TY - JOUR
AU - Reeves, Michael Gordon
AB - The experience of adolescent homelessness is best understood from the perspective of those experiencing it. Although there is existing literature on the experiences of street youths and on the risk factors of youth homelessness, little of it has explored the experience of adolescents in homeless families as well as their strengths and their resources. Through discourse and photography, the research described in this article explored the lived experience of a particular group of adolescents who were living with their homeless families. Through a lens of critical phenomenology using in-depth interviews and photographs, the overarching theme that emerged was how resources, including family, friends, and safety, helped youths stay positive in a challenging situation. The results of this study articulate the self-identified strengths, assets, and coping skills of the cohort, and the perspectives of these adolescents will help professionals identify strategies that may benefit other adolescents in homeless families. This research provides a voice to this vulnerable population, promotes social justice, and informs practice. There are more homeless families in the United States than in any other industrialized nation in the world (Bassuk, Decandia, & Richard, 2015). Following a 10-year decline, the total number of homeless individuals in the United States, as reported to Congress by the U.S Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), rose by 1,086 in 2017 and 1,834 in 2018 (HUD, 2018). Of homeless individuals, 33 percent are in homeless families, and 59 percent of homeless individuals in families are under the age of 18 (HUD, 2018). Although HUD statistics indicate that overall and family homelessness is on the decline, the number of homeless youths has risen nationally to all-time highs (Sarao, 2015). Statement of Problem and Literature Review The extent of family homelessness concerns advocates for the homeless population, and many assert that these numbers are an undercount because of flaws in HUD data collection methods, particularly undercounting unsheltered homeless people (National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty [NLCHP], 2017). NLCHP contends that data collection uses inconsistent methods, that these counts do not include those who are “doubled up,” and that these counts “fail to account for the transitory nature of homelessness”; the center also estimates that the actual numbers are twice to 10 times greater than the point-in-time (PIT) count (p. 6). The National Center for Education Statistics (2016) reported 1.26 million homeless students in public schools during the 2014–2015 school year, including 957,000 who were couch surfing, 82,000 who were living in hotels or motels, 180,000 who were living in shelters or other transitional housing, and 40,000 who were living on the streets. Only 94,000 were unaccompanied—fewer than 8 percent—meaning that more than 1 million youths are in homeless families. The data were collected by public school districts and reported to the Office of the State Coordinator, who reports the data to the Secretary of Education as required by law under the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987. These numbers reflect the total number of homeless students identified over the course of a school year, not the PIT count numbers used by HUD, therefore making the true number far larger than the 108,000 homeless youths under the age of 18 as reported to Congress by HUD in 2018 (HUD, 2018). The National Center for Education Statistics numbers confirm that homelessness in U.S. public schools is at an all-time high (Kamenetz, 2016), having doubled since before the 2008 recession (Layton & Brown, 2015). One in 30 school-age children was identified as homeless during the 2014–2015 school year (Phillips, 2015). Advocates also contend that the MVA numbers are an undercount because many homeless students do not self-report their status for fear of embarrassment, stigma, and potential negative outcomes (Ingram, Bridgeland, Reed, & Atwell, 2016). Homeless youths face increased risk of mental health problems, substance abuse, victimization, and criminal activity (National Network for Youth, 2008). Voices of Youth Count (2017) identified 29 percent of homeless youths who reported having substance misuse problems and 69 percent who reported mental health problems. The report Missed Opportunities: Youth Homelessness in America (Voices of Youth Count, 2017) also found that homelessness affects rural, suburban, and urban youths at similar rates. It also revealed that youths without a high school diploma or GED were at more than three times higher risk for homelessness than their peers with diplomas and that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youths were at twice the risk. Black or African American youths had an 83 percent higher risk, and Hispanic, non-White youths had a 33 percent higher risk than White youths. These demographics clearly indicate that homelessness is a significant issue for the vulnerable populations identified by social work. It is well documented that homeless youths are more often the victims of social isolation and rejection than their housed peers (Anooshian, 2003). Transiency associated with homelessness can interfere with ties to immediate and extended family and friends. This separation comes at a developmental