TY - JOUR
AU - R, Chaudhary, Ali
AB - Abstract This article compares the transnational orientation of two immigrant organizational infrastructures in two different contexts of settlement: one that is shaped by historical and contemporary post-colonial bilateral ties and one that is shaped by non-colonial high-skilled migration and traditions of assimilation. Using the case of post-colonial Pakistani immigrants in London and non-colonial Pakistani immigrants in New York City (NYC), I explore how the presence of post-colonial bilateral ties between origin and receiving societies coupled with aggregate-level socioeconomic integration, shape the transnational orientation of Pakistani immigrant organizations in both cities. Data come from an original database of the universe of Pakistani non-profit organizations in London and NYC and 59 in-depth interviews. Findings reveal that the Pakistani organizational landscape in London is far more transnational than the organizational infrastructure in NYC. The transnational orientation of Pakistani immigrant organizations in London is interpreted to be associated with a high proportion of recent immigrants, historical political integration of Pakistanis into mainstream UK politics and a vibrant post-colonial development-aid infrastructure. Conversely, the NYC organizational infrastructure is primarily comprised of domestically-oriented religious organizations, which reflect traditions of assimilation in the US by fostering a sense of belonging within the NYC Pakistani immigrant community. 1. Introduction Sociological perspectives on migration emphasize how contexts of reception and departure influence modes of immigrant integration and the extent to which immigrants’ engage with their places of origin (Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller 2003; Levitt and Schiller 2004; Portes and Rumbaut 2014; Waldinger 2015). However, much of this literature emphasizes contemporary contexts, neglecting the ways in which historical bilateral ties between immigrants’ places of origin and settlement may inform contemporary micro- and meso-level processes of immigrant integration and transnational engagement.1 Post-colonial migration to the metropolitan centers of Europe following decolonization represents one such historical bilateral tie—linking immigrants’ places of origin (former colonies) with places of settlement (former colonial empires).2 Past research analyzes the post-colonial experiences of immigrants who settle within the cities and towns of their former colonial empires as in the case of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and West Indian immigrants in Britain (Foner 1979, 1985; Shaw 1988; Werbner 1990; Modood 1997; Poros 2010; Kibria 2011), North African and Caribbean immigrants in France (Simon 2003; Silberman, Alba, and Fournier 2007; Maxwell 2012; Lacroix 2013, 2015), and Latin American immigrants in Spain (Berg 2009; Morales and Pilati 2014; Hierro 2016), just to name a few. However, much of this scholarship lacks a non-colonial comparison group—rendering it incapable of analyzing how the particularities of post-colonial contexts of migration vary when compared to immigrants who lack a post-colonial link between their places of origin and settlement (for an exception see Kibria 2015). Furthermore, the extent to which historical and contemporary post-colonial bilateral ties increase or decrease an immigrant community’s transnational engagement is unclear. The present study helps fill this gap in the literature by exploring how post-colonial contexts of migration and community-level socioeconomic incorporation shape the transnational orientation of an immigrant group’s organizational infrastructure located in a post-colonial and non-colonial context of settlement. Social scientists are increasingly looking to immigrant organizations in order to investigate the meso-level dimensions of immigrant integration and transnational engagement (Cordero-Guzmán et al. 2008; Ramakrishnan and Bloemraad 2008; Gleeson and Bloemraad 2012; Portes and Fernandez-Kelly 2015; Chaudhary and Guarnizo 2016; Brown 2016; De Graauw 2016). While research examining how immigrant and ethnic associations foster settlement and integration dates back several decades (Breton 1964), a growing literature investigates how immigrant organizations facilitate transnational engagement and diaspora-led development in immigrants’ place of origin (Smith 2005; Portes, Escobar, and Radford 2007; Pries and Sezgin 2012; Bada 2014; Morales and Pilati 2014; Lacroix 2015). Yet, much of this research under-theorizes the ways in which historical bilateral relationships such as post-colonial ties can affect the transnational orientation of an immigrant community’s organizational landscape (for exceptions see Naujoks 2013; Godin et al. 2015 and Lacroix 2015). The lack of analytic focus on bilateral linkages such as post-colonial ties stems from a relative absence of comparative research examining a single immigrant community in a post-colonial and non-colonial context of settlement. As a result, most of the theoretical scholarship on immigrant integration in Europe and the United States largely overlooks how historical and contemporary post-colonial linkages may generate different levels of transnational engagement across different immigrant organizational landscapes. Using the case of Pakistani immigrant organizations in a post-colonial (London) and a non-colonial (New York City) context of settlement, I explore how post-colonial bilateral ties (or lack thereof) and aggregate-level socioeconomic integration shape the transnational orientation of Pakistani immigrant organizational infrastructures in both cities. In addition, I examine how different environmental contexts inform the motivations of the leaders and members of Pakistani immigrant organizations in London and New York City (NYC). To guide my inquiry, I frame the analysis around three perspectives pertaining to past scholarship on the relationship between immigrant integration and transnational engagement: the temporal, complementarity and post-colonial context perspectives. Data come from an original database of the universe of Pakistani non-profit organizations in London and NYC and from 59 in-depth interviews conducted with organization leaders and members. Findings reveal significant differences in the proportion of transnationally-oriented Pakistani immigrant organizations across the two cities, with a greater share of transnational organizations in London. The greater number of transnational organizations in London stems in part from a large proportion of recent arrivals and a post-colonial development-oriented environment in London that appears to foster bilateral ties between Pakistan and the UK. In contrast, the NYC Pakistani immigrant organizational infrastructure reflects the assimilationist philosophy of the USA where organizations tend to facilitate integration and belonging through a concentration of religious organizations. Findings contribute to the growing literatures on immigrant organizations and scholarship on the interactions between immigrant integration and transnationalism by revealing how historical and contemporary bilateral ties, socioeconomic incorporation and national-level philosophies of integration shape the transnational and domestic-orientation of organizational landscapes serving an immigrant community in two distinct contexts of settlement. 2. Immigrant organizations While the study of ethnic associations as vehicles of integration dates back to the 1960s (Breton 1964), recent scholarship examines the role of organizations in immigrant incorporation, political mobilization, and civic engagement across immigrant communities in Europe and North America (Cordero-Guzman et al. 2008; Ramakrishnan and Bloemraad 2008; Castañeda 2012; Chaudhary and Guarnizo 2016; Brown 2016; De Graauw 2016). Concomitantly, research on immigrant transnationalism examines the ways in which organizations facilitate transnational networks and cross-border linkages between immigrant’s homelands and receiving societies (Goldring 2002; Smith 2005; Landolt 2008; Bada 2014; Morales and Pilati 2014; Portes and Fernandez-Kelly 2015). Yet, the extent to which historical and contemporary bilateral ties affect the composition or motivations of immigrant organizations is unclear. The present study builds on the growing scholarship examining the role of organizations in transnational engagement by investigating how post-colonial and non-colonial contexts of settlement, coupled with a socioeconomic incorporation, shape the transnational orientation of immigrant organizational landscapes. 2.1 Three perspectives on immigrant transnational organizational capacity There is currently no coherent theoretical framework to explain why some immigrants are more or less likely to form homeland-oriented transnational organizations in particular places of settlement. Therefore, I draw on past research conducted at the individual-level on the interactions between immigrant integration and transnationalism and posit three perspectives to guide my inquiry into transnational organizational capacity, namely the temporal, complementarity, and the post-colonial context perspectives of immigrant transnationalism. 