TY - JOUR
AU - Choate, Peter, W
AB - Abstract Using Canada as an example, social work must not only address its historical and current role in the colonisation and assimilation efforts aimed at Indigenous people, but also deconstruct its practices. Social work theory, methodology and practice parameters have been built on Eurocentric definitions and understandings. Indigenous peoples do not identify with these constructs but find themselves assessed and case managed based upon them. This extends colonialism and runs counter to a core principle of the profession, that being social justice. Canada is presently calling social work to participate in a reconciliation effort, although that assumes that there was a mutually beneficial relationship to restore. Some argue against that but there is a strong consensus that social work should carry its share of the burden in colonialism and self-reflect while also reaching out to build a different type of relationship with Indigenous peoples. This article reports on three projects that consider Indigenous knowledge and application to social work. Child protection is seen as a major focal point of change, as Indigenous children are significantly over-represented in the children in care population. Looking at this area of practice will help to illustrate the long roots of the colonial practices but also how current practice remains problematic. Indigenous child protection, decolonizing social work, child protection assessment, systemic bias, indigenous social work Introduction Canada is engaged in a national conversation arising from the publication of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report (TRC, 2015) calling for a recognition that the Indigenous peoples have been subjected to cultural genocide. The report details the damages done as a result of colonial efforts by Britain and France and carried on as the nation state of Canada. The TRC (2015) goes further, stating that efforts to assimilate Indigenous peoples into the mainstream society continue today as much of the public policy in social work, justice, health, poverty reduction and access to services reflect colonial assimilative approaches. The TRC follows the pathways of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP, 1996) with similar recommendations. Yet, there is a dearth of evidence that much changed between the issuance of RCAP and the TRC (TRC, 2015). As a result, there is a diminished patience by Indigenous peoples to be mollified by promises and inaction. Governments across Canada are being challenged through targeted negotiations, seizing of opportunities for self-management and utilising the courts to not only seek reparations but also to utilise the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Canada Constitution Act, 1982) to protect the Indigenous position in the nation. Meaningful changes, often promised by political leaders, come up against a series of complexities that are reminiscent of the ‘wicked problem’ paradigm that can be addressed through family systems theory (Personal Communication, Minister’s Child Intervention Panel Testimony, 20 April 2017). Rittel and Weber (1973) came up with the ‘wicked problem’ which suggests there are problems, such as in social policy, which do not conform to policy analysis paradigms. Framing Indigenous relations problems in this way suggests that problems are too complex for resolution. Peters (2017) challenges that most social problems really do not fit this paradigm, stating, ‘Almost any problem that is difficult to solve and which has a variety of alternative causes, or alternative policy frames, has been described as a wicked problem’ (p. 386). Social work, particularly child protection, is in the midst of such complexity or, as Hyslop and Keddell (2018) put it, ‘the varied, inherent and dynamic tensions which impact upon the nature and quality of practice’ (p. 1). Indigenous leaders have heard that before in various ways, as a deferral technique to address the marginalisation of their and other populations. In the research projects reported here, it became clear there is no longer patience for responses such as ‘it’s complicated’, ‘these things take time’, ‘we are taking steps but there are many more to come’. These were described as the mantras of power to avoid letting go. Locating the author Working with Indigenous peoples in Canada, as a social worker, locating ourselves relative to our partners, creates a reflective understanding of self and position to the issues. I grew up on the traditional lands of the Musqueum, Tsel’ Waututh and Squamish peoples in British Columbia. My paternal family were white United Empire Loyalists who came to Canada as USA was separating from Britain. The family later settled in Ontario, Mohawk Territory and likely benefitted from assimilation policies that took away lands from Indigenous peoples. My mother is first-generation Canadian, her family coming from Ireland. Terminology The term Indigenous is used to refer to First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples. Historically, public policy and legislation referred to Natives and Indians. These terms, artefacts of history, still appear in some legislation and policy, although this is rapidly changing. Earlier historical terms saw Indigenous peoples as ‘savages’ which reflected the belief that they needed to be civilised and Christianised (TRC, 2015). Aboriginal is another common term, from English, and means ‘original people’. Terminology is evolving and will vary from clan to clan, nation to nation, settlement to settlement. Students are wise not to accept overall language when working with clients but inquire and use language that reflects the position of the client. Legal terminology uses Indigenous, First Nations, Aboriginal, Inuit and Métis. The latter group arises from the marriages of Indian women and settlers. As a result of Daniels v. Canada (SCC, 2016), Métis are now recognised as Indians under the Constitution Act (1867) and therefore may be registered as Status Indians under the Indian Act (R.S.C., 1985, c. I–5). This illustrates another important feature students must understand—that being an Indian is a legal definition that affords certain benefits—but leaves to the dominant society the definition of who is or is not ‘Indian’. This takes away the locus of control from Indigenous peoples and communities, transferring it governments and their agents (Grande, 2008). The context of colonisation and assimilation in Canada Canada’s history of seeking to assimilate Indigenous peoples into the mainstream white, Christian population dates back to colonial times. Carney (1995) outlined that residential schools set up to accomplish this goal were first introduced in New France, now Québec, in 1620 and has carried forward as either boarding schools, day schools or orphanages since that time (Figure 1). The main goals were not education or care, but shifting children from the ‘savage’ way of life to the Eurocentric one (Carney, 1995; RCAP, 1996; TRC, 2015). Figure 1 View largeDownload slide The circle around which social workers must go which continually comes back to new realisations of misunderstanding (gifted from Elder Roy Bear Chief). Figure 1 View largeDownload slide The circle around which social workers must go which continually comes back to new realisations of misunderstanding (gifted from Elder Roy Bear Chief). The major introduction of Indian Residential Schools (IRS) started in what is now Ontario with the opening of the Mohawk Institute in 1831. The schools continued until 1996, when the last IRS closed in southern Saskatchewan. Schools were not established in the two eastern provinces of New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island as there was an assumption that acculturation was sufficiently occurring. The goals were education, conversion and assimilation as well as a lessening of dependence on the ‘public purse’. The peak of the schools was in the 1930s with about 150,000 students going through them. The TRC (2015) and RCAP (1996) have documented physical and sexual abuse, malnutrition and deficient health, disease and cultural losses. The latter included loss of the child’s Indigenous language as the students were not permitted to speak it. This was particularly egregious as it separated children not only physically but also in their capacity to communicate with family and community. Letters sent home to parents were in English which most could not read. These schools resulted in the fragmentation of family and community as well as the intergenerational transmission of Indigenous world views, ceremonies and traditions. The schools were mainly run by Christian churches including Catholic, Anglican, United, Presbyterian and Methodist (the latter two became part of the United Church in 1925). The Catholic Church remains under pressure to issue a formal apology. In 2007, Canada reached agreement on the Indian Residential School Settlement which offered financial compensation for surviving students of the IRS. In 2008, then Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal apology on behalf of Canada (Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, 2008). In 2016, Canada reached a similar agreement with survivors of schools in Newfoundland and Labrador who had been excluded previously as that province was not part of Confederation when the schools started. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau issued an apology in 2017 (Prime Minister’s Office, 2017). In 1951, Canada passed amendments to the Indian Act bringing First Nations’ peoples under provincial and territorial child welfare legislation. The federal government retained control of funding for child welfare on Indian Reserves at rates about 30 per cent less than would be spent for a child involved with child intervention off-reserve. The on-reserve funding was principally reactive to support children coming into care as opposed to preventative (CHRT, 2016, 2017, 2018). Starting in the 1950s, some provincial child welfare authorities began to use IRS facilities as placements for children removed from family care (Blackstock, 2007). This would be followed by what would become known as the ‘Sixties Scoop’. This persisted into the 1980s. It is estimated that 20,000 children were removed from families and adopted throughout Canada, into USA and other countries. As a result of the decision of Brown v. Canada (ONSC, 2017), steps are underway for financial compensation. The decision, originating in Ontario, states that the province was required to ‘take reasonable steps to prevent on-reserve Indian children in Ontario, who had been placed in the care of non-aboriginal foster or adoptive parents, from losing their aboriginal identity’ (paragraph 7). Blackstock (2007) maintains that the ‘scooping’ of children continues as evidenced by the over-representation of Indigenous children in care. This