TY - JOUR
AU - Alahmed, Anas, M
AB - Abstract This article applies the concept of internalized orientalism to explain how news representations reflect the power struggles and power relationships within postcolonial nations of the global South through Orientalist discourses. Introducing the concept of internalized orientalism to postcolonial media studies has the potential to de-westernize communication research by depicting the interplays of representations within the South. In this article, I analyze internalized orientalism as a communication theory by studying media representations of the Egyptian revolution in terms of four themes: (a) inability of southern people to rule themselves, (b) religious versus civil state, (c) social conflicts and the patriarchal state, and (d) dehumanization of people and reducing human agency. I argue that internalized orientalism demonstrates how media representations reflect a Western production of knowledge of the global South in the global South, working toward reproducing neocolonial power. At the same time, I argue, internalized orientalism offers a lens for understanding the politics of representations and knowledge production from the South. The Arab uprisings in 2011 challenged the narrative of Oriental society as Arab people took to the streets to demand political reforms, human dignity, self-determination, and democracy. The uprisings brought new political protagonists to the forefront of society led by people who were challenging the state formation. These mass protests changed the perception that Arabs are incompatible with Western civilization and modernity (Pace & Cavatorta, 2012). Corporate America's media coverage of the uprisings offered Orientalist narratives and represented the Arab Spring as a movement in which the Arab people and society aspired to become more American (Salaita, 2012). Similarly, in much of the hegemonic communication literature, the Arab Uprising is constructed as a product of the West/U.S.-centric technologies, reinforcing the racist construction of the Middle East as a primitive world to be emancipated through technologies of modernization. The Arab uprisings contested the Orientalist notion of Arab Exceptionalism, and that Arabs only understand the use of violence to bring about changes (Agathangelou, 2012). While the Arab revolutions challenged some presumptions regarding Arab society and its potential related to political transformations and reforms, the question remains as to whether the Orientalist perception reinforces the Orientalist narrative of Arab despotism during these critical events. While it could be said that such a power struggle exists to reinforce images of Arabs that are incompatible with liberal democracy and Western modernity, one must wonder to what extent these images of Arab despotism have been produced and reproduced by the Arab people themselves through self-Orientalism or internalized orientalism1 thereby reifying neocolonial knowledge formations that enable neoliberal interventions under the label of emancipation. The ultimate goal of this article is to engage with internalized orientalism as a form of postcolonial politics, and to explore how it relates to de-Westernizing communication from the South. Internalized Orientalism Edward Said (1978) defined Orientalism using three interdependent meanings. The first refers to Western academic scholarship that produces and teaches knowledge about the non-Western world. The second focuses on Orientalism as “a style of thought” (p. 2), while the third states that Orientalism is “a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient” (p. 3). This style of thought and system of knowledge production of the global South “can be discussed and analyzed as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient” (p. 3). Orientalism acts as a construct of knowledge that is not only received from Western hegemonic discourses toward the postcolonial South, but also reproduced by the Southern people themselves. This construction of knowledge production regarding the Oriental global South is a process of producing the Other. The category of the Other is meant to establish a power relationship between the Self as the West/North/colonizer and the Other as the East/South/colonized. The production of the other underlies “a relationship of power, of domination, of varying degrees of complex hegemony” (Said, 1978, p. 5) and is a discourse that has a “corresponding relationship with political power” (p. 12). However, this relationship is imbued with power imbalance because of “the ineradicable distinction between Western superiority and Oriental inferiority” (p. 42) and provides insights into the tensions in the representations of the postcolonial South within the postcolony itself. These struggles occur because the above relationship is a “political vision of reality whose structure promoted the difference between the familiar (Europe, the West, us) and the stranger (the Orient, the East, them)” (p. 43) in order to “express the strength of the West and the Orient's weakness—as seen by the West” (p. 45). The unequal relationship between the Self and the Other is the heart of postcolonial studies (Boehmer, 2002), suggesting that the production of the Other as the orient enforces the dependency of the global South on the global North. The uneven relationship between the North and South maintains the power inequities in global politics, allowing the North to have authority over the South in postcolonial politics. Internalized orientalism goes beyond the analysis of the Self and the Other in the realm of North and South relationships, exploring the binary relationship between the self and the other within the Southern society itself. The colonial politics of the global North that produced the South as orient is both internalized and reproduced by the postcolonial society of the South, constituting ongoing forms of colonization. Internalized orientalism maintains the hegemonic authority of the global North over the global South through its agents of the global South and sustains the colonial status quo in the postcolonial South. Orientalism is not solely a system of representation, but rather an overarching logic of maintaining the imperial legacy of the global North that has indelibly marked the formation of postcolonial states of the global South. Internalized orientalism provides an entry point to illustrate how the global South represents itself in discourses, including in the news media, which itself is a reproduction of Western/colonial forms of knowledge production. Thus, adding the adjective internalized indicates that this type of Western Orientalist discourse, as well as the Western knowledge production of the postcolonial South, has been assimilated by the Southern people themselves, specifically the elites of the South. The phrase internalized orientalism itself is not new. It first appeared when Heng and Devan (1992) discussed how elites in Singapore applied Western standards of knowledge production to the modern West in relation to the premodern East. Other phrases have been used to describe the same phenomena of internalized orientalism, including internal orientalism (Schein, 1997; Jansson, 2003), internal colonialism (Hechter, 1975; Gouldner, 1977; Hind, 1984), auto-orientalism (Holden, 2001; Mazzarella, 2003), reverse orientalism (Abu-Lughod, 1991), re-orientalism (Lau & Mendes, 2011), oriental orientalism (Gladney, 