TY - JOUR AU - Garrison, Jean A. AB - Research on foreign policymaking has focused on the policy process and the organizational context around policy decisions to explain foreign policy behavior. This research tradition includes multiple theories and a wide variety of methodologies; it demonstrates complex relationships among foreign policy factors, and it links its scholarly research to practical policy concerns (see, for example, Neack, Hey, and Haney 1995; Hudson 2002). This essay focuses on one piece of this diverse picture—the study of decision groups—as a means of bridging the individual and organizational levels of analysis. In complex foreign policy cases involving uncertainty, political controversy, and conflicting values, members of decision groups (like the US president's inner circle) become central to the judgment process by defining the nature of the problem and presenting appropriate options for discussion. The more than thirty years of scholarship examining group dynamics provide us with a strong basis on which to determine when understanding what is happening in decision groups is critical to the study of foreign policy. An important claim in this literature is that group decision making (broadly defined) is relevant to understanding what presidents, prime ministers, and other foreign policy actors do in the foreign policy arena—even as the definition of what constitutes foreign policy and how foreign policy actors interact is expanded. This essay will assess past research on group decision making in order to set the stage for a discussion of the paths that future research might take. Two classics, Graham Allison's (1971),Essence of Decision and Irving Janis' (1972)Victims of Groupthink, serve as the starting point. An overview of the contributions of these pieces will be followed by critiques that provide a baseline to propose alternative avenues for the study of group decision making in the next two decades. In the process, we will consider the important question of how individual cognitions become aggregated to form group decisions. How Much Have We Moved beyond Groupthink and Bureaucratic Politics? Janis' (1972) volume became a pioneering work in the study of foreign policymaking by questioning the prevailing wisdom about the nature of group dynamics in the foreign-policy context. In explaining policy fiascoes such as John F. Kennedy's Bay of Pigs decision, Janis concluded that group decisions can limit options and lead to suboptimal policy choices. In his case studies, policymakers failed to achieve their goals because groupthink symptoms pressured members of the group into consensus-seeking behavior to the point that tolerance for dissenting viewpoints was reduced. The resulting conformity hindered the group's ability to make sound judgments (Janis 1972, 1982, 1989; see also Vertzberger 1990; 't Hart 1994). The “pulling and hauling” illustrated in Allison's (1971) bureaucratic politics model (Model III) represents another possible interaction pattern in a group setting. In this scenario, individuals with diverse parochial goals, beliefs, and motives compete for influence as they work to overcome their opposition. When officials with influence differ on how they want problems resolved, bargaining results. Although compromise decisions are the assumed outcome, they do not always occur. In fact, Yaacov Vertzberger (1990) argues that extreme competition with high levels of conflict can lead to naysaying or stalemates in which it is impossible to reach any sort of decision. Although Janis and Allison offer different explanations for what happens in the decision context, they share an emphasis on multiple actors contributing to the decision process and a range of potential policy processes and outcomes. For their efforts, these authors have faced a similar kind of question from the international relations community regarding the contribution their research (and others like it) have made to the field. From a philosophy of science perspective, critics argue that the assumptions of these models are ambiguous and arbitrary, that the propositions based on these assumptions are not rigorously derived, and that the relations among the variables are left obscure. Specifically, Allison's bureaucratic politics model has been described as “an analytical kitchen sink” (Bendor and Hammond 1992:314–319; Welch 1992). More recently, David Welch (1998) has argued that the bureaucratic politics model is guilty of inadequate conceptual development, underspecified variables, and unprovable methodological and empirical claims. Groupthink shares some of these same problems. For one, it has been difficult to directly observe concurrence-seeking behavior in the foreign-policy context, thus creating problems with empirical validation of the groupthink phenomenon. Critics argue that groupthink hypotheses have not been tested rigorously and accuse Janis of imposing his explanation on many of his cases (Longley and Pruitt 1980; George 1997). To Sally Fuller and Raymond Aldag (1997:92), “groupthink per se is a phenomenon lacking empirical support and resting on generally unsupported assumptions. Indeed, perhaps the most remarkable aspect of the groupthink model is its continuing appeal in the face of non-confirming evidence.” In light of these criticisms, the prevailing wisdom today recognizes that groupthink is a contingent property of foreign policymaking and just one of many possible dynamics among members of a group engaged in making a decision (see, for example, 't Hart, Stern, and Sundelius 1997; Hermann et al. 2001). Both Allison and Janis do fail to provide a completely coherent or fully specified model (or paradigm) on a scale that would please most positivists. To their critics, both theorists fail to make the hard choices about what variables each theory should include or exclude. Given that Allison along with Philip Zelikow reworked all three models in rewriting Essence of Decision in 1999, we might have assumed that they would address their critics. In the case of the bureaucratic politics model (Model III), however, they merely added related areas of research (for example, a