time when peer relationships are extremely important to social development (Austrian, 2002). Services for homeless youths need to be tailored to their unique developmental needs (Voices of Youth Count, 2017). Significant gaps exist in the extant literature that involve the perspective of homeless adolescents and what they identify that helps them feel hopeful and able to cope and adapt. These gaps challenge efforts to implement supportive social interventions (Rogers & Kinsman, 2013). Homeless adolescents are the least studied subgroup among the overall homeless population (Toro, Lesperance, & Braciszweski, 2011). This article addresses the lack of voice of adolescents in homeless families in the current literature. It explores the lived experience of a phenomenon that has not been thoroughly examined. It also presents homeless youths’ perspective on how services can meet their unique developmental needs. Method Qualitative research was chosen because the purpose of this study was to understand homelessness from the adolescents’ perspective and the meaning these adolescents brought to the experience (Denzin & Lincoln, 2008). Approach Phenomenology was chosen to better understand the lived experience of homeless adolescents in its natural setting (Aurini, Heath, & Howells, 2016). Critical phenomenology was chosen because it can increase the critical consciousness of study participants and allow participants to teach those in positions of privilege about their experience. It is not merely a description or an exploration but a process of exposing the assumptions and conditions that affect the lived experience (“Editorial policies,” n.d.). Critical phenomenology also tries to understand the economic and societal forces that affect that experience. This is congruent with the ecological/systems framework in that it looks at macro forces that affect the individuals or groups being studied. Critical phenomenology combines phenomenology and critical theory. Research Design In addition to the problem statement supported by relevant literature, the design for this study included posing research questions, identifying the sample, gathering data, and analyzing the data. Research Questions.The goal of this research was to better understand the lived experience of adolescents living in homeless families. As a phenomenological study, the following two sets of questions addressed that goal: What is the lived experience of adolescents in homeless families? How do they view their homelessness? What, if anything, do they identify that helps them feel more hopeful and cope? Identification of the Sample.The group of interest was adolescents who were living with their homeless families. The original recruitment took place within a particular school district that was experiencing adolescent homelessness at a rate greater than six times the state average, including communities in the urban core. Purposive sampling was used as a result of the difficulty in accessing the population. Inclusion criteria were being between ages 14 years and 19 years being homeless as defined by the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (1987) having a caretaker who was willing to and could sign the consent form possessing expressiveness as demonstrated by the ability to carry on conversation during the first paperwork meeting having no previous relationship with me (the researcher) willing to maintain confidentiality as indicated by verbal acknowledgment. An introductory letter from the district homelessness liaison was mailed to the last known address of the parents, recruitment cards were distributed at social services agencies, and posters were displayed at places frequented by homeless families. Because of the lack of response to initial recruitment efforts, the target area was expanded to include other cities in the state. A sample of 13 was recruited, mostly from an urban shelter, using purposive and snowball sampling. Thirteen adolescents enrolled in the study, completed their assent forms, and had parental consent. Ten adolescents were living in a family shelter, including one family with three brothers that enrolled in the study and one family with two sisters that enrolled in the study; the remaining were temporarily housed in apartments. Although most of the study participants lived in the same family shelter, they had varying demographic characteristics, including race/ethnicity; gender; age; and experiences with homelessness, including times experienced, length of their current experience, and path to homelessness (Table 1). Data were not collected on mental health concerns. The participants ranged in age between 14 and 17 years. All were living with at least one parent, and many were living with their siblings. Further data on family members were not collected. All participants were enrolled in school, and three attended school in districts where they had lived before becoming homeless. Table 1: Demographics of the Sample . Participant Identification Number . Characteristic . 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . 6 . 7 . 8 . 9 . 10 . 11 . 12 . 