is informally known as the Millennial Scoop. The most recent development is the commencement of a class action lawsuit representing children who were forced to attend Indian Day Schools. The lawsuit alleges these students also suffered physical, sexual and psychological abuse as well as loss of language and culture (McLean v. Canada, FC, 2018). Child welfare in Canada Child welfare in Canada is the responsibility of ten provinces and three territories. Services are delivered through a variety of means including governmental agencies; not for profit children’s aid societies as well as delegated or designated First Nation authorities. The latter generally only serve children on reserve although there are several steps presently underway for changes in a few areas of Canada. There is one First Nation in Canada with their own child intervention legislation. It was an oddity of circumstance when the ‘Spallumcheen’ (now ‘Splatsin’) First Nation in British Columbia established a child welfare band by-law in the early 1980s giving the nation ‘jurisdictional control over child welfare services to members’ (Sinha and Kozlowski, 2013, p. 8). The underfunding of services for children on reserves has been successfully challenged in front of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT, 2016, 2017, 2018). Promises of change have been made by the federal government although actual implementation is only beginning. Projects This article amalgamates the learning from three projects. The first, ‘Exploring pathways to implement Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s calls to action for social work education’ (TRC project) (Saint-Denis et al., 2018) looks at the knowledge and attitudes towards application of the TRC (2015) to social work. The project consisted of seven focus groups with social work students and three with social work faculty at two urban universities. Ethics clearance was received from the Human Research Ethics Board at Mount Royal University. All participants gave informed consent. The second project, ‘Nistawatsimin: Exploring First Nations parenting: A literature review and expert consultation with Blackfoot Elders’ (Lindstrom et al., 2016) occurred with six elders. This looked at how family, child caring and rearing are done within an Indigenous context. It then considered the implications for assessment by social workers. The title of the project is a Blackfoot word gifted by Elder Wilton Good Striker, meaning ‘rearing children with all the traditional teachings of our people, that includes compassion, harmony, respect, honesty, generosity, courage, understanding, peace, protection and knowing who your relatives are’. The third project, Ah Ksis to Wap Siiks, examined the underpinnings of attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) and its appropriateness to Indigenous peoples (Choate et al., 2018). The project included consultation with legal, social work and first nations experts involved with the child protection system in Alberta. An extensive literature review was conducted looking at both academic and grey literature. The title of the project was gifted by Elder Roy Bear Chief and means ‘Brave ones’. Social work education and methodology Social work has an obligation to prepare students to enter the profession understanding the intersection between theory, practice and the real world of the client. Grande (2008) asserts that post-secondary education in USA has extended the public policy of colonisation by teaching from a ‘whitestream’. The TRC (2015) described this occurring in Canada as a means of instructing and informing from a dominant cultural perspective. Social workers in Canada have significant encounters with Indigenous people who are over represented in the child intervention, criminal justice, addictions and mental health, physical health and homeless populations. For example, Indigenous children make up only 8 percent of the population, but 52 percent of the children in care across Canada (Statistics Canada, 2016) . Sinha et al. (2011) note the majority are in care for reasons related to neglect which includes poverty, exposure to domestic violence, parental substance abuse and mental health. Blackstock et al. (2004) and Trocmé et al. (2004) have shown that this is directly related to the impacts of IRS and other assimilation efforts. In essence, the story is central to the role of social work in the lives of Indigenous peoples. The TRC project showed that students’ knowledge of colonisation and assimilation varied dramatically, with many expressing limited understanding. In their focus groups, faculty expressed more knowledge but significant concerns with how Indigenous knowledge was to be taught to students and who was able to teach it. Indigenous faculty are small in numbers and not sufficient to take on the load. Some faculty felt unable to take on the responsibility; others were reluctant but willing, with a few feeling able to talk about Indigenous issues from other world perspectives linked to their personal stories. There was also a concern that the Indigenous story, while vital for Canada, risks muting other stories of marginalisation such as the significant presence of slavery in the nation’s history which is rarely mentioned. Students and faculty, including Indigenous students who participated in the study, expressed concern that, in the absence of a solution, Indigenous students will bear the unfair burden of having to teach