discussion of two-level games, principal-agent issues, and agenda-setting and framing) giving the model the appearance of representing a grab bag of concepts. Additionally, the second edition of Essence of Decision fails to draw on the growing literature within social and political psychology on intragroup interactions (see Kaarbo and Gruenfeld 1998; 't Hart and Preston 1999). For example, from the research on political psychology, we know that leaders are motivated by complex factors, that their leadership styles affect advisory dynamics, and that they interact with one another in fairly predictable ways (see Preston 2001). Because Allison and Zelikow fail to incorporate this literature, they miss an opportunity to specify their variables more fully and to strengthen Model III especially. These criticisms, however, do not minimize the impact that the ideas regarding bureaucratic politics and groupthink still have on foreign policymaking or the possibilities for using them in future middle-range theorizing (see Kaarbo's essay in this symposium). These models helped scholars move away from the assumption of the state as a unitary rational actor and opened the black box of the government to show how the dynamic character of the decision process can shape foreign policy behavior. Even though it remains important to acknowledge that some criticisms of these models do, indeed, pose challenges, rather than undermining the approach they provide guidance regarding future debates in the study of foreign policy. Reviewing Persistent Challenges as a Guide to Future Directions A persistent challenge for this literature remains understanding how different individual influences interact within and across levels of analysis and how the resulting patterns of behavior influence policy choice. Eric Stern and Bengt Sundelius (1997) have proposed that we consider classifying group interaction patterns to include a range, running from conformity (that is, groupthink) to conflict (that is, bureaucratic politics), and the hybrids between these two extremes. This effort to classify behavior within the group provides the means to bridge one of the oldest conflicts between Allison and some of his critics, especially Stephen Krasner (1972), who claim that decision making is more than a bargaining process between competing role interests because the president selects individuals who share his values. Similarly, Robert Art's (1973) argument that shared mind-sets influence decision makers and their orientations (and thus mitigate Allison's bureaucratic competition) is reminiscent of some of the points made by Irving Janis. Because both consensus and dissensus are potential properties of the group process, room exists for considering complex motivations, shared mind-sets, bureaucratic conflict, and even norms that encourage dissenting points of view (George and Stern 2002). Thus, an integrated group dynamics perspective, culled from various approaches, would assume that decisions result from a collaborative process in which individual preferences are aggregated by one means or another. Studies that focus on individual cognition, perception and misperception, images, operational codes, beliefs systems, and attitudes provide us with some basis on which to understand how individual preferences can become aggregated as members of a group interact in the decision-making process. Although these bodies of knowledge complement the literature on group dynamics, they do not necessarily focus on it specifically. Brian Ripley (1995), for one, argues that studies such as those on bureaucratic politics illustrate how members of interdependent, competitive, and hierarchical decision groups reason about the policy process and what impact this reasoning has on foreign policy outputs. Eric Stern and Bertjan Verbeek (1998:244) insist that the bureaucratic politics literature provides us “with an array of conceptual tools and techniques” that are useful and often indispensable in interpreting policymaking (see also Rosenthal, 't Hart, and Kouzmin 1991). The challenge comes as we move beyond the narrow focus on the National Security Council, the Tuesday Lunch Group, or the ExComm (in the US context). Allison and Zelikow (1999) acknowledge that other ad hoc actors outside the US president's inner circle play a role in policymaking. Roger Hilsman's (1987) analysis of concentric circles of influence around the president demonstrates the wider potential inputs to decision processes and the need for flexibility when identifying influential players. Such actors can include governmental actors such as members of Congress but also in some instances lobbyists, the media, and the public. To handle the broadened definition of group decision making that this discussion suggests, we need to consider under what conditions the scope of the decision unit widens (or narrows). For one thing, we know that a leader's style and needs can shape the organization of an advisory system. Studies of the structure of advisory systems by Richard Tanner Johnson (1974) and Alexander George (1980), for example, have reported that different types of advisory structures (collegial, competitive, and formalistic) set the parameters for decisions. More recent research exploring whether the nature of the advisory system can influence who will become involved in making the decision (for example, Hoyt 1997; Preston 1997, 2001; Garrison 1999) lends support to these older studies. Analyzing the type of situation is another way of determining who is likely to participate in the decision-making group (see Rosati 1981). With issues that have a high level of presidential interest or during foreign policy crises, the decision-making circle closes. In these situations, the characteristics of the leader and major advisors become particularly important (Gaenslen 1992). Routine issues of little importance to the leader are handled further down in the bureaucracy and may follow a pattern of bureaucratic politics. By implication, when decisions are made in less hierarchical groups, or when an executive relies heavily on outside experts or needs to build a broader governing