1994), self-orientalization (Ong, 1999), orientalized the orientalism (Dirlik, 1996), counter-orientalism (Moeran, 1996), and self-orientalism (Ching, 2000). Schneider (1998) referred to orientalism in one country, while Mitchell (1988) described it orientalism within. It is important to note that the relationship between the ruling class or the native elites (the superior Self) and the oppositional indigenous people (the inferior Other) in the postcolonial world parallel that between the colonizer and colonized in the process of internalization. This internalization occurs when the native elites sustain their relationships with their (former) Western colonizers for power (e.g., political, social, militant, or economic). In order to maintain such a relationship, the domestic elite groups reflect the same interests as those of the colonizers or the global North and reproduce the self/other binary of Orientalist narrative and Western mode of thinking regarding their own social world. Thus, the ruling and elite classes in the postcolonial states construct themselves as the Self by attributing the inferior aspects of the local culture to the rest of the society, who becomes the Other. The designation and identification of the Other demonstrates the same representational strategies deployed in the historical Western stereotyping process, with the elites depicting themselves as modern, civilized, and progressive. While Western Orientalist knowledge is reproduced in the global South to serve the political-economic interests of the global North, many other factors contribute to postcolonial conditions as well. For instance, the hierarchical structure spanning class, education, culture, and urban/rural divisions reflecting Western values came into existence with the Western influence within postcolonial society during the colonial period and continues to play an important role in the society. In other words, colonialism layered and inserted itself so deeply within the social hierarchy (Washbrook, 1993) that it did not allow creating or imagining a new society even after territorial occupation was over. Colonization creates agencies that continue to serve colonial interests in the postcolonial politics of the global South, enabling local elites to profit from colonizing processes and maintain their hegemony in politics and economics. The power structure replicates itself in the postcolony with Orientalist knowledge production internalized within the society. Hence internalized orientalism is one mechanism that reflects colonial legacy in the postcolonial world. News representations play a centralized role in furthering this condition. In order to understand how internalized orientalism is a major factor in the knowledge production within the global South, several news stories on the 2011 Egyptian revolution in the Egyptian newspapers are examined in this study. The purpose of this investigation is to demonstrate how these stories represent the people and their revolutionary movements in the shadows of Orientalist discourse. The conclusion discusses how internalized orientalism contributes to communication theory and the communication field at large. Postcolonial media meets de-Westernizing communication The following section situates internalized orientalism an anchor to understanding the role of representations of the Egyptian revolution in 2011 within the contexts of the global South. In order to understand how internalized orientalism works in news representations, and how news representations attempt to reproduce the Western knowledge of the postcolonial South, this study draws attention to four specific Orientalist themes with regard to the global South that are built on stereotypes contributing to the idea of Oriental despotism and its representation (Ventura, 2017). These themes have been central to constructing the Orient: the inability of Arabs or an Oriental culture to rule themselves/itself; the inability of the Arab people to have a civil state; the inability of the people of the South to democratize themselves without patriarchal norms; and the reproduction of a representation that reduces their human agency. These Orientalist narratives reproduce a lens of Orientalism reinforcing the image of Arabic society as despotic. Within the Egyptian context, the colonizer or the master of the internal colony is the military and the colonized is the country's subjugated people. Egyptian revolution and Western knowledge production of news This section first provides a chronicle of events of the Egyptian revolution briefly, then examines news representations of the Egyptian revolution, its implications for reproduction of Western Orientalist knowledge in postcolonial South, and its influence on postcolonial politics of Egypt after the revolution. Four themes of representation in relation to the binary construction of the Self and the Other (i.e., the military and the people) are explored. Egyptian revolution and newspapers On 25 January 2011 when police day in Egypt was to be celebrated, Egyptians had already decided to go to Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo to demonstrate and demand for the end of the Mubarak regime. This was inspired by the Tunisian revolution and the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in December 2010, which launched the cascade of the Arab uprisings. Within weeks of protests, the former president of Egypt Hosni Mubarak left his position on 12 February and handed over power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Office (SCAF). In June 2012, Mohamed Morsi was democratically elected as the President. However, in July 2013, Morsi was deposed from power through a military coup d'état led by Minister of Defense (now president) Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. This section analyzes some news representation from three different newspapers (Al Ahram, Al Shorouk, and Al Masry Al Youm)2 during the period when Mubarak left power up to the military coup to understand how newspapers with different ideologies reflect or challenge the Orientalist discourse of the global North regarding the global South. When Mubarak left his position of power, political leadership was in a vacuum; thus, the revolution was seen as an expression of disorder of the Egyptian state. The revolution interrupted the relationship between the Egyptian state and its people, shifting the relationship between the Self and the Other. The Egyptian state became more vulnerable with more power in the hands of the people. Thus, the revolution opened the door to a new political atmosphere that challenged the authoritarian regime. As the power of the people threatened the military power, the altered relationship between the Self and the Other made it even more evident that an existential antagonism between them is central to Egyptian society and politics. Post revolution, Egypt became further polarized with the collapse of the state power and not having anyone to fill the gap. Even though SCAF managed to hold the transition period after the revolution, it was nevertheless the demand of the people to have a civilian president to mitigate the power of the military in the political leadership. That also explains why SCAF rushed the presidential and parliament elections before establishing a new constitution post revolution. When Morsi was elected as a president, he was considered an Other because he was an outsider, not from the military institution, and