13 . Age (years) 17 16 14 14 15 17 14 17 17 14 15 14 15 Gender M M M F F F M M F GV M M F Race/ethnicity LH LH LH B, NA B B W LH W, LH W W, LH LH W, LH, NA Parent structure MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO FA MO, FA MO MO Siblings Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N N N Y Current living situation S S S S S S TA T S S S S CS Reason for homelessness O NA O C D C F AC C C E AC C Times homeless 1 1 1 4 7 7 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 Length currently homeless (months) 1 1 1 14 18 18 3 14 1 3 5 2 8 School (district) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) . Participant Identification Number . Characteristic . 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . 6 . 7 . 8 . 9 . 10 . 11 . 12 . 13 . Age (years) 17 16 14 14 15 17 14 17 17 14 15 14 15 Gender M M M F F F M M F GV M M F Race/ethnicity LH LH LH B, NA B B W LH W, LH W W, LH LH W, LH, NA Parent structure MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO FA MO, FA MO MO Siblings Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N N N Y Current living situation S S S S S S TA T S S S S CS Reason for homelessness O NA O C D C F AC C C E AC C Times homeless 1 1 1 4 7 7 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 Length currently homeless (months) 1 1 1 14 18 18 3 14 1 3 5 2 8 School (district) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Notes: Gender: F = female, M = male; GV = gender variant. Race/ethnicity: LH = Latino/Hispanic; B = Black; W = White; NA = Native American. Parent structure: MO = mother; FA = father. Siblings: Y = living with in shelter; N = not living with in shelter/none. Current living situation: S = shelter; TA = temporary apartment; T = transitional housing; CS = couch surfing. Reason for homelessness: O = other; NA = no answer; C = conflict; D = divorce; F = fire; AC = arrived from another country; E = eviction. School (district): Y(D) = yes (different); Y(S) = yes (same). Open in new tab Table 1: Demographics of the Sample . Participant Identification Number . Characteristic . 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . 6 . 7 . 8 . 9 . 10 . 11 . 12 . 13 . Age (years) 17 16 14 14 15 17 14 17 17 14 15 14 15 Gender M M M F F F M M F GV M M F Race/ethnicity LH LH LH B, NA B B W LH W, LH W W, LH LH W, LH, NA Parent structure MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO FA MO, FA MO MO Siblings Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N N N Y Current living situation S S S S S S TA T S S S S CS Reason for homelessness O NA O C D C F AC C C E AC C Times homeless 1 1 1 4 7 7 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 Length currently homeless (months) 1 1 1 14 18 18 3 14 1 3 5 2 8 School (district) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) . Participant Identification Number . Characteristic . 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 . 5 . 6 . 7 . 8 . 9 . 10 . 11 . 12 . 13 . Age (years) 17 16 14 14 15 17 14 17 17 14 15 14 15 Gender M M M F F F M M F GV M M F Race/ethnicity LH LH LH B, NA B B W LH W, LH W W, LH LH W, LH, NA Parent structure MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO MO FA MO, FA MO MO Siblings Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N N N Y Current living situation S S S S S S TA T S S S S CS Reason for homelessness O NA O C D C F AC C C E AC C Times homeless 1 1 1 4 7 7 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 Length currently homeless (months) 1 1 1 14 18 18 3 14 1 3 5 2 8 School (district) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(D) Y(S) Notes: Gender: F = female, M = male; GV = gender variant. Race/ethnicity: LH = Latino/Hispanic; B = Black; W = White; NA = Native American. Parent structure: MO = mother; FA = father. Siblings: Y = living with in shelter; N = not living with in shelter/none. Current living situation: S = shelter; TA = temporary apartment; T = transitional housing; CS = couch surfing. Reason for homelessness: O = other; NA = no answer; C = conflict; D = divorce; F = fire; AC = arrived from another country; E = eviction. School (district): Y(D) = yes (different); Y(S) = yes (same). Open in new tab Data Gathering.Personal interviews and photography were the primary data collection tools. Individual interviews, rather than focus groups, were necessary to engage individual participants as soon as they consented and assented to participate. There was the risk that individuals would become disinterested or unreachable if too much time passed between consent/assent and the interview. I chose photography as a data collection strategy and technique to engage the population because of anticipated difficulty with communication between the youths and me, possibly because of language, position of authority, and lack of rapport. Photography helps bridge the gap if there is a weak common language connection between the participants and the researcher (Holm, 2014). Padgett, Smith, Derejko, Henwood, and Tiderington (2013) found that photography enhanced empowerment and enabled creativity in their research with formerly homeless adults. Bukowski and Buetow (2011) reported that the use of photography in research helps the participants verbalize their feelings, memories, and thoughts when used in the interview. Images can trigger richer discussions than oral interviews (Clark-Ibáñez, 2004) and can serve as a bridge between the researcher and the participants (Epstein, Stevens, McKeever, & Baruchel, 2006). Images can also help researchers understand the viewpoints of youths (Cappello, 2005). In this research, the youths both produced and led the interpretation of their photographs. This strategy, although similar to the Photovoice method (Wang, Burris, & Ping, 1996), differs in several ways. Photovoice is a community-based participatory research method that uses photography to document and address social justice issues. Participants are asked to take pictures that are interpreted in focus groups, and themes are identified. The pictures and thematic analyses are presented to influential members of the community to promote change. Given the transient nature of homeless families, I was unable to conduct focus groups central to the Photovoice method. Participants also were not involved in the development of the parameters of the study. Therefore, the method should not be called Photovoice (D. Padgett, personal communication, March 24, 2017). “Photo elicitation” would more accurately describe the data collection strategy. Data were collected during four distinct phases of the study: (1) initial introduction, (2) prephotography interview, (3) postphotography interview, and (4) postpresentation focus group. Demographic data were collected at the initial introduction at the same time that parent/guardian consent and participant assent were given. Data on participant experiences with, and perceptions of, homelessness were collected during the prephotography interview. The interviews followed a semistructured interview guide, were conducted by me, and were recorded and transcribed for analysis. Interview length varied between 35 and 60 minutes. The six semistructured interview questions were as follows: What does “homeless” mean to you? Do you discuss your living situation with others? How do you feel about where and how you are living? How do you feel about your future? Do you have goals? Is there anything that helps you cope? Following the interview, participants were introduced to the photography process, given digital cameras, and trained how to use them safely, including protecting the confidentiality of potential subjects. Participants were asked to take pictures of things that represented what they used to cope with their homelessness. Participants were given three weeks to take photographs. All eagerly engaged in the photography process. During the time the study was active, I was at the shelter two to three times a week. This regular contact helped keep the participants focused and engaged, and I was able to manage any issues, such as batteries and lost cameras. The participants were eager to talk with me about their photography progress and their ongoing experiences in the shelter and community. I also took field notes to document the participants’ interactions with each other and others in the shelter. These observations were used to substantiate some of what the participants described about their interactions in the shelter. Following the three-week photography period, participants met with me to discuss their photographs and offer additional information on their personal experiences with homelessness. Interviews were recorded and transcribed for analysis. Eleven of the original 13 participants completed the photography and follow-up discussion. After the discussion of their photographs, participants were asked to choose two that best told their story. These photographs were mounted and, based on the critical dialogue in the second interview, one- or two-word descriptions were printed at the bottom of the photographs. Participants were asked if they would like to participate in a presentation of their work to decision makers of their choice—to adults they felt had real or potential influence on their lives. I invited adults—shelter staff, program administrators, parents and guardians of the participants, and one city councilperson—to a display of the photographs. Four participants attended the presentation and stood by their work, answering questions from these adults. Following the presentation, the four remaining participants met with me to discuss the presentation, the entire research process, and any additional information they wished to share as it related to how the experience might help them cope with their situation. These data were used to determine the critical effects of the study. Data Analysis Opinions differed on the use of coding when using phenomenology. Coding was applied to this research to verify the essence of meaning at the level of words, patterns, and themes that emerged from the participants’ phrases and sentences (J. Bula-Wise, personal communication, August 5, 2019). Qualitative analysis began with attribute precoding of the interview transcriptions (Saldaña, 2009). I read the transcriptions to identify descriptive information, which was used to supplement the qualitative descriptive data. Structural precoding was used, identifying in the transcriptions where the research questions were asked and answered. The results of structural precoding were reviewed by experts who also provided feedback. Transcripts were read at least four times before first-stage coding. This stage involved simultaneous initial, descriptive, and in vivo coding, including examining parts, coding chunks of data, and using verbatim participant wording, and involved assigning more than one code per datum as appropriate (Saldaña, 2009). Linguistic connectors that indicated possible causal relations were sought out (Bernard, Wutich, & Ryan, 2016), such as “which” and “because of.” These phrases helped me look for the consequences of the phenomenon (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). After