coalition, membership in the decision group widens and varies in terms of who is included. More explicitly, several scholars (Hermann, Hermann, and Hagan 1987; Hermann and Hagan 1998; Hagan and Hermann 2001; Hermann 2001a) have distinguished among different types of decision units found in the foreign policymaking literature—the predominant leader, single group, and coalition—and indicated the situations and types of political structures in which each is likely to be present, as well as how the nature of the decision unit can influence the foreign policy that results. Stern and Sundelius (1997) bring together many of the themes just discussed. They develop a five-step process to analyze critical contextual and group structural variables that channel group interaction patterns. These steps include investigating (1) the extra-group setting, (2) the intragroup setting (including group composition and structural variables), (3) the leadership practices of the group, (4) the level of cohesion in the group, and (5) the type and level of conflict in the group. Their analysis points to the need to take both the external context and the internal situation into account. Given the increasing importance of intermestic issues and the reality of the penetrated state, the flexibility that comes with a broader orientation becomes critical if we are to explain the input of new players and new foreign policy scenarios. (See Foyle's essay in this symposium.) By implication, studies of group decision making can and must be applied more generally to non-US and nonpresidential systems. This criticism has persisted because our most discussed examples remain Allison's discussion of the Cuban missile crisis, Morton Halperin's analysis of bureaucratic politics in the Johnson administration (Halperin, Clapp, and Kanter 1974), and Janis' focus on US foreign policy fiascoes. However, despite the disproportionate focus on US cases, the approaches we have been describing are not limited in scope to the United States. Indeed, power has been viewed as fluid and group interactions have been found to shift across and even within administrations. Within the US context and others, central players have different levels of status and authority in the group and greater or lesser opportunity to define problems favorably. Research on manipulation within the group—including strategies of exclusion and inclusion, agenda-setting, and issue framing—has shown how individuals other than the chief executive can determine who gets to make a decision, the nature of the group interaction process that will occur, and the particular decision that is likely to result (see Hoyt 1997; Hoyt and Garrison 1997; Garrison 1999, 2001). The critical issue in this instance is not nationality, but the degree of power-sharing in the policymaking group. Thirty years ago, Allison applied his model to a presidential system in which power was arranged more vertically than in other political systems. Recent research has illustrated how multiple actors can have individual bases of power and, as a result, how influence over outcomes becomes shared (see Maoz 1990b; Garrison 1999). For example, advisors like Henry Kissinger can bolster their positions when they manipulate the decision process and access to outside sources of information, thus, serving a gate-keeping function. Others can have considerable influence by using their expertise to add to their authority. The future group decision-making agenda must focus on political situations outside the US context, especially in places where power is organized more horizontally (that is, within cabinet systems and oligarchies). Conceptualizing group decision making more broadly, Juliet Kaarbo's (1998) work on minority influence in parliamentary systems is an example of the kind of cross-national study that is needed. Similarly, Paul 't Hart's (1994) analysis of groupthink as it applies to Dutch decision-making situations is a case in point. These individuals represent part of a cohort actively working to broaden the scope of the study of group decision making by taking a comparative perspective. Quality of Foreign Policy Judgments A core impetus for the study of foreign policymaking has been the desire to increase the quality of decision making by discovering an optimal organizational structure. From Allison to Janis to the present, scholars have worked to explain foreign policy phenomena with an eye to improving the process and the resulting policy choices. Janis' research clearly has a normative quality in that one of his reasons for studying groupthink was to illustrate the dangers of stereotyping in foreign policy because such processes tend to lead to high-risk behavior. The general problem-solving approach in his work, and that of others, is to provide policymakers with an analysis concerning how to fix defects within the system. A paradox emerges from these procedural efforts. When groupthink-like problems surface, Janis and others emphasize that the goal needs to be effective information processing through a more open and methodical presentation of options. Janis (1989), for instance, argues that vigilant decision making can be approximated in a series of steps that can guarantee the full presentation of policy options. Leaders who actively encourage others to participate, as John F. Kennedy did during the Cuban Missile Crisis, create a more vigilant decision-making process. Similarly, George's (1980) multiple advocacy proposal and the appointment of a devil's advocate to push for unpopular options are two techniques to make sure that the discussion on policy alternatives stays open to facilitate a full assessment of options (George 1980; Hermann 1993; George and Stern 2002). Moreover, other social psychologists, like Janis, have suggested that fostering teamwork and groups with open participation and leadership will encourage cohesion and, in turn, create a positive decision-making environment (see Hackman 1987; Varney 1991). Prescriptions concerning the conditions that lead to a dysfunctional group process as well as the fixes that are proposed, however, often arise from where the scholars