society, 111, 55 (1937), p. 2. 162 Marika Keblusek, ‘A T ortoise in the Shell: Royalist and Anglican Experience of Exile in the 1650s’, Literatures of Exile in the English Revolution and its Aftermath, 1640—1690, ed. by Philip Major (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 79—89 (p. 80). 163 Noted, for example, by Kelsey Jackson Williams, who observes in ‘Canon before Canon, Literature before Literature: Thomas Pope Blount and the Scope of Early Modern Learning’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 77 (2014), 177—99, that ‘Blount's geographical sphere is not England but the Republic of Letters’ (p. 195): and that he fundamentally views English literature as an aspect of European literature. His critical study, Censura celebriorum authorum, was first published in London in 1690, but also twice printed in Geneva, in 1694 and 1696. © The Author 2020; all rights reserved This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/open_access/funder_policies/chorus/standard_publication_model)
TI - Centres and Peripheries: Early-Modern British Writers in a European Context
JF - The Library
DO - 10.1093/library/21.2.157
DA - 2020-06-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/centres-and-peripheries-early-modern-british-writers-in-a-european-TJb726YGqI
SP - 157
EP - 191
VL - 21
IS - 2
DP - DeepDyve
ER -