2.2.1 Temporal perspective A common finding in the immigrant political transnationalism literature is that only a small minority of immigrants regularly engages with their homelands or places of origin (see Waldinger 2015 for a review). Indeed, sociological literature focusing on the determinants of transnational political engagement examines how length of time in the receiving society coupled with socioeconomic integration affect immigrants’ propensities to engage economically, politically, and socio-culturally with their homelands. A key perspective from this literature focuses on the temporal dimension of immigrant transnationalism. That is, proclivities for social, economic, and political transnational engagement are greatest in the immediate period after immigrants first arrive into a new receiving society and decline over time (Waldinger 2015). Thus, as immigrants assimilate and integrate into the socioeconomic, civic and political landscapes of a receiving society, their proclivities for transnational engagement dissipate. Based on this perspective it can be inferred that an immigrant community with a large proportion of recently arrived immigrants may be more transnationally engaged than an older more established immigrant community with a lower proportion of recent arrivals. However, the extent to which this perspective applies to the transnational orientation of an immigrant group’s organizational infrastructure in unclear. Therefore, I apply the temporal perspective here and hypothesize: H1: An immigrant community with a greater proportion of recent arrivals will have more transnationally-oriented organizations than a community with a smaller proportion of recent arrivals. 2.2.2 Complementarity perspective In contrast to the temporality assumption described above, past scholarship also finds a strong correlation between successful immigrant integration and transnational engagement (Levitt 2001; Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller 2003; Erdal and Oeppen 2013; Castañeda, Morales, and Ochoa 2014). Past studies find that successful socioeconomic and political integration into a receiving society can increase proclivities for transnational engagement among some immigrants. While this research does not contradict or challenge the general consensus regarding declining transnational engagement over time, the observed complementarity between immigrant integration and transnational engagement points to a small but influential segment of immigrants who are successfully integrating into receiving societies while remaining engaged with their places of origin (Levitt 2001; Itzigsohn and Saucedo 2002; Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller 2003). Hence, we can assume that an immigrant community with a number of individuals who are successfully integrating socioeconomically into their receiving societies may be more likely to be transnationally engaged than an immigrant community experiencing stagnant or downward integration. In order to extend this perspective from the micro- to meso-level, I apply the complementarity perceptive here and hypothesize: H2. An immigrant community experiencing successful socioeconomic integration will have a greater proportion of transnationally-oriented organizations compared to an immigrant community with lower levels of socioeconomic integration. 2.2.3 Post-colonial context perspective Whereas the previous two perspectives are premised on the relationship between contemporary processes of settlement, integration and transnational engagement, the post-colonial context perspective emphasizes continuities between historical and contemporary contexts of migration, which are, in turn, comprised of institutional, organizational, socio-cultural, economic, and political bilateral ties between immigrants’ places of origin (former colonies) and their places of settlement (former colonial empires). Following successful independence movements in former European colonies across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, many immigrants migrated to the metropolitan centres of their former colonial rulers (Ali and Holden 2006; Van Amersfoort and Van Niekerk 2006; Maxwell 2012; Dedieu and Mbodj-Pouye 2016; Hierro 2016). Thus, the colonial empires of Britain, France, and Spain underwent a transformation becoming new destinations for post-colonial migrations reflecting what Bennett (1966) problematically referred to as ‘colonization in reverse’ (Mains et al. 2013). Yet, despite the severing of colonial ties, many sociocultural, economic and political relationships flourished in the post-colonial period—generating long lasting bilateral linkages between post-colonial immigrants residing in former metropolitan centers of empire (London, Paris, Madrid, etc.) and newly independent former colonies (i.e. India, Pakistan, Tunisia, Algeria, Ecuador, Colombia, etc). While these bilateral ties may have initially been forged during a period of colonial rule and exploitation, my use of the term ‘post-colonial’ is temporal insomuch that I refer to the bilateral relations maintained and re-made between former colonies and former colonial ruling empires beginning at the time of independence and decolonization up until the present moment (see Prasad 2003). Indeed, the field of ‘postcolonial studies’ reflects a complex epistemology that problematizes Western discourses and accounts of the nations, peoples and cultures that were formerly colonized by European empires such as Britain, France, and Spain as well as Japan, the Netherlands, and Portugal (Bosma, Lucassen, and Oostindie 2012; Go 2013; Mains et al. 2013). Despite the applicability of a post-colonial lens for social science research concerning post-colonial immigrants residing in Europe, contemporary engagement with postcolonial theory is largely confined to the humanities (see Go 2013). Nonetheless, a number of social scientists interested in the post-colonial migration experience examine the ways in which post-colonial migrants differ from other categories of migrants with respect to processes of migration, integration and transnational engagement (Anwar 1979; Foner 1979; Ballard 2003; Lacroix 2013; Mains et al. 2013; Hierro 2016; Lacomba 2016; Samaluk 2016). The concept of ‘post-colonial’ within migration studies is often used to describe historical and contemporary contexts of departure and reception that differentiate post-colonial immigrants (i.e. Indian/Pakistani immigrants in the UK) from immigrants who lack historical bilateral colonial ties between their places of origin and settlement (i.e. Chinese, Indian or Pakistani immigrants in the USA).3 Key characteristics of post-colonial immigrants differentiating them from other categories of immigrants (i.e. economic, refugees, etc.) include the potential presence of pre-migration legal status, pre-migration familiarity with the receiving society’s language, customs and cultures, bilateral organizational ties, and potential kinship relationships with individuals and families already residing in the receiving society (Ballard 2003; Ali and Holden 2006; Van Amersfoort and Van Niekerk 2006; Kibria 2011; Hierro 2016). These pre-migration characteristics, in turn, can create certain advantages for post-colonial immigrants over non-colonial immigrants residing in the same receiving society such as educational and employment opportunities as well as fewer barriers to socio-cultural integration—especially when the post-colonial immigrants share a common language, religion, organizational ties and a similar disposition towards receiving state institutions (Poros 2010; Bosma, Lucassen, and Oostindie 2012). For instance, post-colonial immigrant communities may find additional symbolic and material support in the metropolitan centres of their former colonial rulers for both integration and homeland-oriented social, economic and political transnational engagement (Godin et al. 2015; Lacroix 2015). In sum, post-colonial bilateral relations between an immigrants’ receiving and origin country may generate a more conducive environment for transnational organizing than a non-colonial immigrant group lacking a post-colonial contextual environment. Therefore I hypothesize: H3: Post-colonial immigrant communities will have a greater proportion of transnatioanlly-oriented oranizations compared to immigrant communities lacking a post-colonial link between their origin and receiving countries. 3. Analytic strategy In order to investigate the three aforementioned perspectives, the present analysis compares the organizational infrastructures of Pakistani immigrants in two different contexts of settlement, namely metropolitan London and NYC. Pakistani migration to London and Britain reflects a post-colonial bilateral tie between a place of origin (Pakistan, formerly a part of British Colonial India) and a post-colonial context of settlement (London, UK). Pakistani immigration to the UK dates back to the nineteenth century during colonial rule and evolved into a large-scale migration flow following the Second World War— making the contemporary Pakistani immigrant community one of the older immigrants groups in the UK (Anwar 1979). In contrast, Pakistani immigration to New York represents a non-colonial bilateral tie between a place of origin and settlement. Pakistani immigration to New York and the USA more generally, is comprised of high-skilled migrants who began migrating to the USA following the 1965 Hart-Cellar Act and associated reforms in immigration policies (Najam 2006; Mohammad-Arif 2009). Moreover, the strong laissez-faire assimilationist traditions in the USA can pressure immigrant groups to focus on settlement, integration and generating a sense of belonging within American society (Chaudhary and Guarnizo 2016; Chaudhary 2015). Thus, the contrasting environments shaped by post-colonial contexts in London, assimilationist pressures in NYC and divergent levels of socioeconomic integration make Pakistani immigrants and their respective organizational infrastructures in the two cities ideal for this comparative analysis. Pakistani immigration to Britain and the United States Post-colonial Pakistani migration to the UK Early Pakistani migration to Britain was a direct result of bilateral colonial links, a new-found political freedom of movement and an assortment of economic ‘push-pull’ factors that contributed to the development of a ‘chain migration’ between the two countries (Anwar 1979). Small numbers of Indian migrants from areas that would eventually become Pakistan migrated to Britain during the First and Second World Wars. During both conflicts, residents of Mirpur, Jhelum and some parts of the Punjab region in Colonial India joined the British armed services. Following the Second World War, some who served and fought for the British decided to stay in Britain. These early pioneer migrants often sponsored family members (almost