from an Islamic background, throwing more challenges to deal with an Other that fits the category of the Oriental stereotype in the post-revolution moment. Hence, it is a significant moment to examine how discourses around Egyptian revolution reproduce Western knowledge of the Other in the postcolonial South. Three newspapers were chosen to examine the political implications of Western thought replicated in the newspapers with three different ideological orientations—a state paper, a liberal paper, and an independent one—in order to bypass any possibility of a conclusion with a homogenized judgment of such a representation. The newspapers reflect elite articulations, given the classed nature of news productions. As texts, they allow us to see how internalized orientalism is produced and reproduced through discourses within postcolonial societies. Unfit for democracy: Unable to self-govern Internalized orientalism reinforces the perception of the global South and reproduces Western knowledge of the Oriental Other in which the colonized Other is unable to rule itself. Instead, it requires assistance from the colonizer Self. According to Said (1978), Western knowledge produces Western “capacities for self-government” (p. 32). “Egypt cannot have self-government” (p. 34) because “Egypt requires, indeed insists upon, British occupation” (p. 34) to assist in its governing. Consider Al-Ahram, the state runs newspaper. It reported consistently how the military, which replaced the British colonizer, was responsible for democratizing and governing Egypt. For instance, one of the Al-Ahram's headline showed that a senior officer declared “the Army Will Stand with the People” (Shabban, 2011) which referred to the military leading Egypt during a political transition. This statement suggested that self-government was not possible without the (internal) colonizer. In addition, the independent newspaper, Al Shorouk indicated of a power struggle between the Self and the Other in the post-presidential elections by stating that the military was “Siding With the People” (“The army: Our side is with the people,” 2012). A phrase like “siding with the people” suggests that a military's mission is to democratize Egyptians by standing with people and such democratization is only possible with the military's assistance. Al-Ahram printed the military's declaration that: “Our Goal is to Build a Modern (…) State (…)” (“Tantawi in October victory,” 2011b). It published a similar report on October 20, 2011 “Military is Eager to Establish a Democratic (…) State (…)” and a military officer “We Are Working to Build a Democratic (…) State” (Tawfiq & Hijab, 2011). Such narratives situate the military, not the people or the revolutionaries, as key to bringing democracy. That logic of bringing or establishing democracy fits the orientalist discourse where Western politics justifies war—note the more recent Iraq invasion—to bring democracy to people since Oriental people are unable to democratize themselves. Similar to colonists using democratization as a rationale for political intervention, the Egyptian military claimed that its goal was to build a democratic state after the revolution suggesting that Egyptian people are unable to democratize themselves. These representations establish the military as the chief actor committed to democratization and leading the country through a political transition. Without the military (Self), the people of the country (Other) would not know how to democratize and self-govern. After the revolution, when the first presidential election was held in spring 2012, the liberal newspaper Al Masry Al Youm questioned the ability of the elected president to rule Egypt; a claim could be seen in the headline “Sisi3 Takes the Initiative.” (“Sisi takes the initiative,” 2012a). Such a headline not only showed that a military officer was actually managing the state, but it indicated that he had more power than the president. Al Shorouk posted a similar headline with “The Army's Patience is Decreasing” (Aljahmi & Khaial, 2013). This headline was a call from the newspaper asking the head of the military take control from President Morsi. This representation of the Arabic people as unable to rule themselves without help from the military (i.e., Self) conformed to the orientalist idea of the Arab Other, but this Other was within—it was internalized by representations that ostensibly served a society struggling to govern itself. In this representation, the people were unable to govern themselves because they were weak, inferior, and secondary to the military/Self. According to Said (1978), in the division between the Self and the Other in the knowledge production of Orientalism, the Self/West/North was “rational, developed, humane, [and] superior, [while] the Orient was aberrant, undeveloped, [and] inferior” (p. 300). This characterization flows into the argument that the Orient/Other cannot rule itself without help from the military/Self. Egyptian military—patriarchy state and parental role According to Said (1978), “since the Orientals were ignorant of self-government, they had better be kept that way for their own good” (p. 228). This idea that they had “better be kept” is furthered by way of having native elites at the helm of the state serving as colonial agents. They maintain state oppression in the postcolonial South and, hence, the legacy of colonialism. Here, internalized orientalism reinforces the classic Eurocentric knowledge of Oriental despotism, where the tyrannical and patriarchal authority in power keeps the unruly masses under control. As such, state oppression was made evident through the portrayal of the military rule as patriarchal. Consider the story by Othman et al. (2012) that was published in Al Masry Al Youm titled “The Army Observes and Threatens.” In this story, where two oppositional protests between pro-Morsi and anti-Morsi appeared, the military not only warned the public not to engage in such a conflict, but its role to mediate among protesters. This story indicated that the military was acting in a parental role in society, attempting to keep its children from fighting. The army was represented in a parental position befitting the Orientalist discourse of the Other as patriarchal. Kandil (2012, p. 232) argued that military propaganda symbolized the unity of the military and the people by presenting a picture of “a soldier gazing adoringly into the eyes of infant he held carefully in his arms—the helpless infant here, of course, represents the people.” Moreover, the image “of a cruel/compassionate father in relation to his child is matched by an image of a benevolent despot in politics” (Sharabi, 1987, pp. 215–216, quoted in Ayubi, 1995). The image reflects not only hierarchical authoritarianism of the Arab in the postcolonial narrative, but also communicates that “the relationship of the citizen to state is similar to the child's traditional relationship with the father” (Ayubi, 1995, p. 166). Such representations assign the role of fatherhood to the military to protect Egyptians. What gets communicated here is that without the patriarchal role of the military, Egypt would collapse. This idea can be seen in the Al Masry Al Youm headline: “(…) The Regime is Failing (…) and the Army is Egypt's Only Hope” (Shalabi & Eldargly, 2013). Moreover, a headline such as “Sisi to People: Do Not Worry About Egypt” (Othman, 2013) signifies that the military would always be