themselves sit. The prescriptions generally vary depending on whether these scholars value the need for teamwork or the need for more diversity of opinions in the group process. Although such prescriptions supposedly offer the hope of error-free decision making, it is possible to overapply procedural fixes to policymaking pathologies. Pursuing a procedural fix such as appointing a devil's advocate to avoid extreme conformity may lead to a situation of conflict and bureaucratic politics over time. The political context within which decisions are made complicates the process even more. The time it would take to implement one of the fixes may not be available in a particular situation if time is of the essence. Additionally, the policy group may not be nearly as malleable as analysts believe; indeed, they may resist changing the nature of their group for the better. Research (Garrison, Hoyt, and Wituski 1997) indicates that these situational fixes are less likely to work if they are imported into the policymaking setting without regard to time constraints and resource issues. As this discussion suggests, no single organizational prescription is likely to fix all systems all the time. Instead, we need to adjust our expectations about what is possible and desirable to the specific policymaking context. Conclusions By evaluating the past along with the areas in need of change in the future, it becomes possible to identify predictable patterns in group dynamics and to show how they can influence policy choices. Three factors emerged as important in our review: (1) the ways in which members of a group interact, (2) the level of openness (that is, access and hierarchy) in the group, and (3) the role that the central leader in the group plays. For example, decisions made in a closed system, with a consensual interaction dynamic, and a strong central leader involve the consideration of fewer options and result in certain individuals taking a dominant, if not predominant, role in the proceedings. Decisions that occur in an open system, in which diverse views are presented and the central leader is weak, often include discussion of a range of possible options, result in compromise, or may even lead to deadlock when extensive disagreement among members exists. In both these scenarios, if we understand who is involved in the policymaking process and the rules or procedures governing how decisions are made in that group, it becomes possible to understand and even forecast policy choices. (For an example of an attempt to make such predictions, see Beasley et al. 2001.) The study of group decision making is still in its infancy; currently no coherent model or paradigm exists. But having such a paradigm is not the point. The future of the study of groups in foreign policy decision making rests on the assumption that complexity is valuable. A major reason for research on groups is to provide more accurate explanations of the decision process and the effects that the process can have on policy outcomes. After all, what are the various ways that policymakers use to resolve their disagreements when they do not have a shared view about what should happen, and how do the procedures they adopt under such conditions shape their choices, implementation of any decision, and further reflection on the problem? Future group decision-making analyses will benefit by continuing to promote research programs that are open to diverse perspectives and methods. An examination of past studies suggests that more exploration is needed on such aspects of group decision making as advisory processes, issue framing and agenda setting, and the exercise of leadership. These various strands are not necessarily linked nor do they constitute a complete view of this process. What they do share is a basic insight: to understand foreign policymaking demands knowledge about what is happening among the members of the group or groups involved in defining the problem, making choices, overseeing implementation of the decision, and evaluating the outcome. Multidisciplinary, cross-national studies will extend the reach of research in this area. One of the greatest challenges for the study of group decision making in the foreign policy arena over the next two decades is to expand its base of knowledge beyond the traditional focus on “high” politics in the US context. In the process, the study of group decision making in foreign policy may lose its distinctiveness from other problem-solving settings, such as occur in the making of public policy or comparative public policy. This potential loss of distinctiveness pales in comparison to the new doors that might open if we can demonstrate the applicability of what we have learned about the importance of groups in foreign policymaking to other areas of inquiry both inside and outside the field of international relations. References Alkan Michael L . ( 2001 ) Viral Epidemics: Past and Future . In Managing Crisis: Threats, Dilemmas, Opportunities , edited by Rosenthal Uriel Boin Arjen Comfort Louise K . Springfield, IL : Charles C. Thomas . Allison Graham T . ( 1971 ) The Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis . Boston : Little Brown . Allison Graham T Zelikow Philip . ( 1999 ) Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis , 2nd edition . New York : Longman . 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( 2003 ) The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad . New York : Norton . Zilberman Alina . ( 2002 ) Presidents' Public Opinion Beliefs and Industrialization of Presidential Polling in Russia. Paper presented at Power and Power Relations in East European Politics and Societies Conference, Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, November 8–10. © 2003 International Studies Review TI - Foreign Policymaking and Group Dynamics: Where We've Been and Where We're Going JO - International Studies Review DO - 10.1111/1521-9488.5020015 DA - 2003-10-28 UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/foreign-policymaking-and-group-dynamics-where-we-ve-been-and-where-we-1KCGtMz7E2 SP - 1 EP - 202 VL - Advance Article IS - 2 DP - DeepDyve ER -