exclusively men) to migrate and to take up service as seamen or traders (Anwar 1979: 21–2). Larger scale migration from Pakistan to Britain began in 1950s and 1960s and is typically described as the direct result of labour shortages in Britain during the post-war period (Gish 1968; Anwar 1979) and by two major events in the homeland—the Partition of the Indian subcontinent and the construction of the Mangla Dam (Anwar 1979). The withdrawal of British colonial power from the Indian subcontinent in 1947 and the subsequent partitioning of India creating West and East Pakistan caused a massive internal displacement and population movement of approximately 12 million people, prompting many Muslims to emigrate to Britain (Arif, Ifran and Cohen 1997). Over a decade later, construction of the World Bank-funded Mangla Dam (1961–7) flooded the original town of Mirpur along with 250 villages in the Kashmir region— displacing an additional large population of Muslims in the north of Pakistan. These two events coupled with the increasing demand for low-skilled laborers in post-war Britain created a climate in which migration to Britain became a viable option (Arif, Ifran and Cohen 1997). Furthermore, with the 1948 passing of the British Nationality Act, Pakistani migrants were granted formal UK citizenship as ‘Citizens of Independent Commonwealth Countries’ and given the right to free entry and employment within the UK (Anwar 1979). However, in 1962, the Conservative party passed the Commonwealth Immigration Act which effectively placed restrictions and controls on subsequent Commonwealth immigration to Britain (Solomos 2003). In the years following the 1962 Act, racist violence contributed to an exclusionary context of reception where politicians increasingly blamed socio-economic problems on post-colonial immigrant communities. Early Pakistani migrants in Britain were low skilled laborers with strong transnational ties with their places of origin in Pakistan—reinforced through social networks and economic remittances (Shaw 1988). Indeed, a common observation among many early research accounts of Pakistani migrants in the UK was the community’s strong commitment to send much of what they earn back to their families and communities in Pakistan (Huxley 1964; Anwar 1979). The strong transnational linkages between Pakistani communities in Britain and Pakistan are explained by what Anwar (1979) refers to as the ‘myth of return’. That is, many Pakistani migrants believed their settlement in the UK to be temporary. Migration to Britain was a means to earn wages that could be sent back to Pakistan in order to build a better life for migrants after their eventual return (Huxley 1964; Shaw 1988). However, by the late 1960s and 70s, the idea of returning became increasingly complicated with the emergence of a large UK-born Pakistani second-generation. Thus, the Pakistani migrant community began confronting the barriers and obstacles associated with a permanent incorporation into a society that was increasingly hostile and discriminatory towards non-White migrants from former colonies (Werbner 1990; Modood 1997; Solomos 2003). In the following decades, many Pakistani immigrants began to mobilize politically along with other immigrant groups across Britain and were gradually incorporated into the British Labour Party. At the dawn on the twenty-first century, the British Pakistani immigrant community reflects an ‘integration trade-off’ (Maxwell 2012). On the one hand, Pakistani immigrants are widely considered the poorest, least educated and culturally segregated among immigrant groups in the UK (Modood 1997). On the other hand, Pakistani immigrants as well as their second-generation children appear to be more politically active than other immigrant and ethnic minority groups in the UK. While Pakistanis in the UK certainly have a long way to go before they reach parity in political participation with non-immigrant Britons, their decades-long mobilization through labour organizations and anti-racism efforts have created important channels for Pakistani participation in local and national-level British politics making them one of the visible minority groups in the UK. Non-colonial Pakistani migration to the United States In contrast to the post-colonial labour migration between Pakistan and Britain, Pakistani migration to the USA is best described as an economically-motivated high-skilled migration. While a small number of South Asian immigrants arrived in the USA during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as farmers and laborers along the West Coast, large-scale Pakistani immigration to the USA began after the implementation of immigration policy reforms associated with the 1965 Hart-Cellar Act. The relaxing of immigrant quotas and preferential policies allowed for skilled immigration from Asia to the USA during the 1960s and 1970s. Incidentally, the opening up of US immigration laws in 1965 coincided with restrictions placed on Pakistani immigration to the UK only a few years earlier (i.e. 1962 Commonwealth Immigration Act), thus making the USA a new preferred destination for many immigrants from former British colonies such as Pakistan. The first waves of these Pakistani immigrants were comprised of high-skilled professional such as doctors, scientists, entrepreneurs as well as students (Najam 2006; Mohammad-Arif 2009). The new policy reforms also allowed family reunification that diversified the overall migration flow to include both high and low-skilled immigrants by the 1980s (Najam 2006). By the 1990s, the Pakistani population in the USA reflected a heterogeneous and polarized immigrant community experiencing divergent levels of socioeconomic incorporation reflected in a high proportion of highly educated high earners coupled with impoverished, underemployed low wage service workers (Najam 2006). That being said, it should be noted that until the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent ‘war on terror,’ Pakistani immigrants were often percieved of as stereotypical Asian ‘model minorities’ because of their high levels of education and income vis-à-vis African-Americans and Latinos in the USA (Chaudhary 2015). While the community currently confronts prejudice, discrimination, and negativity as a result of the stigmatization of Pakistan in relation to Islam and terrorism (Rana 2016), the continued high levels of socioeconomic achievement are reflective of the positive selectivity and successful socioeconomic integration of Pakistani immigrants in the US. 3.1 Contemporary Pakistani immigrants in London and New York City The two cities chosen for the present analysis share similarities and key differences with one another; both London and NYC are symbolic immigrant gateways and beacons of diversity and multiculturalism. These features along with their respective statuses as global centers of finance, trade, and cultural production have enabled the two cities to foster and facilitate immigrant settlement and integration for several decades (Sassen 2001; Foner et al. 2014). The two metropolises are also home to the largest Pakistani foreign-born communities in the UK and the US, respectively.4 Yet the cities differ with respect to the overall concentrations of Pakistani immigrants relative to the total Pakistani immigrant population in each country. The NYC metropolitan area is home to the largest concentration of Pakistani immigrants (25.1 per cent as of 2006) in the USA (Batalova and Ferruccio 2008). However, despite London being home to the largest number of Pakistani immigrants in England and Wales, it does not have the highest concentration of foreign-born Pakistanis.5 Thus, in contrast to the high concentration of US Pakistanis in the NYC metropolitan area, British Pakistani immigrants are more dispersed throughout the UK. However, since both cities are homes to the largest foreign-born populations of Pakistanis, they are ideal for comparing the two Pakistani immigrant organizational infrastructures. In addition to variation in the overall concentration of Pakistani immigrants across the two cities, the two communities also vary with respect to their demographic and socioeconomic profiles. Table 1 shows that Pakistani immigrants in NYC have more human capital and are better incorporated than their co-nationals in London. Pakistani immigrants in NYC have slightly higher levels of education (33.9 per cent with college degrees in NYC compared with 31.9 per cent in London). Pakistani immigrants in NYC also have higher rates of labor force participation (56.1 per cent in NYC versus 47.7 per cent in London), a lower rate of unemployment (4.69 per cent in NYC versus 8.59 per cent in London) and lower rates of poverty/deprivation (14.4 per cent in NYC versus 35.8 per cent in London). Pakistani migrants in NYC also have higher rates of homeownership (61.9 per cent in NYC versus 43.0 per cent in London) and higher rates of naturalization (59.0 in NYC versus 54.1 in London). Thus, the greater level of human capital associated with the Pakistani immigrant community in NYC reflects the positively selected nature of the initial Pakistani migration and their relatively successful socioeconomic integration into US society. Concomitantly, the lower levels of human capital and socioeconomic integration for Pakistani immigrants in London may stem from the original low skilled post-colonial migration and the subsequent decades of stagnant economic integration into British Society. Table 1. Characteristics of foreign-born Pakistanis in London and New York City Inner and Outer London Metropolitan New York Area FB Pakistanis Population of England and Wales FB Pakistanis US Population Total population 138,559 8,366,139 40,039 8,336,697 Female (%) 47.7 50.6 47.5 52.3 Four-year university degree or higher (%) 31.9 27.5 33.9 29.0 Labor force participation (%) 47.7 54.0 56.1 51.0 Unemployment rate 8.59 5.04 4.69 4.33 Deprivation/Poverty* 35.8 25.3 14.4 13.6 Homeownership 43.0 50.1 61.9 54.7 Naturalized† 54.1 43.4 59.0 53.5 Proportion arrived before 1979 13.2 — 6.26 — Proportion arrived 