there to protect the country. The idea of the state as patriarchal is further communicated when narratives refer to the ruling class (the Self) as a savior or hero, a common reference found in Western media representations. The patriarchal representation of the military links the military to heroism in the sense that “only a hero could bring all these factors together” (Said, 1978, p. 85) and that the military is such “a hero rescuing the Orient from the obscurity, alienation, and strangeness which he himself had properly distinguished” (Said, 1978, p. 121). Western media enforces the idea of a hero as someone for the common people to rally around. Therefore, by destroying the common Orient (Other) and its natural narrative, the military (Self) is able to break down the defenses of the people against the damaging thought processes. Additional headlines supporting this idea can be found in Al-Ahram's headline “Sisi: The Army and Police are Obligated to Protect the Stability of the Homeland” (“Sisi: The army and police are obligated,” 2013a), Al Shorouk's headline “(…) and Demands that Sisi to Protect Them” (“The big clash is approaching,” 2013b, emphasis added), and Al-Ahram headline “Sisi: The Army Will not Allow Chaos or the State to Collapse” (Tawfiq & Mustafa, 2013). The last headline came only one week before the military coup that put Sisi in power, acting in a parental role over both the government and the opposition. Even though some scholars argue that the patriarchal status of Egyptian military as savior and protector has been rooted in Egyptian society through popular culture (Khalil, 2012; Mostafa, 2017), it is nevertheless the history of British colonialism that formed the basis of the Egyptian modern army as early as the 1820s. The modern Egyptian army's foundation in British colonial history also sealed its identity to become a colonial agent within the dominant internal politics of Egypt. Even after Egyptian independence from Britain in post-WWI, the military could not come to its own as it has been already “far more under the control of the British and its development much more carefully regulated” (Tignor, 1966, p. 384). The struggle for autonomy in postcolonial Egyptian politics can be traced back to this historical construction of the Egyptian military as an institution by the colonial power (Mitchell, 1988). Therefore, the patriarchal mode of the state in the postcolonial politics of the global South explains the structure of the military as a powerful entity. As Shohat (1992) indicated, postcolonial politics relates to the geo-political hegemony of power relations. The power struggle between the colonizers and the colonized is between nations where relationships between the dominant and subordinated groups are continuously rearticulated through new mechanisms of control to maintain the status quo. The dominant narratives on subordinated groups in the postcolonial society of the South must maintain them as vulnerable and unstable. Hence, the discourse and materiality of the patriarchal role of the military is necessary in postcolonial politics. After the January 2011 revolution, the military continued to convince the people that it was on their side and threatened them if they demanded removal of the military by any means. Religious state versus a civil state Internalized orientalism in post-revolutionary Egyptian representations manifests in the debate over having a civil vs a religious state as well. The representations fall into the Orientalist discourse—especially that of Muslim Arabs—in which Arab states are either despotic regimes or Islamic and religious ones, but not civil, modern states. Arabs are “designated as backward, degenerate, uncivilized, and retarded, the Orientals were viewed in a framework constructed out of biological determinism and moral-political admonishment” (Said, 1978, p. 207). Note how knowledge production of the uncivilized Other gets reproduced and distributed when right after the removal of Mubarak a senior military officer expressed worries about the future of Egypt after the revolution. He affirmed the importance of Egypt being a civil state over a religious, state. The media solidified these views. As the headline in Al Shorouk “The Army Emphasizes the Civil State” (“The army emphasizes the civil state,” 2011c) indicated, the military had already decided its position regarding this argument. Similarly, the headline titled “Egypt Will Not be Iran or Gaza” (Hammad, 2011) suggested that Egypt would not become a religious state. The underlying implication was that the civil state would represent the civilized Self, contrary to the religious, uncivilized Other. However, there was no narrative of a military state, which has been the form of political rule for Egypt.4 The civil versus religious state argument reflecting the binary of the civilized Self and the uncivilized Other is internalized and centralized in the postcolonial global South. Said (1978) explained that Orientalist discourses constructed the knowledge of Muslims and Arabs “as closed traditional societies” (p. 299), not advanced or civilized since they follow politicized religion as foundation of government; therefore, their politics would never be compatible with the West. Islam has never easily been encompassed by the West politically (…) Islam and Middle Eastern societies are totally political, an adjective meant as a reproach to Islam for not being liberal, for not being able to separate (as we do) politics from culture. The result is an invidiously ideological portrait of us and them. (p. 299) Within the context of internalized orientalism in the Egyptian revolution, traditional refers to a society that is less developed and more religious, while modernity refers to a privileged, high- culture society with a civil government (Faruqi & Fahmy, 2017). Moreover, the rhetoric of a superior civil state over an inferior religious state was also presented by Sisi to legitimize the military coup and establish the military as a civil, modern ruler in contrast to the uncivil one. This was to claim the superiority of the military over the elected president, Morsi, Sisi, the leader of the military coup, also made this point in a conversation with the former United States Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel after the military coup. Sisi told Hagel that in order to make sense of the coup over an elected president one must understand that “there are revolutionaries who want to change our[added] way of life, who want to bring back centuries-old practices” (Kirkpatrick, 2018, p.227). These revolutionaries refer to the people or the Other who demanded an end to the military rule in Egypt, and “centuries-old practices” refer to their religious practices. On several occasions, some representations used Quranic verses to describe the people through a language that is centuries-old time. Al Masry Al Youm used the phrase “This is the Parting of Ways Between Me and You” (“Brotherhood and Salafists,” 2011a) taken from the Quran. The religious discourse was referenced to report a situation, where clashes were occurring between Islamist candidates over the parliamentary seats won in the election. Another example from Al Shorouk can be found when the newspaper reflected on the presidential team by printing the headline “Morsi's Team: Islamists Except a Little” (Fathi, 2012) by using a Qur'anic phrase “except a little.” The phrases of Quran are considered a