faculty and colleagues. Yet, as a result of the Sixties Scoop and Millennial Scoop, many Indigenous students are, themselves, only coming to understand their own cultural identity. What was found in the TRC project is social work education is unprepared for the task. The Canadian academic literature is rife with concerns about how Indigenisation is to occur generally, and much more so with disciplines such as social work. Perhaps the most important result is that knowledge of the TRC (2015) and the colonialism and assimilation in Canada, was fragmented and poorly developed. Choate and Lindstrom (2018), Lindstrom and Choate (2016) and Lindstrom et al. (2016) looked at the application of methodology used to assess parents in the child protection system. They found that assessment literature in social work was not framed with Indigenous knowledge. Rather, the definitions of family, parenting and community were drawn from Eurocentric understandings. Mapping tools, such as genograms, did not fit the communal ways in which caring systems for children work in Indigenous cultures yet there was no significant presence of alternative approaches. A worry is that methodology is either Eurocentric or, in attempts to adapt, pan-Indigenous. For example, the Medicine Wheel, which has hundreds of adaptations across various First Nations, is taught as a replacement to understand Indigenous world views. Yet, there are many First Nations and Indigenous populations that do not use this tool. A challenge for social work education is to avoid solutions that have the ‘one size fits all’ mentality. Social work requires a deep reflective journey to explore what has come to be seen as standard theory, asking its relevance across populations. In the expert consultation with Blackfoot elders, when reviewing the typical approach taught for assessing and understanding family systems and child rearing, these approaches did not resonate as valid with the elders. They spoke about a circle of caring systems with the child at the centre. To assess how the child is raised, the elders spoke of contextualising caring to include extended family, non-biological family often referred to as aunts and uncles, community, elders, knowledge keepers, ceremony and spirituality. These were then connected to the understanding of the role of Creator. The elders were careful, however, to describe this was the way in their lands which may not apply to other Indigenous peoples. Their crucial point is there is not a single way to assess. It was clear that Eurocentric theories such as Family Systems theory are foreign to the Indigenous perspective (Lindstrom and Choate, 2016). This is a significant step away from the approach of social work education as reflected in many texts. The elders (Lindstrom et al., 2016) recommended that students not be told how but rather be taught ways of inquiry, entry and relationship building that respected the Indigenous ways of being. The elders also spoke of their role, and that of their predecessors, as being responsible for ensuring their way of knowing, ceremony, language, relationship to the land and the Creator were all held onto so the knowledge can be passed forward. This knowledge is shared only within relationship, but most social workers do not know how to do that within Indigenous cultures. Despite assimilation efforts, elders ensure Indigenous knowledge is kept, but social work wants to bring in Eurocentric ways. To the elders, this was a barrier that must be addressed in partnership. Attachment theory—deconstructing an example Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth, 1979) has become powerful in the social work child protection narrative. Substantial research literature links attachment to child development, social and relational competency, adaptive skills and mental health. The theory has been used successfully with many families. However, in Choate et al. (2018) building upon the earlier projects (Lindstrom and Choate, 2016; Lindstrom et al., 2016; Choate and Lindstrom, 2018; Choate et al., 2018) question applicability to Indigenous peoples. Earlier work (Choate and McKenzie, 2015) had established that many psychometrics used in child protection assessments were not normed with Canadian Indigenous populations and were likely invalid. Following the release of the TRC (2015), the Canadian Psychology Association and the Psychology Foundation of Canada (Task Force, 2018) raised caution about the general applicability of psychometrics with Indigenous peoples. In the case, Ewert v. Canada (2018), the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) raised concerns of discriminatory bias arising from lack of norming and applicability of certain psychological tests used with Indigenous inmates in the Canadian prison system. In 2017–2018, the author served as a member of the Minister’s Child Intervention Panel in the Canadian province of Alberta. Throughout the hearings and visits to Indigenous communities, the panel heard of concerns with the use of attachment theory, which is being used to support the long-term placement and adoption of Indigenous children into non-Indigenous families. This was seen as extending colonialism by permanently removing children from their culture. Assessment and attachment were seen as combining to diminish the possibility of Indigenous communities caring for their own children. In a typical case example, a young child is apprehended by child protection, and