1980–2001 36.9 — 58.9 — Proportion arrived after 2001 49.9 — 34.8 — Inner and Outer London Metropolitan New York Area FB Pakistanis Population of England and Wales FB Pakistanis US Population Total population 138,559 8,366,139 40,039 8,336,697 Female (%) 47.7 50.6 47.5 52.3 Four-year university degree or higher (%) 31.9 27.5 33.9 29.0 Labor force participation (%) 47.7 54.0 56.1 51.0 Unemployment rate 8.59 5.04 4.69 4.33 Deprivation/Poverty* 35.8 25.3 14.4 13.6 Homeownership 43.0 50.1 61.9 54.7 Naturalized† 54.1 43.4 59.0 53.5 Proportion arrived before 1979 13.2 — 6.26 — Proportion arrived 1980–2001 36.9 — 58.9 — Proportion arrived after 2001 49.9 — 34.8 — Source: 2013 UK Quarterly Labour Force Survey and 2013 US American Community Survey. Data is restricted to foreign-born Pakistanis over the age of 15 residing in Inner/Outer London and the New York City Metropolitan Area. * Deprivation is calculated using the 2013 UK Labour Force Survey household deprivation indicator which measures whether a household is deprived in education, employment, health or housing. The measure used here reports the proportion of individuals in a household with two or more deprivations. The US poverty measure is taken from the 2013 US Current Population Survey and reports the proportion of individuals determined to be living in poverty. †The proportion of naturalized citizens is calculated among foreign-born Pakistanis and the total foreign-born UK and US Populations in London and Metropolitan New York. Table 1. Characteristics of foreign-born Pakistanis in London and New York City Inner and Outer London Metropolitan New York Area FB Pakistanis Population of England and Wales FB Pakistanis US Population Total population 138,559 8,366,139 40,039 8,336,697 Female (%) 47.7 50.6 47.5 52.3 Four-year university degree or higher (%) 31.9 27.5 33.9 29.0 Labor force participation (%) 47.7 54.0 56.1 51.0 Unemployment rate 8.59 5.04 4.69 4.33 Deprivation/Poverty* 35.8 25.3 14.4 13.6 Homeownership 43.0 50.1 61.9 54.7 Naturalized† 54.1 43.4 59.0 53.5 Proportion arrived before 1979 13.2 — 6.26 — Proportion arrived 1980–2001 36.9 — 58.9 — Proportion arrived after 2001 49.9 — 34.8 — Inner and Outer London Metropolitan New York Area FB Pakistanis Population of England and Wales FB Pakistanis US Population Total population 138,559 8,366,139 40,039 8,336,697 Female (%) 47.7 50.6 47.5 52.3 Four-year university degree or higher (%) 31.9 27.5 33.9 29.0 Labor force participation (%) 47.7 54.0 56.1 51.0 Unemployment rate 8.59 5.04 4.69 4.33 Deprivation/Poverty* 35.8 25.3 14.4 13.6 Homeownership 43.0 50.1 61.9 54.7 Naturalized† 54.1 43.4 59.0 53.5 Proportion arrived before 1979 13.2 — 6.26 — Proportion arrived 1980–2001 36.9 — 58.9 — Proportion arrived after 2001 49.9 — 34.8 — Source: 2013 UK Quarterly Labour Force Survey and 2013 US American Community Survey. Data is restricted to foreign-born Pakistanis over the age of 15 residing in Inner/Outer London and the New York City Metropolitan Area. * Deprivation is calculated using the 2013 UK Labour Force Survey household deprivation indicator which measures whether a household is deprived in education, employment, health or housing. The measure used here reports the proportion of individuals in a household with two or more deprivations. The US poverty measure is taken from the 2013 US Current Population Survey and reports the proportion of individuals determined to be living in poverty. †The proportion of naturalized citizens is calculated among foreign-born Pakistanis and the total foreign-born UK and US Populations in London and Metropolitan New York. The final key difference between the two Pakistani immigrant communities concerns the demographic composition of recent arrivals. The London Pakistani immigrant community has a larger proportion of immigrants who arrived before 1979 (13.2 per cent) compared with NYC (6.26 per cent). However, the proportion of immigrants arriving after 1979 is very different between the two communities. While the vast majority of contemporary Pakistani immigrants in New York arrived between 1980 and 2001 (58.9 per cent), only 36.9 per cent of contemporary Pakistani migrants in London arrived during this same period. Surprisingly, almost half of the Pakistani immigrant community in London came to the UK after 2001 (49.9 per cent). In contrast, only 34.8 per cent of the contemporary New York Pakistani migrant community arrived in the USA during the post-9/11 period. So despite the longer history of Pakistani migration to London, the contemporary Pakistani immigrant community in London is less incorporated and comprised of a larger proportion of recently arriving immigrants compared to NYC. I now compare these community characteristics with organizational infrastructures in both cities in order to investigate the applicability of the three aforementioned perspectives of transnationalism. 4. Data and methods Data were collected over an 11-month period in 2013 in two phases. The first phase sought to determine the size, composition, and geographical scope of action of Pakistani immigrant organizations in London and NYC. Data were collected in 2013 by enumerating non-profit organizations serving or representing the Pakistani immigrant communities in both cities.6 Accordingly, I sought to determine the size, composition, and spatial scope of the Pakistani non-profit sector in metropolitan London and NYC. Using national databases and directories of non-profit organizations and charities, I constructed a database of the universe of registered Pakistani immigrant-serving non-profit organizations for each city. I replicated previous studies by relying on comprehensive databases such as Guidestar-USA and Guidestar-UK (see Okamoto 2006; Ramakrishnan and Bloemraad 2008). I also cross-referenced organization listings from Guidestar with other databases such as the UN Directory of Non-Governmental Organizations, National Centre for Charitable Statistics (USA), and the Charity Commission (UK). Throughout the enumeration processes, I strived to make the databases for both cities as comparable as possible. With the help of research assistants, I used an identical search process for the organzational directories in both cities. While the tax classications for non-profit organizations vary between the USA and UK, I added all non-profits and charities in both cities regardless of any tax classiciation differences (i.e. 501c3 versus 501c4 in the USA). Organizations were identified as Pakistani or serving the Pakistani community by searching for organizations with Pakistani, Muslim/Islamic or South Asian organizational identities. The search functions within Guidestar also enabled me to search for key terms such as Pakistan in the organizational missions and descriptions of services offered. This allowed me to include organizations serving the Pakistani community that may not overtly self-identify as Pakistani per se. In the case of Muslim and South Asian organizations, each organization was closely examined and included only if it did in fact represent or offer services to Pakistanis. In cases where Muslim organizations were primarily for Middle Eastern or African communities, they were not included in the database. Similarly, South Asian organizations that did not serve Pakistanis and primarily served the Indian, Bangladeshi or Sri-Lankan communities, were also excluded. It should be noted that large databases such as the ones used here are notorious for undercounting immigrant organizations (Gleeson and Bloemraad 2012). While it is possible my enumeration may have missed some organizations, I believe such sub-enumeration to be minimal in both cities. The total numbers of missed organizations are likely to be very few suggesting their potential exclusion will not detract from an analysis of the official non-profit sectors in both cites. However, to correct for possible undercounts, I gleaned additional information in both cities by consulting ethnic directories, media and websites and through six key-informant interviews with city officials, community leaders and staff at the Pakistani High Commission in London and the Pakistani Consulate in NYC. The key-informants were located through snowball sampling techniques. These interviews provided more information about key Pakistani organizations and in some cases alerted me to smaller organizations that were absent in the official directories. Once the main lists were constructed, each organization was coded and categorized based on the information available in public directories and organizational websites. Despite cross-national differences in tax classifications of non-profit organizations in the USA and charities in the UK, much of the information provided through Guidestar US/UK and the organization websites were comparable across the two cities. That is, despite their differences, the non-profit and charitable sectors in the USA and the UK are similar with respect to the ways in which organizations present themselves to the state, the general public, their members and donors. Moreover, I found the format and content of organization websites to be quite similar for organizations in both London and NYC. Therefore I believe the databases compiled for Pakistani immigrant organizations are comparable and appropriate for comparative analysis. Once the lists were complied for both cities, I categorized each organization according to its year of foundation, programmatic domain of action (social services, advocacy/politics, economic development, cultural activities, religious education/services) and spatial scope of services (domestic or transnational). Since some organizations may engage in more than one programmatic domain of action, I assigned each organization to the domain that was presented as the most central to the organization’s mission. In a few cases where an organization was explicitly religious and offering social services, I coded it as a social service organization. The religious programmatic domain of action was reserved for organizations offering religious education and other services explicitly associated