the first four transcriptions were coded, a codebook was developed that identified the code assigned to a chunk of data, other chunks that were coded the same, and a description of why the code was chosen. The initial codebook included 13 hierarchies and 76 codes. Some of these codes were words I assigned, and some were in vivo, which helped guide future code development, provided auditability, and served as a tool for review by experts to see what was being coded as the analysis continued—and how. Interpretive coding was also conducted in which I interpreted what the participants said to add to a particular code, such as “optimism,” when they made a positive statement about their future, or “worry,” when they expressed concern, without necessarily using the word (Gibbs, 2007). Commonalities were sought in the data, using an inductive approach, to code different chunks of text in each interview between first and second interviews and between the interviews of different participants. After initial coding of the transcripts from the first, second, and postpresentation transcripts, 140 codes were identified and were organized into 37 hierarchies. Second-cycle coding included pattern coding in which the first set of codes were reviewed to look for patterns and to try to pull them together into more meaningful units of analysis (Saldaña, 2009). Focused coding was also conducted to identify the most significant first-cycle codes in an attempt to determine categories that made sense (Saldaña, 2009). After secondary coding, there were 14 hierarchies and 134 codes. These 14 hierarchies became the themes of the findings of this study: connection to family, connection to friends, connection to other adults, and developing internal resources. This research did its best to provide trustworthiness, as defined by Lincoln and Guba (1985), by attempting to represent the lived experience of the participants as closely as possible (Steinmetz, 1991). Trustworthiness includes credibility, transferability, auditability, and confirmability (Padgett et al., 2013). Credibility was addressed in this study by paying attention to how closely my interpretations matched the participants’ views. Thus, after analysis began, I reread the transcripts as themes emerged. The goal of the study was an in-depth exploration of a sample of lived experience with the phenomenon. This does not mean that the results of the study have no transferability to other homeless adolescents. The reader who may be working with this population may extrapolate these results to improve their practice or launch further research (Padgett et al., 2013). Notes were taken to provide auditability and were incorporated into the description of the data analysis procedures and method. Confirmability was achieved by comparing the analysis with the transcripts. Threats to trustworthiness, such as reactivity, researcher bias, and respondent bias (Padgett et al., 2013), were addressed in this research through data triangulation and peer debriefing. Prolonged exposure and member checking were not feasible because most participants moved out of the shelter before transcriptions were available for review. I worked diligently to bracket any bias toward the phenomenon and the participants. However, all researchers are affected by their experiences, histories, and identities (Gibson, 2011). Thus, I acknowledged and identified potential researcher bias, and I engaged in reflexivity (Denzin & Lincoln, 2008), discussing these biases, such as culture and housing status, with subject area and qualitative research experts who functioned as advisors. Findings The participants in this study recounted their multifaceted experiences with homelessness through their pictures and their words. They described how they viewed and understood homelessness through their own lens. Most did not understand that their situations before coming to the shelter could have been homelessness as well. Their understanding of homelessness was limited to living in shelters, motels, cars, or outdoors. They did not know that staying with friends or family—doubling up or couch surfing—meant that one was homeless. For some, this knowledge, imparted for the first time by me, affected their responses to the survey questions about how long and how often they had been homeless. This finding was discussed with the consulting experts. It did not appear that this knowledge changed the participants’ understanding that they were homeless at the time of the research, nor did it bias my analysis of the interviews. Connection to Family The importance of staying with family as a coping strategy was a primary theme identified by the participants. This group of homeless adolescents had more exposure to their families, in contrast to many other homeless adolescents, because they were housed in a shelter or transitional housing. Although peer relationships and acceptance were important, they did not want to distance themselves from their parents. Participants found creative ways in their photography to identify individuals while protecting confidentiality. They took pictures of an eye, a hand, the back of head, or objects that belonged to the person they wanted to represent. As they showed their pictures, the participants also spoke about the importance of family: Stick with family. Keep families together. We were almost split up. But they couldn’t split us