centuries-old practice since it is not a language that is used in contemporary times, while influence of Islam in governance is considered destabilizing. In other words, Western discourses consider Islam or Quran pre-modern since Islamic religious sentiment expressed through Quran has been established as the formidable Other when juxtaposed against the Eurocentric understanding of modernity. Hence, it is important to understand the overall objectives of movements that politicize religion. It is imperative to do so for the advancement of de-Westernization. When representations characterize societal divisions in terms of civil or religious values, they doubt cultural members' political identity in the post-revolution state and question the nature of self-determination actualized by the people. This type of discourse further demonstrates how neoliberal politics in the capitalist world subjugates the Other via Orientalist expressions. Internalized orientalism operates by having the elites in the postcolony question the identity of its very own cultural members. Regardless of how the West views the Middle East, internalized Orientalism was used by the military in Egypt to exclude the Other from participating in politics. It is primarily through representations of the modern and traditional that native elites in postcolonial societies dole out a reproduction of Western body of knowledge to fuel political control. Colonial power not only constructed institutions, rebuilt towns and villages, disciplined bodies, and introduced schooling, but also divided modernist Egyptian autocratic elites from the rest of Egypt's people (Mitchell, 1988). This division is necessary for control. It leads people to believe they are different and construct polarizing models of the modern Self and the traditional Other. Western discourses tend to utilize and maintain this polarization to the extent that elites and masses fail to have any communication. Likewise, when a representation makes a derogatory reference to a religious state or Sharia law, it is aligned with the Orientalist thought regarding Muslims as Others. Although Sharia is an Arabic word in origin, it has been associated with an objectionable body of law at odds with Western values; thus, the word Sharia is considered to be an orientalist one since it refers to a law that is unsuitable for any contemporary civilization. Hence, Sharia becomes a trope in Orientalist discourses to homogenize all Muslims and argue that Islamic tradition is incompatible with modernity (Khiabany, 2011). Dehumanizing the people and reducing human agency The representation of the revolution dehumanized the people who participated in toppling an oppressive regime, and not those who exercised power in that regime. Such a representation is an outcome of internalized orientalism that dehumanizes representations of people in mass mobilizations and social movements. Dominant discourses typically turn ordinary people into a passive category of the Other. The abstraction in the case of Tahrir Square is an example. Such abstractions represented the power of the revolution—not the people. The representations did not quite highlight the people as revolutionaries or legitimate actors but presented them as an abstraction that removed their individualities. These portrayals obscuring revolutionaries or activists, reducing their agency, and undermining their political forces served as representational strategies—a process to depoliticize the revolution. The use of revolution in the representations appeared to show that the revolution, not the people, held the power and that the revolution upset the regime because the nation revolted. Reducing the power of the people and neglecting the agency of the Arab people and revolutionaries to make their own history fits the Orientalist assumptions of Western representations of Arabs.5 Similarly, erasing the local contexts of labor, student, and activist organizing in Egypt that formed the infrastructure of the Arab Spring, the “revolution” was given a spontaneous character. Hence, for the protests in downtown Cairo in Tahrir Square, people in Tahrir were rendered passive and powerless. Tahrir was designated a certain identity or value or agency through either the military or as a place of the revolution, but it had nothing to do with the people. Thus, Tahrir Square became an abstract symbol to legitimize the revolution. The phrase Tahrir became a term to erase the people and signify a location that symbolized power instead of representing the people exercising their power. Headlines like “Tahrir Demands,”6 instead of “people demands” presented Tahrir as part of the revolution demanding change, not a place where people gathered to demand change. As such, narratives drew attention to the frequent demonstrations in Tahrir, reflecting the demands of the revolution. They were not presented as the demands of the Egyptian people, who were never under the spotlight. Finally, dominant representations of the revolution noted that when general people actively participated in the revolution and politically mobilized to remove Mubarak, it was the military's assistance that allowed them to do so. The military as the superior Self manipulated the representation of the people or the inferior Other to reinforce its legitimacy as state ruler. For instance, some supporting headlines were “(…) the People Gave Legitimacy to the Military” (Othman, 2011), “(…) the People and the Army Unity in the Friday Protests (…)” (“New victory of people,” 2011), and “(…) Military and People are One Hand” (Hashim et al., 2011). These headlines gave the idea that the military and the people were working together and that the people themselves were passive in making the revolution a reality. Their participation and subsequent success only occurred because the military helped them. Dehumanizing the people is meant to remove the people from being an active Self to a passive Other. Reducing the power of the people and marginalizing their roles in society contextualize the anti-systemic struggles in the Arab region. The local elite discourses systematically obliterated the narratives and materiality of labor organizing in Egypt, keeping elite power intact (El-Shazli, 2019). Military and the people—struggle of the self and the other According to Bhabha (1994), the colonialists created the ideas of the self-as-other and other-as-self, both of which serve to make colonialism more of a political ideology than merely a method of political intervention and economic imperialism. While the binary of the Self/Other in postcolonial studies appeared in racial differences (North/South), racial differences are not indispensable within the context of internalized orientalism. In internalized orientalism, this difference between the Self/Other is essentially politicized. Therefore, in order to represent the Other within the logic of internalized orientalism, it is necessary to understand that the Other is not about being different in terms of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and any other minority category. Rather, the classification of the Other is possible because of a political ideology. The state either subjugates masses through internalization of Western thinking that activates the political ideology of self/other or consolidates minorities into an Other and maintains a divided society. What makes physical differences, however, such as race, gender, and class, different