then placed in a non-Indigenous foster home. Child protection works with the parent(s) but may determine, for a variety of reasons, the child cannot be returned home. An application is made to the courts for a termination of parental rights which may include intentions to place the child within cultural kinship. However, the foster parents make application for adoption arguing that the child has developed a secure attachment with them. To move the child would create unnecessary harm. The argument relies heavily upon attachment theory and an SCC decision, Racine v. Woods (SCC, 1983). The Racine decision concluded ‘the significance of cultural background and heritage as opposed to bonding abates over time. The closer the bond that develops with the prospective adoptive parents the less important the racial element becomes’ (p. 187). The decision continues to act as the standing legal precedent in Canada (see URM 2018 discussed below). This is despite the TRC (2015), RCAP (1996), Brown v. Canada (ONSC, 2017) and the recent decisions of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (2018; 2017; 2016), all of which documented the perseverance of Indigenous culture and ties to family and community. Dissecting attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth, 1979) shows it is largely built upon the notion of dyadic relations. The primary one is between the mother and the child with extension to others based upon that primary relationship. Efforts have been made to show applicability in other cultures and many authors have noted that the use of the theory may still be valid but require some forms of cultural adaptation. Cross-cultural work has found semblances of applicability but with caution: If all infants across cultures used the same fixed strategies to deal with attachment challenges, it would leave no room for adaptation to dynamic changes in the environment (Mesman et al., 2016, p. 808). Various researchers have shown that Indigenous parents and communities use cultural roles and rules to raise their children as opposed to Eurocentric pathways (Weisner, 2005; Neckoway et al., 2007; Sinclair, 2007; Neckoway, 2011; Simard and Blight, 2011; Ned and Frost, 2017). In both the Nistawatsiman and the Ah Ksis to Wap Siiks projects, how Indigenous family functioned differently from one based within dyadic cultures became evident. Raising a child in an Indigenous community meant intersecting with multiple people who carried out varying parental and caregiving roles. What makes the communal culture different is the way in which the child, from birth, will attach with a variety of people. In both of these consultations, the dyadic approach did not fit with how Indigenous people saw connection. Carriere and Richardson (2017) have shown a series of connections are a better descriptor in the communal system. Harris and White (2013) emphasise Indigenous families consist of primary caregivers, birth parents, but many Indigenous families consider the parents’ brothers and sisters to be called ‘little fathers and little mothers’, rather than the typical name of ‘aunts and uncles’. Choate et al. (2018) add, brothers and sisters are not the child’s only siblings. Cousins fall under the title as well. The idea of half-brother, step-sister and so on also are not used in the Indigenous culture. If a mother and father are not able to care for their child, the child will be raised by another family or community member. The child will be seen as a family member even if the intention is to return the child to parental care at some future point, such as after a treatment programme for a mental health or substance abuse concern. A concern when the Eurocentric approach is applied, Indigenous children are then placed out of culture, as noted above. This leaves children disconnected from culture and identity (Sinclair, 2007). A common phrase is calling such children ‘apples’, red on the outside and white on the inside. Identity remains an ongoing concern for Indigenous children adopted out of their culture (Nichols, 2017). Stevenson (2015) documented how Canada used transracial adoption as a means to assimilate Indigenous children into the dominant society. The concern is that attachment theory is being used for the same purposes. Culture and adoption Social work students and practitioners need to learn how to critically inquire about practice theories as ways to consider whether practice is ethical for the population they are serving. Brown v. Canada (ONSC, 2017) illustrates the impact of violating the duty of care. While the decision held Canada at fault, the reality is that social workers facilitated the process based upon racialised beliefs that taking children away from their Indigenous culture was preparing the children for a better outcome. A recent case, URM (ABPC, 2018) addressed the matter of using Attachment Theory and Racine v. Woods (SCC, 1983). The trial judge stated: [113] These two children are a very important part of the Foster Parents’ family, and the family is a very important part of the children’s lives. It is without doubt that these children consider the Foster Parents to be their psychological parents, as contemplated in the case of Racine v. Woods …. [115] In the Supreme Court decision, Wilson, J. writing for the majority, noted that while a child’s tie with the child’s natural parent is not an irrelevant consideration, the focus must be on the parental tie as a meaningful and positive