up. I’m glad they didn’t. I would have been really sad. I woulda lost it. It happened to us when we were little. We got split up with my mom. There was five of us at the time. So, I didn’t get to see my little brother or my little sister for a while. *** Well, in this picture, my mom is carrying my hand and the hand of my brother. My mom is always with my brother and me, and I think it’s important that our mom [is] with her sons or daughter. The love that she have for my brother and me, her responsibility, well, she always talk to me and my brother and say that everything is gonna be OK … because if I don’t have my mom, I don’t have hope. *** That’s how I can say that, yeah, I’m still in a shelter, but I’m with my mom. It’s about mom. … When I get in trouble, she helps me to not do it again and gives me advice. Mother has to be there. We would be in trouble. Most of the participants were in the shelter with their parent and their siblings. For some, proximity to their siblings close to their age led to them becoming a mentor. Perceived responsibility as an older sibling kept them focused on supporting others through their attitudes and behaviors, rather than on the difficulty they were experiencing as individuals: He helps me stay out of trouble, I think, maybe, and … tells me not to do stuff, do my homework, … don’t talk back to mom and like that, and stay outta drugs and don’t steal and … that’s it. *** Knowing that my brother and sister are OK. That makes me positive. I can’t really be sad or depressed around them. Because I don’t want them to know that something is wrong. I know, but they don’t have to. Connection to Friends Peers were also an important source of positivity and hope. Participants took pictures that represented their friends and discussed the importance of the connection both during their time in the shelter and when they became housed. They appreciated that the shelter allowed them to interact with peers. Access to peers provided an opportunity to relax and be themselves. Friendships in the shelter gave these adolescents access to developmentally appropriate social connections through which they supported each other and helped each other cope with their homelessness and its challenges. The shelter provided them the opportunity to interact with other homeless youths, to build friendships, and to see that other kids in similar situations had successfully returned to their own housing. Peers helped them feel they were understood. All of this was made clear in their words and in their pictures, and was informally observed by me: They are my new friends. I think that is something important, too. Having friends. I get distracted to him [sic], I talk to him [sic]. They are passing the same that, uh, are going through the same as me. *** The pin I got from a friend who actually has her own place now with her family. For me, it means you’re not ever alone, and just because you’re homeless doesn’t mean you can’t have friends. *** They were homeless before and now they’re not, so when I think of them, I think someday that will be me, and maybe somebody I’m friends with here now will think of me, and it will make them feel better that someday they will get out, too. *** When you have friends and you have people to talk to you, [you] don’t have to, like, keep everything to yourself, so I think expressing yourself to others is really helpful, like talking to others. Connection to Other Adults Some of the participants felt their connection with nonfamily supportive adults helped them feel accepted and supported. A typical adolescent might not like it that an adult was regularly checking in with them, asking how they were doing, or asking if they needed anything, but many of these participants appreciated the support. They did not feel the supportive adult needed to be a support professional, such as a social worker, but that the relationship needed to be the choice of the adult and the youths. One found it helpful to have an adult mentor in the shelter who was not a member of their family: Personally, I feel like he’s helped me a lot ’cuz it’s been one of the few teachers who knows what I’ve been through and that I can actually talk to, and he offered to talk to me whenever I want, and just the conversations we have, like, for instance, someone who’s listening, they hear you out, and they don’t even have to say anything. Sometimes you talking to other people, even if you don’t get the response you want. I think it’s helpful. *** I don’t really think that it has to be a professional. I think it should be something that’s totally up to the person, to you, like not have to be forced to, like, open yourself to this exact person. Like, you should get the chance to choose the person you want to be open to. *** She asks if I need something every single day. In the morning and after school, in advisory. What if I need a ride anywhere; if I need anything; if I need clothes, shoes, or help with homework, or if I needed to talk to the teachers about why I’m not getting my homework done, or, yeah… . So, she’s always in my business, I guess. I can’t really hate on her for that. Development and Maintenance of Internal Resources Answering the second set of research questions, the participants identified internal resources of hope, motivation, and optimism that helped them to feel more helpful and to cope with their homelessness. They developed or maintained