from political ideology is that the latter is focused on social hierarchies. Internalized orientalism has become part of the organic, dynamic society in postcolonial politics where certain people accept the Orientalist discourse and then reproduce it as Western knowledge. As such, it has become an internalization process that is used to reflect the Western knowledge production of the global South. Since the purpose of Orientalism is to ensure the West have hegemonic authority over the Orient in order to maintain the power establishment that supports the status quo in the Arab state, such reproduction of Western knowledge regarding the global South is the main connection between the colonizer and the colonized in postcolonial politics. As Said concluded (1978), the Orient Other “is at bottom sometimes either to be feared (…) or to be controlled” (p. 301). Those Others are the Egyptian people who the Self feared might lead Egypt, and, hence, were to be controlled by the military state. Nevertheless, since the political structures and identities in Egypt were rooted in and controlled by the military institutions in the postcolonial society, the revolution challenged the military state or the Self since the people or the Other were demanding the removal of the Self from power in order to insert the Other instead. This attempt to transform the political identity of the Self into the Other threatened the institutionalized authoritarian military state power, and the native elites' privileges with regard to ruling the country and controlling the economy. While the elite members of the society monopolized the identity of the state (e.g. military officers, autocrats, business officials), the revolutionaries or the Other challenged the monopolized identity by attempting to reshape the existing political rule and bring forth a new phase in the political landscape by balancing the power structure. This new phase of democratic Egypt asked to end the role of the Self as an agent of the global North. In an attempt to undermine the revolutionaries, the military reproduced the Western knowledge of the people of the global South as religious, conservative, uncivilized and unable to rule themselves. Reproducing the Orientalist image of Egypt, the military juxtaposed the question of a progressive civil state over a despotic one. Internalized Orientalism as a de-Westernizing approach from the South As the previous examples of news representations show, internalization among Egyptians regarding who they are in relation to the military was the result of intense initiation, domestication, narration, formation, and acquisition of ideologies gained through national discourses and media propaganda meant to idolize the Egyptian state run by the military as a colonial agent. Internalized orientalism in conversation with postcolonial media studies contributes to de-Westernizing communication research by uncovering the Western lens and Western conceptions of the global South that are used to explain the non-Western world, folded into logics of dominance by postcolonial elites. It offers an opportunity to understand the relationship between certain societies in the South and their Orientalist representations within. Here, mediated depictions are constituted amid class struggles between the Self and the Other in news texts and representations. The relationship between the Self and the Other, however, is ambivalent and not as straightforward as is often portrayed (Shohat, 1992). These ambivalent relations are a product of the colonial discourse that is institutionalized in the state apparatus through the field of representation (Slemon, 1994). Internalized orientalism explains the implication of colonial projects and impact of their politics on the colonized territory through the reproduction of Western knowledge production in news texts. Thus, internalized orientalism is particularly appropriate for understanding the power of media since media as part of postcolonial projects is “affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day” (Ashcroft et al., 2002, p. 2). Consequently, internalized orientalism draws attention to double representations; first, a representation that reflects Western production of knowledge about the postcolonial states of the global South, and second, a representation that reproduces the Western knowledge by the Southern/oriental people themselves. It captures the complex power relationships in postcolonial politics and how such power relationships are represented and reflected in news media texts. In the Egyptian context, the military became an Orientalist agency and such a representation of the military showed an Orientalist political narrative in which it assisted democratization and was the only institution able to prevent chaotic dogmatism in Egyptian politics. When the representations confirmed the political reality regarding the colonial agency of the military and its role in society as the Self, it fell into an Orientalist discourse by reproducing Western knowledge of the people and the society of the global South. Internalized orientalism attends to whether a representation reflects the role of the colonial agent as the Self or challenges it. In order to construct a political system, colonialism relied on establishing intellectual traditions, and creating educational institutions and discourses to transmit and reproduce knowledge that continued to serve postcolonial politics (Headrick, 1977). Subsequently, the postcolonial global South implemented a mirror of colonialism by creating an identity that reproduced the colonial inequalities. It caused the colonized to embrace many of the economic and political issues of the Self in order to remain dependent on the colonizer, and, eventually, allowed the colonizer to help the colonized (Sethi, 2011). This legacy of colonialism in postcolonial nations sustained through internal colonialism is necessary for the purpose of Western political domination of the global South (Mamdani, 2001). The reproduction of the Western knowledge in postcolonial South is an outcome of this process. In the post-2011 revolution in the Arab world, these ambivalent relationships resulted in media representations that failed to conceptualize people's ability to rule themselves. Internalized orientalism provides an explanation of the workings of the voices in the global South, emphasizing the importance of interpreting “the erased agency of subaltern communities in elite structures” (Dutta, 2015, p. 136). The erasure of the subaltern voice is produced on an ongoing basis through the discursive productions of postcolonial elites. Such an understanding of the colonial legacy is not solely about how representations reflect reproduction of colonial knowledge, but what also matters is situating the global South as speaking subjects. The colonial empire caused the existing postcolonial society of the global South to mutate, whereby Western colonial assessments were intersected with long-held values. In other words, colonialism was a dominant political instrument that modified existing structures rather than building new ones. This understanding brings postcolonial media studies to investigate the political economy of postcolonial media production, representation, and practice at large in new ways, and understand how these elements reflect the relations of power within the global South. This study argues that the Egyptian military and its institutions