force in the life of the child and not on the child’s force in the life of the parent. She wrote: (p.187): In my view, when the test to be met is the best interests of the child, the significance of cultural background and heritage as opposed to bonding abates over time. The closer the bond that develops with the prospective adoptive parents the less important the racial element becomes. [124] It was clear from the evidence before this Court that SM is a woman who is deeply connected with and proud of her Indigenous culture. She lives that culture daily, is involved with and connected with the elders in her community and she is supported by that community. [125] The potential to connect with one’s cultural heritage is undoubtedly an important factor to consider in an application for private guardianship. However, important as it is, it is also but one factor that is not determinative on its own. Other factors must also be considered, including the preservation of an established bond and the risks associated with severing that bond. [130] It must be kept in mind that the maintenance of culture is also not an all or nothing proposition. While there is no doubt that SM is in a superior position to the Foster Parents in terms of her ability to immerse the girls in First Nations culture, the Foster Parents are very aware of the role they need to fulfill in keeping the children connected with their cultures. Their adopted son is half Inuit and half Caucasian, and they have continued to make significant efforts to ensure he is proud of his heritage. [138] To be absolutely clear, I reject as unsustainable or insupportable that the factor of maintaining Indigenous heritage is sufficient reason to ignore attachment theory. This position amounts to prioritizing the preservation of Indigenous heritage at the expense of all other factors, including the established attachment relationship between the children and the Foster Parents. Social work was at the core of managing this case. While the matter is under appeal, it allows an opportunity to inquire about case management, contemplating a need for culture from the outset. That is not always easy, as, very early in the case, relations need to be identified and considered as appropriate caregivers in accordance with child protection legislation. However, in matters such as this, adoptive parents will commit to a ‘cultural plan’. In the Nistawatsiman and the Ah Ksis to Wap Siiks projects, this was considered. Cultural plans typically address some form of connection through visits to home communities, attending ceremonies or having some visits with families. There is no legal way to enforce these plans, as, once a child is adopted, absent of child protection concerns, the parents are free to parent in the way that they deem appropriate. Elders say this is not how culture is learned. It is about the daily interactions with peoples, cultural activity and ceremony, land and language, traditions and connections. Cultural plans cannot accomplish this. The Sixties Scoop Settlement Agreement arising from Brown v. Canada (ONSC, 2017) establishes this through a class action settlement involving about 16,000 people. Over 86,000 people were entitled to the Indian Residential Schools settlement. It is vital to again note social work was essential to the implementation of these programmes that have led to these settlements (Harris, 2006; Alston-O’Connor, 2010; TRC, 2015). The idea of adoption outside of culture finds its roots in assimilation, particularly during the Sixties Scoop. It remains a remnant of that system. If social workers do not challenge the inter-generational impacts, then the profession continues as a force of assimilation. Challenging theory Attachment theory is often taught in social work. The projects noted above serve to illustrate the problems when the theory is applied uncritically. This work shows that other theories, such as family systems theory, also deserve challenge to deconstruct which parts preserve colonial framing of Indigenous families. For example, Elders in the Nistwatsiman project framed family based on the notion of ‘all my relations’ meaning we are all related. In this way, the communal system defines family in a broader, more inclusive way which the elders saw family systems theory as narrowing. Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological theory is another example that might be deconstructed. For the elders, the ecological perspective was not as inclusive nor how they would draw it out. Rather, a spider web comes closer. All of the interconnected pieces act in concert. If there is a disturbance in one spot, then all is disturbed. The ecology is one of balance which includes the traumas of colonisation and assimilation. MacDonald and MacDonald (2007) argue that a social justice lens is needed for change to occur in social work education. Stepping into the history of Indigenous peoples, understanding the impacts of inter-generational trauma and the impact on the child caring system must be understood. As RCAP (1996) and TRC (2015) indicate, it is first about acknowledging the history and then owning the pieces belonging to social work. Each student will be required to engage in their own reflexive journey finding where their biases, prejudices and racist experiences, beliefs and actions lie. Having been part of the national journey of creating segregation and diminishment of the Indigenous people, success as a social