these inner resources in the environment of the external resources previously identified. Common external resources, along with their own unique external resources and experiences, may have helped them develop and maintain internal resources, ways of coping with their situation: I’m hopeful. I try to think of the good things with my dad when he’s feeling down. I try not to think about the negative ’cuz that’s what my counselor at [her counseling center] said not to do. *** Just because you’re homeless doesn’t mean you can’t have friends. Just because you’re homeless doesn’t mean that you’re not capable. Just because you’re homeless doesn’t mean you can’t do something you enjoy. *** It’s difficult. But I think this is going to help me be more successful when I grow up. I think this is going to help me be more success[ful] in my life. Maybe I will know I can do things. *** There are positive times and negative times in every situation, and especially when you’re homeless… . There are more healthy plants than the dead one, so I guess you want to try to make more positives than negatives… . You can always try to do something else, focus on something else to try to make it turn around. Conclusion The purpose of this study was to better understand the lived experience of adolescents living in homeless families and to identify strategies that helped these adolescents cope with their situation. The participants in this study did not define themselves by their homelessness and tried to live their lives as normally as possible. These adolescents saw themselves as typical kids in a temporary, albeit unpleasant, situation. Shelter living met their basic physiological needs—food, water, warmth, rest, safety, and security—which allowed them to develop a sense of belonging and love within their family and shelter community as they worked toward enhancing their self-esteem in terms of dignity and independence. This would have been much more challenging if they had to “couch surf,” live on the streets, or live in the isolation and cramped space of a motel unit. Although some had previous experiences with other housing options, they all appreciated what the shelter provided for them and their families, even if they were resistant to some of the rules and did not always like the food. Implications for Social Workers The results of this study clearly identify the importance of relationships to this population. Maintaining and establishing relationships must be a focus of programming for homeless youths. The study demonstrated how communal living arrangements, such as family shelters, can provide homeless adolescents with the physiological and social supports that help them develop and maintain the attitude and skills to overcome these challenges. Family shelters can also provide opportunities for adolescents to develop relationships with their peers that will not occur if they are isolated in motels, as was reported by the study participants. Research has identified that the longer youths experience homelessness, the harder it is to escape homelessness (Voices of Youth Count, 2017). The findings of this study can be used to improve the experience of homelessness for youths. Whereas other studies frequently paint a negative picture of the experiences of homelessness, this study focused specifically on self-identified strategies for coping with their situation. Given external supports, such as a family shelter, these youths were able to develop or maintain internal resources toward resilience, coping, and hope. Social workers can use the results of this research to assure that the voice of the adolescent in the homeless family is heard. The participants in this study had a story to tell, as do many others in their situation. They were grateful for the opportunity. Social workers need to assure that the voice of the adolescents is heard when planning interventions and programs for homeless families. Their needs are as important as the needs of any other member of the homeless family. Programming that focuses exclusively on the adult family members neglects the developmental needs of adolescents regardless of their being sheltered. Peer relationships are known to be developmentally important for adolescents as well as relationships with adult mentors, and these particular adolescents spoke of that importance. This is a challenge with isolated housing for homeless families, such as motels. Safe, structured, communal living can provide the opportunity for adolescents to build relationships with peers and mentors. Social workers can work with family shelters to provide social and psychoeducational opportunities for adolescents. They can provide recreational and social groups in family shelters, and they can work with homeless families to understand the developmental needs of all family members. In addition, social workers can work with shelter administration and staff to provide training in youth development, youth mental health first aid, and group dynamics. Implications for Future Research Future research might explore the importance of a relationship-based model for working with adolescents living in homeless families, a model in which professionals honor the uniqueness of each individual’s circumstances and have the resources needed to address these youths’ unique strengths and problems (Ruch, 2005). Future research might also explore these youths’ definition of