TY - JOUR
AU - Kaberry, Phyllis, M.
AB - Footnotes 1 This article is based on a paper read at a Colloquium at the Institute of Classical Studies on the 29th January, 1957. 2 B. Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays, Free Press, 1948; A. R. Radcliffe‐Brown, “The Sociological Theory of Totemism”, 1929, reprinted in Structure and Function in Primitive Society, London, 1952; E. E. Evans‐Pritchard, “The Intellectualist (English) Interpretation of Magic”, Bull. Fac. of Arts, Egyptian Univ., Vol. I 1933‐35; R. Firth, “Totemism in Polynesia”, Oceania, Vol. 1, 1930‐31. 3 Such examples are of theoretical interest in view of the emphasis placed by Fustel de Coulanges on the role of religious belief and cult in the emergence or establishment of secular institutions. Vide, La Cité Antique. 4 For a brief account of these rival versions see M. D. W. Jeffreys and P. Kaberry, “Nsaw History and Social Categories”, Africa, XXII, 1952. For a detailed account of Nsaw social organization and economy, see my Women of the Grassfields, Colonial Res. Pubs., No. 14, H.M.S.O., 1952. 5 cf. J. B. Bury, A History of Greece, London, 3rd ed. 1956, pp. 78‐84. Bury in discussing what the Greeks thought of their own early history makes the point that the Greek “belief in their legendary past was thoroughly practical; mythic events were often the basis of diplomatic transactions; claims to territory might be founded on the supposed conquests or dominions of ancient heroes of divine birth” (p.78). 6 The view advanced here would not be acceptable to some of my colleagues, and it would be regarded as heretical by the philosopher, Professor David Bidney, who has written: “To regard myth as a neutral term beyond truth or falsity (like belief) and to interpret the culture of scientific rationalism as if it were also based on myth is to undermine the basis of scientific thought?’ (Theoretical Anthropology, 1953, ch. on ‘The Concept of Myth’, p. 296). However, I think few anthropologists would be satisfied to define myth as he does in terms of its truth or falsity for believers or non‐believers respectively (op. cit. p. 295); or to define it negatively as a “belief, usually expressed in narrative form, that is incompatible with scientific and rational knowledge” (p. 295). A more fruitful approach to the study of myth has recently been made by another philosopher, Professor Alan Watts, in his Myth and Ritual in Christianity, London, 1954. 7 Clyde Kluckhohn, “Myths and Rituals: A General Theory”, Harvard Theological Rev., Vol. XXXV, 1942, pp. 48‐52. 8 Good examples of meticulous documentation of native interpretations are The Work of the Gods in Tikopia by R. Firth; Chisungu, by A. I. Richards; and Rituals of Kinship among the Nyakyusa by Monica Wilson. 9 M. Gluckman, “The Licence in Ritual” in Custom and Conflict in Africa, Blackwell, 1955. See also his Rituals of Rebellion in South‐east Africa (Frazer Lecture, 1952), Manchester U.P., 1954. Frazer was of course one of the first to examine such ‘rites of reversal’ in The Golden Bough. 10 However, Professor Schapera, in his Government and Politics in Tribal Societies (Watts, 1956), has pointed out that among the Zulu and Swazi there were civil wars and that these frequently resulted in the flight or secession of one section (pp. 175‐176). 11 Monica Wilson, who has recorded the expression of anger and hostility in some rituals among the Nyakyusa, draws attention to the emphasis placed by the people themselves on the need for confession. The rites not only provide for the public expression of anti‐social attitudes and tendencies, but also for their public rejection (op. cit. pp. 227‐8). She is, however, much more cautious than Gluckman in predicating the effects of such catharsis. 12 For the anthropologist concerned only with a structural analysis, the customary distinction between rite and ceremony is largely irrelevant since for him they both express or symbolize social relationships. But, in making a comprehensive study of religion, the distinction between rites ‐ socially sanctioned activities which are believed to achieve desired ends through the manipulation of symbols, having a supernatural referent ‐ and ceremonies ‐ socially sanctioned activities which are expressive of the importance of an event and of social statuses ‐ cannot be ignored. 13 For a symposium on the cosmological beliefs of a selected number of African peoples, see African Worlds, O.U.P., 1954, ed. by Daryll Forde. Article PDF first page preview Close This content is only available as a PDF. © Institute of Classical Studies. School of Advanced Studies, University of London, 1957 This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/open_access/funder_policies/chorus/standard_publication_model)
TI - MYTH AND RITUAL: SOME RECENT THEORIES
JF - Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
DO - 10.1111/j.2041-5370.1957.tb00578.x
DA - 1957-12-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/myth-and-ritual-some-recent-theories-RN0git3Bo7
SP - 42
EP - 54
VL - 4
IS - 1
DP - DeepDyve
ER -