worker is knowing how to sustain and change the story. Discussion The goal of this article is to challenge the notion of universal application of theory and practice. Bold steps are needed to change approaches that reflect, not the way it has always been done, or the understandings of the dominant society, but to embrace the world views of various cultures to inform practice. All social work courses need to integrate inclusive knowledge as opposed to having students take a single Indigenous social work course. There should also be partnerships with a variety of communities so that our profession begins to utilise the inherent power invested in us through position, law and practice in a way that respects the history and presence of various populations we work with. For example, rather than form solutions, such as around how parenting might be assessed, a partnership with Indigenous communities would allow the community to develop both a sense of what is good enough and how that can be established within the cultural context. Indigenous communities are wary of researchers who seek to gain access to knowledge, such as would be used for assessment, and then claim ownership of that knowledge. Researchers then apply that knowledge to Eurocentric theories and processes disempowering Indigenous knowledge keepers while using the knowledge against Indigenous communities. They now insist on ownership resisting the notion that the coloniser knows. No longer must Indigenous wisdom survive by stealth (Vizenor, 2008). In Canada, the Indigenous population no longer engages in conversations about practice that are not informed through the cultural lens that also fails to recognize the ongoing coloinial processes that have and continue to disrupt Indigenous communities, cultures and families (See Table 1). Yet, Indigenous populations in Canada have not achieved self-governance. Even when they have their own child welfare service, it rarely operates outside of provincial or territorial legislation. Thus, changes to policy, practice and legislation largely remains deeply vested with the dominant government. The lesson of the projects reported here is the need for overt challenges to how social work education occurs and practice is delivered. Table 1 Five major milestones impacting child intervention and Indigenous families. Indigenous groups see them as interconnected and leading to the over-representation of Indigenous children in Canada’s child welfare systems Program/policy Time frame Impact Assimilation Ongoing The efforts of one cultural group to absorb another into the culture of another. This can be done by force, voluntarily or by some combination. Canada has had a deliberate policy of forced assimilation. Indian residential schools 1800–1996 Established as a way to assimilate Indigenous children into the Euro-Canadian culture. Children were generally separated and isolated from family; not permitted to use language, ceremony or culture. Mortality rates were high and long-standing effects of the trauma has been established. Sixties Scoop Late 1950s–1980s Indigenous children were taken from their communities and ancestral lands and placed in foster and/or adoptive homes. Most were placed in Canada but many were placed in USA and other countries. In all, 20,000 children were involved. Millennial Scoop Following Sixties Scoop–ongoing Given that Indigenous children are over-represented in child protection populations in most areas of Canada, it has been argued that the system still works against family preservation of Indigenous children with removal of children still the probable case management being used. Program/policy Time frame Impact Assimilation Ongoing The efforts of one cultural group to absorb another into the culture of another. This can be done by force, voluntarily or by some combination. Canada has had a deliberate policy of forced assimilation. Indian residential schools 1800–1996 Established as a way to assimilate Indigenous children into the Euro-Canadian culture. Children were generally separated and isolated from family; not permitted to use language, ceremony or culture. Mortality rates were high and long-standing effects of the trauma has been established. Sixties Scoop Late 1950s–1980s Indigenous children were taken from their communities and ancestral lands and placed in foster and/or adoptive homes. Most were placed in Canada but many were placed in USA and other countries. In all, 20,000 children were involved. Millennial Scoop Following Sixties Scoop–ongoing Given that Indigenous children are over-represented in child protection populations in most areas of Canada, it has been argued that the system still works against family preservation of Indigenous children with removal of children still the probable case management being used. View Large Table 1 Five major milestones impacting child intervention and Indigenous families. Indigenous groups see them as interconnected and leading to the over-representation of Indigenous children in Canada’s child welfare systems Program/policy Time frame Impact Assimilation Ongoing The efforts of one cultural group to absorb another into the culture of another. This can be done by force, voluntarily or by some combination. Canada has had a deliberate policy of forced assimilation. Indian residential schools 1800–1996 Established as a way to assimilate Indigenous children into the Euro-Canadian culture. Children were generally separated and isolated