replaced the colonizer in postcolonial politics. Former colonized countries have attempted to resolve their identity crises by intervening in the legacies of imperialism and adapting to the discourse of colonialism. The unequal relationship between the colonized as the oppressed and the colonizer as the oppressor was explained in Fanon's (1963) examination of colonizing mechanism. Fanon argued that colonialists imposed their cultural and economic ideas on the territory of the colonized so that even after the colonizer left the occupied land their hegemonic ideology was by then already represented by the military, and beliefs mirrored by the natives. Ideology in the postcolonial global South shapes state politics, attitudes, and institutions, while hegemony is the ability of this ideology to maintain the Self/Other relationship within the state/society of the global South. It is well established that Orientalism as “the system of European or Western knowledge about the Orient” has become “synonymous with European domination of the Orient” (Said, 1978, p. 197). Internalized orientalism is an appropriate application to understand the aftermath of colonialism in the postcolonial society of the global South, attending to ongoing colonialisms that exist within the global South. Since knowledge production constitutes the binary of the Self/Other in media representations in postcolonial states, this Other can refer “to the colonized others who are marginalized by imperial discourse, identified by their difference from the centre and, perhaps crucially, become the focus of anticipated mastery by the imperial ego” (Ashcroft et al., 2013, p. 187). This imperial ego continues to operate through internalized orientalism that informs the representations of the Other. Such a representation reflects the postcolonial discourse of the global South, where knowledge production reproduces the imperial ego. The struggle of such a representation, however, is to see to what extent this Western knowledge production of the South is reproduced or resisted in postcolonial society. Internalized Orientalism as a communication theory The idea of internalized orientalism opens up discussions about unequal distribution of knowledge, and the struggle to produce new knowledge in the field of communication. How can postcolonial nations not rely on established knowledge? The overflow of the global North's production of the global South and an explanation of the same necessitates de-westernization of the study of media (Iwabuchi, 2010). Internalized orientalism contributes to communication theory by illuminating the complex and intertwined nature of discourses. It allows examination of construction of Self/Other binary in society by media and reproduction of the Orientalist knowledge production of the postcolonial global South through these representations. It asks to problematize political reality as a larger project of de-westernizing media theory (Khiabany, 2003). This problematization of political reality offers an entry point to probe further into the role of communication—how communication exists in society as a practice and to what extent communication of the global South differs or mimics the Western mode of knowledge production. This article points to the ongoing role of imperialism in knowledge production about the other at the margins of the global South, especially in media content (e.g., Boyd-Barrett, 2014; Sparks, 2012). Whereas on one hand the imperial machinery constructs Western technology as the liberator, on the other hand, postcolonial elites construct themselves as the emancipator of the people. This confluence of local and colonial elite formations in erasing peoples' voices plays out across spheres of knowledge production. This Western perspective automatically excludes any possibility for the Other to express herself in language designed by herself to create space for local discourses from the margins (Dutta, 2015). Instead, it traps the Other in a ceaseless cycle of discourse that is self-destructive. Postcolonial elites that dominate media theorizing, often oblivious to their elite positions within knowledge production circuits of the global North, recycle this trap in their analyses, failing to account for the communicative practices within postcolonial societies that shape large-scale inequalities and ignoring the confluences of elite tropes at local and imperial sites (see Dirlik, 1999). Furthermore, Western media bias is a problem because it often generates Western knowledge regarding discursive practices in the global South without investigating how they appeared in relation to decolonial struggles (Gunaratne, 2009). Such biases in media theories lead to Orientalist traps by accusing society and people for their struggles instead of examining how such events happen in relation to postcolonial politics. Internalized orientalism to the contrary allows investigation of the global South as a product of colonization and explains how the postcolonial state replicates its historical conditions. Internalized orientalism reveals Orientalist thinking in postcolonial news texts and other media discourses, demonstrating the role of discursive resources in propagating the internalization of Orientalism. Moreover, while there “is increasing concern over Western bias in media theory and reaction against the lack of understanding of other cultures” (Khiabany, 2003, p. 415) knowledge of internalized orientalism may prevent application of Orientalist worldview. Explaining power struggles and how they exist through news representations in postcolonial politics at large, internalized orientalism disallows essentialized categorization of the non-Western world. The Western bias in media theory stems from the construction of the superiority of the Western knowledge system. This bias in theory also comes from the extent to which media theory is dependent on and reflective of the media itself (McQuail, 2000). Similarly, the bias in communication theory is rooted in the belief that material progress can be achieved through adoption of Western attitudes and cultures by the less developed nations even as non-Western scholars struggle to fill the gap (Kim, 2009; McQuail, 2000). Even if Western thinking is seemingly more progressive and open to change, it nevertheless refuses to encompass non-Western thought processes. Internalized orientalism offers a critical analysis of how media content serves as a part of the state-capital apparatus and how media representations reflect state-capital power. It suggests that media representations reflect power struggles in the postcolonial world of the global South, seeking to understand how media constitutionalizes and institutionalizes political power in the postcolony. Internalized orientalism challenges assumptions of media theory by contextualizing and historicizing Western knowledge production, analyzing the role of imperialism in media and politics, and explaining how these factors reflect in media discourses and representation. Thus, challenging the politics of knowledge production within the global South, internalized orientalism offers a cultural understanding that goes beyond ethnocentrism in communication theory and more towards a culture-centric approach (Dutta, 2015) that seeks to investigate communication practices in the global South amidst structural formations. Internalized orientalism offers a link that connects the media institutions of the global South