with religion (note that registered places of worship that only offer prayer services (i.e. mosques) are not included in the databases for either city). It should be noted that the coding of organizations into the various categories was difficult at times and indicative of the general challenges and problems that arise in any processes of categorization within the social sciences. That being said, I am confident that the coding schemes used here are representative of the primary functions of Pakistani organizations in both cities. The spatial scope of the organizations’ mission and services were classified dichotomously as domestic or transnational. Since some organizations based in London or NYC offered services and represented Pakistani immigrant across the UK/USA, I use the term ‘domestic’ to signify both local and nationally-oriented organizations. These organizations are compared to transnationally-oriented organizations, which focus exclusively on Pakistan. While it is possible that an organization could be both domestic and transnationally oriented, at the time of my study, I did not find any organizations in either city that was simultaneously focused on local/national Pakistani immigrants in UK/USA and transnational engagement with Pakistan. In the second phase of data collection, I gathered first-hand qualitative information on the motivations and experiences of leaders and members of organizations in both cities. I interviewed a total of 59 organizational leaders/members across the two cities with 30 interviews in London and 29 interviews in NYC. Organization leaders and members were selected using a stratified random sample of organizations drawn from the constructed databases for each city. The local universe of organizations was stratified according to the main domain of action (social, economic, cultural, and so forth) and assigned unique identifiers. Random samples were then drawn within each domain by assigning unique identifiers for each organization and randomly sorting them within each domain in a spreadsheet. The first organization in the random list was contacted to set up interviews. In cases where the selected organization did not respond to three attempts at making contact, the second organization in the randomized list was contacted. In general, attempts to make contact were successful by the third attempt yielding a response rate of 73 per cent. Overall, the recruitment strategy reduced possible homogeneity among the interview respondents. All interviews were conducted in English and lasted an average of 1.5 hours, with some of them lasting as little as 45 minutes and others as long as three hours. Interviews took place in organization offices or public places (i.e. restaurants/cafes). Most interviews were digitally recorded and later transcribed for coding and analysis. Due to the tensions and worries expressed by some organization leaders in relation to the stigma surrounding Pakistan and active counter-terrorism surveillance in NYC at the time of the interviews, I was asked by several respondents to maintain strict confidentiality about the names and descriptions of their organizations. Consequently, in order to ensure consistency throughout the study, I opted to remove all identifying information about interview respondents as well as their organizations. 5. Pakistani organizational infrastructures in London and New York City Table 2 provides an overview of the organizational capacity, programmatic domain, and transnational scope of action for Pakistani organizations in London and NYC. Organizational capacity is calculated here as a rate referring to the number of organizations per 1,000 Pakistani immigrants. Table 2 shows only a slight difference in the rate of organizations per 1,000 immigrants with a slight advantage in London (1.83 in London and 1.79 in NYC). Turning to the composition of the two organizational infrastructures, Table 2 indicates stark differences across the two cities. The London Pakistani immigrant community has an equitable distribution of organizations by programmatic domain compared with NYC (see Table 2 and Figure 1). Table 2. Programmatic domain and geographic scope of Pakistani non-profit organizations in London and New York City Programmatic domain London New York City Geographic scope Domestic Transnational Domestic Transnational N % N % N % N % Social services 7 11.9 76 38.9 7 12.3 5 33.3 Advocacy/Political 11 18.6 8 4.10 7 12.3 3 20.0 Economic 2 17.0 37 18.9 7 10.5 3 20.0 Cultural (non-religious) 22 3.38 30 15.4 5 8.8 2 13.3 Religious 17 28.8 44 22.6 31 54.4 2 13.3 Organizations per scope/city 59 100.0 195 100.0 57 100.0 15 100.0 Proportion per city (%) 23.2 76.8 79.2 20.8 Total organizations (N) 254 72 Organization rate* 1.83 1.79 Programmatic domain London New York City Geographic scope Domestic Transnational Domestic Transnational N % N % N % N % Social services 7 11.9 76 38.9 7 12.3 5 33.3 Advocacy/Political 11 18.6 8 4.10 7 12.3 3 20.0 Economic 2 17.0 37 18.9 7 10.5 3 20.0 Cultural (non-religious) 22 3.38 30 15.4 5 8.8 2 13.3 Religious 17 28.8 44 22.6 31 54.4 2 13.3 Organizations per scope/city 59 100.0 195 100.0 57 100.0 15 100.0 Proportion per city (%) 23.2 76.8 79.2 20.8 Total organizations (N) 254 72 Organization rate* 1.83 1.79 Source: Database of Pakistani Non-Profit Organizations in London, Toronto and New York City (Chaudhary 2015). * The organization rate refers to organizations per 1000 immigrants in each city. Table 2. Programmatic domain and geographic scope of Pakistani non-profit organizations in London and New York City Programmatic domain London New York City Geographic scope Domestic Transnational Domestic Transnational N % N % N % N % Social services 7 11.9 76 38.9 7 12.3 5 33.3 Advocacy/Political 11 18.6 8 4.10 7 12.3 3 20.0 Economic 2 17.0 37 18.9 7 10.5 3 20.0 Cultural (non-religious) 22 3.38 30 15.4 5 8.8 2 13.3 Religious 17 28.8 44 22.6 31 54.4 2 13.3 Organizations per scope/city 59 100.0 195 100.0 57 100.0 15 100.0 Proportion per city (%) 23.2 76.8 79.2 20.8 Total organizations (N) 254 72 Organization rate* 1.83 1.79 Programmatic domain London New York City Geographic scope Domestic Transnational Domestic Transnational N % N % N % N % Social services 7 11.9 76 38.9 7 12.3 5 33.3 Advocacy/Political 11 18.6 8 4.10 7 12.3 3 20.0 Economic 2 17.0 37 18.9 7 10.5 3 20.0 Cultural (non-religious) 22 3.38 30 15.4 5 8.8 2 13.3 Religious 17 28.8 44 22.6 31 54.4 2 13.3 Organizations per scope/city 59 100.0 195 100.0 57 100.0 15 100.0 Proportion per city (%) 23.2 76.8 79.2 20.8 Total organizations (N) 254 72 Organization rate* 1.83 1.79 Source: Database of Pakistani Non-Profit Organizations in London, Toronto and New York City (Chaudhary 2015). * The organization rate refers to organizations per 1000 immigrants in each city. Figure 1. View largeDownload slide Programmatic domain of Pakistani immigrants organizations in London and NYC. Figure 1. View largeDownload slide Programmatic domain of Pakistani immigrants organizations in London and NYC. The distribution of organizations by type in London is as follows: social services-32.7 per cent; political-7.4 per cent; economic-15.4 per cent; cultural-20.4 per cent and religious-24.0 per cent. In contrast, 46.4 per cent of the NYC organizational structure is comprised of religious organizations indicating a less equitable distribution of organizations by programmatic domain (see Table 2 for NYC distribution). Turning to the relationship between immigrant communities and the transnational orientation of their organizations, data indicate the London Pakistani immigrant community has the greater proportion of transnational organizations (see Table 2 and Figure 2A and 2B). Indeed, transnationally-oriented organizations in the London-based Pakistani immigrant non-profit sector outnumber NYC by approximately 3 to 1, thereby supporting and challenging the previously mentioned hypotheses and perspectives on transnationalism. I return to this finding and its implication for the three hypothesis in the discussion that follows. While the descriptive data gleaned from the organizational database show a greater proportion of transnational organizations in London, these data alone do not reveal why post-colonial Pakistani immigrants have a more transnationally-oriented organizational infrastructure than their non-colonial co-nationals in NYC. Figure 2A. View largeDownload slide Domestic and transnational scope of action in London. Figure 2A. View largeDownload slide Domestic and transnational scope of action in London. Figure 2B. View largeDownload slide Domestic and Transnational Scope of Action in NYC. Figure 2B. View largeDownload slide Domestic and Transnational Scope of Action in NYC. 5.1 Unravelling the motivations of transnational and domestic-oriented organizations Interview data reveal distinct motivations on the part of organizational leaders and members with respect to transnational or domestically-oriented organizational missions and activities. The high concentration of transnational social service organizations in London is partially explained by the extensive and active Pakistani networks of the recent arrivals in London. Furthermore, transnational motivations expressed by organization leaders in London revolve around obligations and perceptions that London is a conducive environment for transnational organizations because of the historical and on-going bilateral ties between Pakistan and the UK. 5.2.1 Organizing transnationalism in London Active social and familial networks coupled with significant bilateral and civil society ties between Pakistan and the UK explain some of the motivations expressed by leaders and members of Pakistani transnational organizations in London. Several leaders described how the motivations behind their efforts were influenced by their awareness and sense of obligation to help the impoverished left behind in their villages and neighborhoods. This sentiment is captured in the comments below offered by the director of a small charity in London focused on rural communities in Pakistan. We feel the need to give back