family, their connection to biological and nonbiological family, and the importance of that connection to their ability to cope with their homelessness. The design of this study can provide a road map for future research with this population. Adolescents are a population that typically does not want to communicate much with adults in positions of authority, which can lead to, at the least, limited communication and, at the worst, miscommunication. Photography provides for active engagement with the research and the researcher. Reviewing the photographs gives adolescents something specific to discuss rather than having a typical verbal interview that requires them to only mentally recall their experiences. Multiple interviews and informal contact at the shelter allow for rapport to build over the course of a study. Future research with other samples of homeless adolescents can be guided by this study to successfully engage this population to give them the voice they deserve. Strengths of the Study The design of this study successfully gave voice to a population typically not heard. Participants were much more open and verbal as the study proceeded, and they developed rapport with the researcher. The participants enthusiastically demonstrated their desire to creatively tell their story through their pictures and words to try to help other homeless adolescents and to try to influence decision makers. They proved themselves to be important research participants, not simply research subjects. This was the first time any of the participants had been part of a research project, and it may have been one of a few times that an adult told them their perspective was valuable. This study gave the teens the opportunity to work as research partners with a professional researcher. Through their informal and formal interactions with me over two months and through the period of photography (which allowed them to produce their own research data), the participants became much more expressive. As the participants became comfortable with the process and with me, they spoke in greater detail about their lived experience. Through this study, they became increasingly aware of the role they could have in educating others about the reality of their particular kind of homelessness. At the beginning of the study, they identified their willingness to participate as being because of their interest in photography, they had a desire to do what their peers were doing, they had nothing better to do, or they were enticed by the incentives. As the research process developed, some participants became intrigued by the knowledge that they could give voice to how homeless adolescents were seen and heard. As Padgett et al. (2013) found, the process of phenomenology enables creativity, and photo elicitation increases empowerment. The participants were creative: They found multiple ways to represent people without violating confidentiality. For one participant in particular, their participation aligned with goals for after high school. The participants felt empowered by the process, describing how they felt the adults had listened to them and that, maybe, they would have an effect on their homelessness and that of other youths. Limitations of the Study This study, by design, was limited to adolescents living with homeless families who had a parent/caretaker who would provide consent for them. The natural reluctance on the part of families to allow their minor children to participate in a study with an unknown researcher may have kept potential participants living in varied housing situations from joining the study. In addition, the reluctance by gatekeepers to allow direct access to the study population prevented potential participants from ever learning about the study and deciding for themselves if they wanted to participate. One result of this reluctance was that the final sample was relatively homogenous: mostly residents of one particular family shelter. The sample was relatively small (N = 13) and the number of families in the study was even smaller, given the sibling groups (n = 10 families). Only when passive consent was allowed and when a particular cohort of adolescents was accessed at the family shelter was an acceptable sample size reached. Final Thoughts This study provides greatly needed insight into the lived experience of adolescents living with homeless families. Although the population is difficult to access, the study should be replicated in other communities to further give voice to this group. Hearing directly from these adolescents is important to developing more youth-focused responses to their needs. These particular participants clearly identified the importance of relationships to their ability to have hope, motivation, and optimism. Participants in the family shelter developed a system of natural supports for each other. The implication is that housing for homeless adolescents should provide the opportunity to build peer relationships in communal housing, such as family shelters, rather than in isolated housing, such as motels. 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TI - The Lived Experience of Adolescents in Homeless Families
JO - Social Work
DO - 10.1093/sw/swab021
DA - 2021-07-21
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/the-lived-experience-of-adolescents-in-homeless-families-Q0zhXncay0
SP - 206
EP - 216
VL - 66
IS - 3
DP - DeepDyve
ER -