with colonial history, foregrounding the role of political economy of media and communication research in the context of postcolonial politics of the Global South. As Said explained, institutions are part of the Orientalist construction of knowledge because Orientalism “expresses and represents (…) as a mode of discourse with supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imaginary, doctrine, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial style” (1978, p. 2). Narrating the terrains of inequality that form its discursive resources, Said explains that “Orientalism depends for its strategy on this flexible positional superiority, which puts the Westerner in a whole series of possible relationships with the Orient without ever losing him the relative upper hand” (Said, 1978, p. 7). This urgency for positional superiority is what renders Western knowledge production powerful in the global hierarchy of knowledge. It is also this relationship that, in a sense, prevents full de-westernization, instead generating in postcolonial societies groups of elites that deploy orientalist discourses to keep intact their power and control. While postcolonial studies in the communication field largely attends to the Western constructions of the South, internalized orientalism offers resources to investigate how representation works in reproducing inequalities within the global South. It thus depicts the seamless complicity between colonial formations and local elite control in the global South. Conclusion Internalized orientalism depicts how Orientalist discourse in media content reflects and reproduces Western colonial constructions of the global South by the Southern people themselves. It therefore offers a theoretical lens not only to de-westernize communication of the global South and its postcolonial trajectory, but also, to comprehend the power struggles related to media representations and their relationship to power in postcolonial society. The role of the empire and the power of communication are the key to understanding the mode of Western knowledge production that has been adopted within the postcolonial global South. Internalized orientalism investigates this representation within postcolonial society, which either reflects or challenges the perception of the Other and interrogates the nature of knowledge production in the postcolonial South at large. As such, internalized orientalism offers a lens to interrogate the political project of Western hegemony and its political domination over the postcolonial South, attending to the role of postcolonial elites in processes of othering and in producing new forms of colonial relationships. While Said's orientalism and postcolonial studies in general explain how Western knowledge production constructs the global South as a whole, internalized orientalism offers a lens into understanding how the oriental logic is reproduced by the elites in Southern societies themselves, working to legitimize hegemonic forms of power and control. This article expands beyond the focus on the texts in the West in postcolonial media studies to articulate a conceptual anchor for interrogating power and control exercised by postcolonial elites through texts produced in postcolonial contexts, deploying the colonial binaries of Self and Other. It situates this internalization amid class and power struggles in postcolonial society, locating it in its relationship to Western politics in the context of control over the postcolonial world through local elite collaboration. Western knowledge construction of the global South in orientalist logics is a tool that also serves the interests of the power elite within postcolonial societies, reproducing colonial political economic configurations of exploitation, extraction, and oppression (Dutta, 2018). Theorizing orientalist formations within the ambits of the global South attends to the specific contexts within which these formations reify ongoing forms of exploitation, oppression, and control. The inequalities in distribution of power within postcolonial societies are created, reproduced, and sustained through orientalizing discourses that prop up the modern/Western/progressive local elite against the primitive/traditional/backward Other. Given the preponderance of postcolonial academics from these elite classes in postcolonial societies, a reflexive turn toward discourses generated within the South offers a critical lens for examining new forms of colonial control legitimized through internalized orientalism as well as critically attending to the knowledge that gets produced in the academe under the “postcolonial” label. An emancipatory politics of transformation calls for making visible these inequalities in discursive constructions and disrupting the orientalizing logics that sustain these inequalities. Notes 1 Internalized orientalism with lowercase o will refer to the current perspective, while Orientalism with a capital O will refer to Orientalism literature in general. 2 All the news articles were originally published in Arabic and it was translated to English by the author. 3 Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was appointed by former elected President Morsi as a minister of defense after replacing Tantawi in August 2012. Sisi later overthrew Morsi's in a military coup d'état in 2013 and became the president of Egypt in 2014. 4 It seems that such a representation of military state would be unhelpful because the military is a de facto, the struggle was either for a religious or civil state. 5 For more details about these assumptions and how they have inserted the Orientalist narrative into Western representations, see Shihade (2012). 6 On 27 November 2011, for instance, the headline for Almasry Al Youm was “Seek for a Lifeline.” The photo stated that “Slogans of Tahrir Demand Politicians to Leave and Choose National Salvation Government” (Al Houfi et al., 2011). Another story from Almasry Al Youm was titled “Thousands Protest return to Tahrir Demanding the Execution of Mubarak and release the detainees” (Majidy et al., 2011). Also, see the front page of Al-Ahram on November 26, 2011 when the main story was titled “The Danger of the Division” and the subtitles were “Tahrir Demands the SCAF Leave” and “The Square Refuses [the Government].” These titles showed how the people in Tahrir made decisions and without Tahrir, there was no power for the people. Thus, Tahrir empowered people, not the other way around. Acknowledgments The author thanks the editor Mahuya Pal for her contribution in editing the manuscript in its first stage. Further thanks also go to Mohan J. Dutta. The author also thanks James D. Kelly for his suggestions and support during the time of writing the manuscript. References Abu-Lughod , L. ( 1991 ). Writing against culture. In R. G. Fox (Ed.), Recapturing anthropology: Working in the present (pp. 137 – 162 ). Santa Fe, NM : School of American Research Press . Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC Agathangelou , A. ( 2012 ). 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TI - Internalized Orientalism: Toward a Postcolonial Media Theory and De-Westernizing Communication Research from the Global South
JO - Communication Theory
DO - 10.1093/ct/qtz037
DA - 2002-11-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/internalized-orientalism-toward-a-postcolonial-media-theory-and-de-7XzyPAN81f
SP - 1
VL - Advance Article
IS - 
DP - DeepDyve
ER -