because we have been very fortunate to leave and have successful lives here. My children are healthy and attending the best schools in Britain. But the people back in my village do not have enough food to eat. My story began after the floods in ’05. Our village was devastated. People lost everything. For a while there was a big push to donate and lots of public awareness. But it all faded away and people are still struggling. So after we set up a network for flood relief, we just turn it into a charity and continued to collect donations to buy food and medicine for a few villages surrounding our hometown. The strong sense of moral obligation to ‘give back’ to communities in Pakistan was a common explanation given by several respondents who represented transnational Pakistani immigrant organizations. This sentiment is intensified by many recent arrivals that maintain extensive immediate familial networks in Pakistan. Thus the high proportion of recent arrivals may partially explain why there are more transnational organizations in London compared to NYC. However, the demographic profile and recent arrivals are only part of the story. The transnational focus observed among Pakistani organizations in London also stems from the post-colonial context of Pakistani political integration into British society over the past 50-plus years. For instance, some leaders of transnational advocacy organizations described their motivations as a response to the participation of British Pakistanis in mainstream UK electoral politics. Some leaders of transnational organizations expressed the need to look beyond the UK and advocate for the people of Pakistan who were not being protected or represented by the Pakistani state or the international community. In other words, the transnational orientation among some Pakistani immigrant organizations in London appeared to be in response to the already existing opportunities for domestically-oriented advocacy and civic engagement through British politics. But since Pakistani immigrants seeking to affect social change within Pakistan lack comparable channels for mobilization, transnational organizations form to help foster and facilitate transnational agency among Pakistanis in London. A member of a transnational Pakistani advocacy organization based in London captures this sentiment and state of affairs below. The main objective in our advocacy work is to raise awareness of the injustices being done to women and children in Pakistan. The Pakistani government is too corrupt, so working through the system is not possible. It is not like here in Britain, where if you don’t like the policies of the government, you can make your voice heard or even stand for council or parliament. There are many Pakistani women here that are very active in politics, but in Pakistan they are too afraid to get involved. That is why I feel we need to use our rights and privileges here to stand up for those people suffering back home. The comments above suggest that while Pakistani immigrants are cognizant of their abilities to participate in British politics, their animosities and distrust for the Pakistani state force them to seek alternative ways to engage transnationally from ‘below’. Therefore, transnational organizations committed to social service delivery and development, advocacy, and social change in Pakistan are formed to mobilize the London and British Pakistani community for transnational engagement. Another key factor that may explain the large proportion of transnational organizations in London is the concentration of government-funded aid organizations, non-governmental organizations and private foundations fostering transnational ties between the UK and Commonwealth countries including former colonies. Several Pakistani organization leaders in London referenced the role of the post-colonial development-aid infrastructure in promoting immigrant transnationalism. Respondents explained to me how London was the ‘centre of development aid’ in the world and that the UK government engages in many forms of overt and in-direct co-development programs with current and former Commonwealth countries. Many leaders of transnational organizations expressed how their previous experiences of working in large NGOs and government development agencies gave them intimate knowledge of fundraising practices, revenue sources, and problems confronting NGOs operating in Pakistan. As a result, many leaders of transnational organizations with past experience in international development organizations felt they were well equipped to help Pakistan because of their personal networks, sensitivity to the local public and a superior understanding of which programs would work and be accepted in Pakistan. This sentiment is captured in the comments below offered by a member of a transnational Pakistani organization based in London. I used to work in a well-known development aid charity that I am not going to disclose. I learned a lot from that experience. One of the key things I learned was how important donors in London are to these types of organizations. In addition to individuals, there are many foundations here that only give donations for development type projects in former colonies and other poor countries, like in Africa. I think it is because of the guilt people have, you know … because of colonialism. I mean with the exception of India, many of the former colonies are in bad shape. I think many people in London and Britain see development aid as a way to make up for all of the wrongs from the past. This creates a lot of energy and money for development projects in a place like London, which is why I think there are so many development organizations based here. When I decided to start our own charity for Pakistan, I tried to operate similar to the big charities. I think being based in London has many advantages. Several other transnational organization leaders who similarly described London as the epicenter of international development echoed the sentiment above. In addition, several interview respondents in London shared the perception that a societal guilt resulting from colonialism may be fuelling the expansion of development aid and willingness for non-Pakistanis to attend fundraising events and to donate to various projects and programs promoting development in Pakistan. I now turn to the divergent contexts and motivations driving domestically-oriented Pakistani immigrant organizations in NYC. 5.2.2 Organizing belonging in New York City In contrast to the overwhelming transnational focus on Pakistan reflected in the motivations and accounts of Pakistani immigrant organizations in London, organizations in NYC reflect the assimilationist traditions of the USA by focusing on the domestic needs of the American Pakistani immigrant community. The vast majority of organization leaders and representatives interviewed expressed the need to help the Pakistani immigrant community integrate and create a sense of belonging in America. The sense of belonging was especially strong among the comments provided by leaders of religious organizations. Recall, that religious organizations represent the largest proportion of organizations for the Pakistani immigrant community in NYC. But since these organizations offer both a sense of religious and cultural belonging, they function as important vehicles for community engagement and incorporation for Pakistanis throughout the five boroughs. The importance of religious organizations is illustrated in the comments of an early ‘pioneer’ Pakistani immigrant who arrived in NYC in the early 1970s. I came here as engineer. I found work and started my family. The country was an amazing place for me back then as a young man. There were only a handful of families here. We all kind of knew of each other. On the weekend I would meet with some other Pakistanis in cafes and we would talk. All of us were doing well in my opinion, you know … living the American dream. But we all felt that our religion and culture was suffering. We were especially worried for our children because we felt that they needed to have some connection to our culture as Pakistanis but more importantly as Muslims. We eventually decided to make a mosque and education centre. There were already some mosques, but we wanted one that we could manage and design specifically for Pakistanis because we did not always feel welcomed in the Black Muslim mosque. We tried to get help from everyone we could. When we opened the doors, it was like the missing piece of our lives in America was complete. We could now have a good balance for us and our children between American life and Islam. The comments above illustrate the importance of creating a religious infrastructure for the Pakistani immigrant community in NYC. Although many of these immigrants may be successfully integrating socioeconomically, respondents frequently expressed the need for a cultural life tied to Islam and Pakistan. In fact, in some instances, leaders and representatives of religious organizations discussed the importance of their religious identities as Muslims and how in some ways religion was more important than their Pakistani identities. Pakistanis are a very small community here. We are not like Indians, we don’t have the numbers. The only way we can get respect and have a voice is to rally around our identities as Muslims. As Muslims we share a common religious identity with Arabs, Africans other South Asians and even many Black Americans. As a community, our identity as Muslims is also helpful to defend against hate. Nobody cares if someone discriminates against you if you are Pakistani, but if someone vandalizes a mosque or fires you from a job because you are Muslim, there are laws that apply. Just like Jews with anti-Semitism, as Muslims we have more rights in America. In contrast to earlier comments expressing the need for a Pakistani-oriented Muslim identity, the comments above describe the importance of religious organizations and a religious identity as a pan-national effort to increase community power. These comments point