from family; not permitted to use language, ceremony or culture. Mortality rates were high and long-standing effects of the trauma has been established. Sixties Scoop Late 1950s–1980s Indigenous children were taken from their communities and ancestral lands and placed in foster and/or adoptive homes. Most were placed in Canada but many were placed in USA and other countries. In all, 20,000 children were involved. Millennial Scoop Following Sixties Scoop–ongoing Given that Indigenous children are over-represented in child protection populations in most areas of Canada, it has been argued that the system still works against family preservation of Indigenous children with removal of children still the probable case management being used. Program/policy Time frame Impact Assimilation Ongoing The efforts of one cultural group to absorb another into the culture of another. This can be done by force, voluntarily or by some combination. Canada has had a deliberate policy of forced assimilation. Indian residential schools 1800–1996 Established as a way to assimilate Indigenous children into the Euro-Canadian culture. Children were generally separated and isolated from family; not permitted to use language, ceremony or culture. Mortality rates were high and long-standing effects of the trauma has been established. Sixties Scoop Late 1950s–1980s Indigenous children were taken from their communities and ancestral lands and placed in foster and/or adoptive homes. Most were placed in Canada but many were placed in USA and other countries. In all, 20,000 children were involved. Millennial Scoop Following Sixties Scoop–ongoing Given that Indigenous children are over-represented in child protection populations in most areas of Canada, it has been argued that the system still works against family preservation of Indigenous children with removal of children still the probable case management being used. View Large In my role on the Minister’s Child Intervention Panel, there were many examples of social work acting contrary to the interests of Indigenous peoples. Adoption, failure to provide services, imposing understandings from colonial culture, seeing incapacity related to colonial history, failing to support healing and discounting the Indigenous world views and ways of knowing. In essence, child protection was seen as a racially motivated service. The panel heard multiple times that social work did not represent service users. The profession is seen as predominantly white, although specific numbers are not known as human rights legislation precludes such inquiry. The panel recommended a more inclusive educational system. Faculty will need to challenge the theories that have long been taught. The profession and education systems are called upon to increase diversity in a way that reflects the service users. Social work education and practice needs to change along cultural as well as socio-economic and socio-political lines. Using pedagogies rooted in Indigenous world views that include pathways to critical exchanges with students can act as a way that knowledge can be deconstructed. How knowledge is seen is then open to personal and professional analysis (Grande, 2008). Sinclair (2004) shows that these changes are not just about how we teach, but the content of the messages. Decolonising social work education is a significant rethink of the profession using their worldviews across macro to micro considerations. No aspect of social work is untouched by this need. This also requires the profession to step back from power and control to advocacy and partnership. Tinkering has been tried before. It did not work. Pon (2009) makes the important point that cultural competency education is racist in its very orientation. It starts by the dominant culture othering the culture that is to be learned about, creating some sense of competence in knowing. I agree with Pon (2009) noting, that in my own journey, an elder told me that I can begin the journey, travel it but never end it. I can never truly know what is not mine and the other culture will never be mine. We should let students know their own selves and learn to partner in exploring cultures that are not theirs. Implications This body of work calls for social work education to change. It will require that students become reflexive in understanding and acknowledging their own biases, particularly as many students are only now learning about Canada’s colonial legacy. Elder Roy Bear Chief, of the Siksika First Nation, gifted Figure 1 to show the process that students, faculty and practicing social workers must engage. The challenge is to acknowledge the lack of understanding and that there is a process of inquiry that is required for gaining knowledge. He describes a constant learning circle. The most predominant barrier is self. Faculty must engage in their own reflexive practice through working with Elders, Aboriginal practitioners and communities, which may include participating in ceremony. Universities need to rethink how Indigenous world knowledge is brought into learning. 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TI - The Call to Decolonise: Social Work’s Challenge for Working with Indigenous Peoples
JF - The British Journal of Social Work
DO - 10.1093/bjsw/bcz011
DA - 2019-06-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/the-call-to-decolonise-social-work-s-challenge-for-working-with-BGIu0Wje00
SP - 1081
VL - 49
IS - 4
DP - DeepDyve
ER -