to divergent views on religious ethno-national identities within the community. At the same time, the desire to rally around a shared identity tied to Islam is consistent with past research finding that Muslims rally around religious and Arab organizations as way to defend against post-9/11 backlash and violations of civil rights (Bakalian and Bozorgmehr 2009). The domestic focus on immigrant incorporation among Pakistani immigrant organizations is indicative of US-style laissez-faire assimilation and reminiscent of several previous waves of immigrant groups, which similarly used religious organizations to foster a sense of belonging in the USA. Some respondents openly discussed the historical contexts of the city and the common use of religion to help create a sense of community in a new country. The comments from a director of a religious education organization described this sentiment in relation to the large Jewish community in NYC. My role models are the Jewish Americans. I know it may sound strange coming from a Muslim, but we have a lot in common with the Jews if you move away from the politics and the Palestine issue. Both of our communities have long histories of being oppressed by Christian majorities. I think the Jewish history in the city is very inspirational. They have managed to create their own culture and live here with their own schools and organizations. They do not give up their culture in order to be American and have a lot of power in politics. I think Pakistanis and all Muslims should learn from their success. In general, many of the comments from domestically-oriented Pakistani immigrant organizations emphasize the need to help facilitate cultural integration by achieving a balance between Pakistani culture, Islam and American life. It is also worth noting that interviews conducted with leaders of transnational Pakistani organizations in NYC echoed sentiments expressed in London with respect to a sense of obligation for giving back to people of Pakistan left behind. However, given the overwhelming presence of organizations in NYC focusing on the domestic Pakistani community, the NYC organizational infrastructure primarily strives to fosters a sense of belonging for Pakistani immigrants within US society. 6. Discussion and conclusion By comparing the organizational infrastructures of a single immigrant group in a post-colonial and non-colonial context of settlement, this study offers one of the first cross-national analyses of how historical and contemporary bilateral ties and socioeconomic integration shape the transnational orientation of an immigrant organizational landscape. Findings support and challenge the three aforementioned hypotheses. In contrast to the notion of complementarity found in past research analyzing successful assimilation and transnational engagement among individual immigrants (Chaudhary 2017; Guarnizo, Portes and Haller 2003), the preceding analysis suggests past theorizing on the complimentary interactions between integration and transnational engagement may not apply to meso-level structures such as immigrant organizations. That is, an immigrant group’s overall level of socioeconomic and political integration into a given receiving society is not necessarily associated with a greater proportion of transnationally-oriented organizations. For Pakistani immigrants in NYC, the assimilationist context of US society appears to be a strong influence on Pakistani immigrant organizations and may explain why most of the organizations are domestically-oriented. In this sense, Pakistani immigrant organizations in NYC in large part function as vehicles of integration, re-socialization, and fostering community belonging. Accordingly, the motivations expressed by leaders of the vast majority of Pakistani organizations in NYC are not complimentary with a transnationally orientation. Thus, the better-off Pakistani immigrants in NYC are associated with a domestic and integration focused organizational infrastructure while the less socioeconomically integrated Pakistani immigrants in London have a more transnationally-oriented organizational landscape. However, it is worth noting that the absence of meso-level complementarity does not negate the fact that there may be individual-level complementarity between integration and transnationalism within the organizations themselves. Indeed, the leadership and donors of many of the transnational organizations in London and NYC are comprised of highly educated successfully integrated immigrant elites. Turning to the other two hypotheses, the greater proportion of transnational organizations observed in London appears to support the temporal and post-colonial context perspectives outlined above. In line with past research suggesting transnational civic and political engagement is a temporary phenomenon that declines over time as immigrants re-socialize and integrate into new receiving societies (Chaudhary 2017; Waldinger 2015), my data suggest the city with the greater proportion of recently arriving Pakistani immigrants (London) has a larger proportion of transnational organizations. This is consistent with past research finding that hometown associations are often formed by newly arriving immigrants in order to maintain ties and promote development in their homeland villages and towns (Waldinger 2015). It is also possible that the smaller proportion of recent arrivals in NYC may be indicative of a dispersal where newly arriving Pakistani immigrants in the USA are settling outside of the NYC and forming transnational organizations in other parts of the country (i.e. California, Texas, etc.). Unfortunately, a national-level analysis of Pakistani arrival cohorts and transnational organizations is beyond the scope of the present study. Yet, the finding that the London Pakistani immigrant community has a greater share of recent arrivals and more transnational organizations is counter-intuitive considering that large-scale Pakistani immigration to the UK pre-dates Pakistani immigration to the USA by over three decades. Perhaps the greater proportion of recent arrivals in the UK may stem from the tightening of US immigration laws and widespread stigmatization directed towards Muslim immigrant communities in the USA in the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center (Chaudhary 2015; Bozorgmehr, Ong, and Tosh 2016; Rana 2016). It is certainly possible that domestic and international counter-terrorism policies enacted by the US government against Muslim immigrants and their organizations in the wake of 9/11 could be diverting Pakistani immigration flows to Europe rather than the USA. At the same time, the growing ethno-racial stigmatization and backlash against Muslims following 9/11 and subsequent terrorist attacks in Europe may be exerting external pressures on Muslim immigrant organizations, effectively constraining their transnational agency (Chaudhary 2015). Additional research is needed to better understand how the ethno-racial stigmatization of Muslim immigrants affects the abilities of their organizations to function and maintain transnational linkages with Muslim-majority origin societies such as Pakistan. Turning to the post-colonial context perspective, the greater concentration of transnational organizations in London appears to be partially explained by environmental contexts associated with the historical and contemporary post-colonial bilateral ties between Pakistan and the UK. These contexts include a decades old post-colonial migration and political incorporation into British society as well as the vibrant development-aid infrastructure in London that fosters transnational linkages between the UK and her former colonies. Indeed the almost seven decades of Pakistani immigration, settlement and integration within Britain is reflected in Pakistani participation in mainstream local and national British electoral politics (Anwar 1986; Back and Solomos 2002; Solomos 2003). Thus while Pakistani immigrants continue to experience an integration ‘trade-off’ (Maxwell 2012), with stagnant or even downward socioeconomic integration in London and the UK, they remain more active and influential in British electoral politics than many other immigrant communities. As a result, Pakistani immigrant inclinations for domestic political mobilization and advocacy can potentially be addressed by mainstream British political organizations. However, aside from remittances, there is a dearth of opportunities for Pakistani immigrants to collectively engage transnationally with Pakistan. This partially explains why Pakistani immigrant organizations in London tend to be more transnationally oriented towards Pakistan rather than focusing on domestic issues. Another post-colonial context that appears to help explain the greater number of Pakistani transnational organizations in London vis-à-vis New York is the government and NGO-led development-aid infrastructure within London. Indeed, many organization leaders suggest London has transformed itself from being the former center of the colonial empire to the modern-day epicenter of development aid. The post-colonial linkages between London and Commonwealth nations engender symbolic and material resources, which appear to foster organizational-level transnational agency. In addition to the development and aid infrastructure in London, many leaders of Pakistani organizations also capitalize on collective guilt that can materialize into material support from both co-nationals and the general public. Pakistani immigrants may feel a sense of guilt or obligation to donate to organizations that are providing social services or fostering development in the places they left behind. At the same time, the general British public may also support Pakistani organizations because of a sense of guilt or obligation associated with the historical legacy of colonialism. Thus, the post-colonial relationship between Pakistan and the UK helps facilitate transnational organizational agency within the London Pakistani charitable sector. This is consistent with previous research documenting material and symbolic support for post-colonial immigrant organizations located in the former colonial empires such as Congolese migrants in Belgium and Moroccans in France (Godin et al. 2015; Lacroix 2015). However, the inductive and exploratory nature of this research precludes me from making casual inferences into the isolated effect of post-colonial contexts on the preponderance of transnational organizations within the Pakistani immigrant organizational infrastructure in London. Additional quantitative comparative research examining the organizational infrastructures of several post-colonial and non-colonial immigrant groups could better analyse the effect of a post-colonial context on transnational organizations. Turning to Pakistani immigrant organizations in a non-colonial context of settlement, the analysis reveals that New York-based Pakistani immigrant organizations emphasize processes of integration and fostering belonging within American society. The preponderance of domestically-oriented Pakistani organizations in NYC appears to be associated with the strong traditions and philosophies of laissez-faire assimilation within American society (Bloemraad 2005; Chaudhary and Guarnizo 2016). The aforementioned opportunities to engage in mainstream British politics and the symbolic and material resources available for transnational engagement with Pakistan in post-colonial London are virtually absent for the Pakistani immigrant community in NYC. Since Pakistanis are a very small immigrant community within NYC and the USA more generally, their cultural, religious, civic and political integration must be facilitated through community organizations rather than mainstream channels. Consequently, the vast majority of Pakistani immigrant organizations in NYC are committed to fostering religious and cultural belonging within American society. The fewer transnational organizations may also stem from the lack of symbolic or material support in New York for transnational engagement with Pakistan. While NYC is certainly an important centre for development organizations and foundations (i.e. United Nations, Ford Foundation, etc.), there is no historical colonial or post-colonial bilateral relationship with Pakistan and the USA.7 In fact, Pakistani immigrant transnational engagement among individuals and organizations in NYC is stigmatized and highly regulated as a result of Pakistan’s tumultuous position in the US-led War on Terror (Chaudhary 2015). As a result, the environment in which Pakistani immigrant organizations are embedded in NYC is less conducive for transnational engagement than London. At the same time, Pakistani immigrant organizations in NYC are also influenced and shaped by US assimilationist traditions within American society Indeed, leaders of Pakistani immigrant organizations in New York often look to the experiences of earlier successfully integrated immigrants as models for cultural and religious incorporation into US society. While there are a handful of active Pakistani transnational organizations in NYC with agendas and motivations akin to London, the majority of Pakistani immigrant organization leaders in New York emphasize the need to help build a sense of community and facilitate the integration of Pakistani co-nationals. This sentiment is strongly echoed by the large proportion of religious organizations emphasizing the need to help create a balance between Islam and America for Pakistani immigrants in NYC. The observed commitment of Pakistani religious organizations is similar to the ways in which Korean and Indian migrants use churches and temples as spaces for networking and generating opportunities for newly arriving immigrants and their children to succeed in American society (Kim and Min 2001; Levitt 2008; Breton 2012). Moreover, the concentration of religious organizations serving the NYC Pakistani immigrant community is reminiscent of the religious organizational infrastructures catering to earlier Jewish, Irish and Italian immigrants in New York during the 19th and 20th centuries (Foner 2000). In fact, some respondents surprisingly compared the experiences of Pakistanis with Jewish Americans expressing an admiration for the ways in which Jewish Americans successfully balanced their Jewish and American identities. In sum, this research offers new insights into the ways in which bilateral ties coupled with historical contexts of migration and immigrant integration shape the transnational-orientation of immigrant organizational landscapes. By contributing to the handful of existing USA/UK transatlantic comparative analyses of immigrant communities (see Foner 1985; Poros 2010; Alba and Foner 2015; Kibria 2015, 2011), this research demonstrates the need for additional transatlantic studies that can analyze variation in the integration and transnational experiences of post-colonial and non-colonial immigrant communities. At the same time, it should be noted that the presence or absence of post-colonial ties might not entirely explain why an immigrant groups’ organizational infrastructure is more or less transnationally inclined. Rather, the contextual environments in which organizations are embedded influence the extent to which immigrant organizations focus on transnational issues in the homeland or domestic issues within the receiving society. These contextual environments can be shaped by an immigrant community’s socioeconomic and political integration within the receiving society, proportion of recent arrivals as well as historical and contemporary bilateral ties between origin and receiving societies. As such, post-colonial contexts offer migration researchers a useful environmental factor to consider when investigating and explaining how micro- and meso-level migration processes are embedded in social, economic, and political contexts. Acknowledgments I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editoral board for their helpful comments and suggestions. The paper greatly benefited from constructive criticisms and suggestions offered by Irene Bloemraad, Fred Block, Luis Eduardo Guarnizo, Ernesto Castaneda, Hein de Haas, and Rebecca Kellawan. I would also thank my research assistants Kenny Williams, Maira Delgado Laurens, Samantha Fraser and Nabila Waseem for assisting me in the construction of the organizational databases. The data collection in London and NYC were made possible through the support of Hein De Haas and the University of Oxford International Migration Institute as well as Medhi Bozorgmehr and Phil Kasinitz at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Funding This work was supported by a doctoral research grant from the University of California Center for New Racial Studies and research fellowships from the University of California, Davis Office of Graduate Studies as well as the UC Davis Departments of Sociology and Human Ecology. Conflict of interest statement: None declared. Footnotes 1. Exceptions include the edited special issue by Berg and Eckstein (2009) that explores how historical contexts and pre-migration characteristics inform adaptation to host societies and transnational engagement. 2. The hyphen in my use of the term ‘post-colonial’ is meant to emphasize the temporal dimension of the historical processes of decolonization, the formal end of European empires, and the large-scale migrations from former colonies to the metropolitan centers of former colonial Empires. My use of the hyphenated ‘post-colonial’ should be differentiated with the term ‘postcolonial’, which refers to a specific form of critical practice (i.e. postcolonial theory) in the humanities where scholars seek to better understand the discourses, apparatus and consequences of colonialism (see Prasad 2003; Go 2013). 3. I use the term ‘non-colonial’ here to emphasize how the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and the United States did not originate through colonialism as it did between India (and what would become Pakistan) and Great Britain. However, my description of the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and the USA as ‘non-colonial’ is solely for the comparison with the Pakistani-UK bilateral relationship and does not negate the fact that some may consider the United States to have had an exploitative and dominating role with Pakistan, as witnessed throughout the Cold War and the ongoing War on Terror. 4. According the 2013 American Community Survey (USA) and the 2013 Labour Force Survey (UK), London and New York City have the highest number of foreign-born Pakistanis in the USA and UK. The Pakistani foreign-born population in Greater London is estimated to be 138,559 while the Pakistani foreign-born population in the New York City is estimated to be 40,039. 5. According to the 2011 UK Census (Office of National Statistics 2013), the highest concentration of Pakistani immigrants is in the West Midlands (19.34) followed by Yorkshire and the Humber (19.23). London has a comparable concentration with 19.05 per cent of the total Pakistani immigrant population in England and Wales. 6. The database constructed for both cities in 2013 should only be considered as representative of the two Pakistani immigrant organizational infrastructures in 2013. New organizations may have formed since 2013 and others may have dissolved. The results from the organizational database are therefore limited to 2013 and should not be generalized to the contemporary moment with respect to organizational capacity. 7. The USA provides significant military aid to Pakistan. However, this aid should not be construed with the types of symbolic and material resources that help foster transnationally-oriented immigrant organizations. 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TI - Organizing transnationalism and belonging among Pakistani immigrants in London and New York
JO - Migration Studies
DO - 10.1093/migration/mnx057
DA - 2018-11-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/organizing-transnationalism-and-belonging-among-pakistani-immigrants-JL8G9zDev8
SP - 420
VL - 6
IS - 3
DP - DeepDyve
ER -