TY - JOUR
AU - Meyers,, Oren
AB - Abstract Journalism studies scholarship tends to emphasize professionalism as an occupational ideal, while scholarship on the culture industries stresses the salience of insecure careers. We argue that an exhaustive typology of journalism careers is needed to capture the potential variability in the structure of journalistic labor. This typology distinguishes professional, bureaucratic, entrepreneurial, unwillingly entrepreneurial, and nonemployed careers, and is relevant to a broader set of occupations in the culture industries. We illustrate this typology through an analysis of the occupational life histories of 60 Israeli journalists. This allows us to explain the dual nature of professionalism in journalism as a rhetoric nested within particular institutional contexts and this occupational rhetoric's splitting into “tribes of professionalism.” Journalism is posited as one of the foundations of a democratic system, but journalists as workers always face difficulties in living up to this ideal. These are especially grave in an age when the very existence of journalism as a viable social institution is challenged (Siles & Boczkowski, 2012). At this crucial juncture, we argue that the study of current journalistic careers could be enriched by culture industries approaches, which have examined culture work more generally (e.g., Hesmondhalgh & Baker, 2009). A career is a path that describes the trajectory of an individual through the world of work. It is often characterized by changes in the amount of money, authority, and prestige that an individual receives for her work (Hughes, 1997) and also in the environment in which one works. According to this conceptualization, all working individuals have careers, whether these conform to conventional notions of success or not. The sociological literature on work has identified a number of prominent career patterns including bureaucratic, professional, and entrepreneurial careers (Kanter, 1989). In this article, we focus on journalists' careers with the goal of developing a career typology situated within the broader context of production in the culture industries. We base this typology on an integration of journalism studies and the literatures on the culture industries and sociology of work; we validate and further develop it with evidence gathered from 60 occupational life histories of active and former Israeli journalists. Our main goal is to propose a theoretically derived and empirically grounded typology of current journalistic careers. Partly taking the grounded theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), our encounter with the field through life-history interviews enabled us to build on an initial, existing typology of careers (Kanter, 1989) and develop one that better fits contemporary labor conditions in the culture industries. This typology allows conceptualizing the persistence of multiple types of careers side by side with the growing dominance of fluid careers, and deepens our understanding of how labor conditions are linked to journalistic practices while recognizing that the individual occupational trajectory of a specific journalist can feature a combination of career types, characterizing different phases in the journalists' work history. Furthermore, we use the life-history data to link particular career structures to the degree of relative autonomy journalists claim they experience. Finally, this typology allows us to illuminate and decipher the rhetorically constructed dimension of professionalism (Fine, 1996), as well as the institutional contexts that sustain journalistic professionalism. The article consists of four sections: First, we survey the development of Israeli journalism. Then, we present the life-history method and how we analyzed the data we gathered. In the main section of the article, we present a typology of journalistic careers, grounded in the literatures of journalism studies, sociology of work, and the culture industries; we further illustrate and elaborate this typology using Israeli life-history data. We conclude with a discussion of the implications that this typology may have for the study of journalism and culture work more generally. Israeli journalism—institutions and practitioners Prestate Hebrew journalism had a pivotal role in the establishment of the Zionist movement. Following independence, the Israeli mainstream journalistic community was not only supportive of the Zionist ideal, but also viewed itself as an integral part of its fulfillment. Along with this strong ideological commitment, Israeli journalists of the formative era also engaged in initial efforts to define their independent professional identity (Meyers, 2005). During the 1990s, state monopoly over electronic broadcasting came to an end with the introduction of commercial broadcasting, multichannel television platforms, local commercial radio stations, and the expansion of Internet usage. The overall neoliberalization of the Israeli political economy (Nitzan & Bichler, 2007) is evident in journalism in increased corporatization of news organizations, together with the near elimination of unionized journalistic work. The contemporary Israeli media industry is characterized by significant concentration and cross-media conglomeration, and it operates in a national corporate system that is itself highly concentrated. Some corporate groups hold news-related media assets within a more diversified set of holdings, creating dependencies between media firms and other financial and nonfinancial corporations (Agmon & Zadik, 2011). Thus, the Israeli media system's rapid commercialization and strong clientelist ties with political and economic elites are reminiscent of other Mediterranean media systems (Davidson & Schejter, 2011). The dominance of the commercial media model and the fall in union membership has opened a rift between a small number of “star” journalists (mostly television), who are generously paid for their work, and a large body of lower-ranking underpaid journalists. Also, the decrease in the number of unionized journalists has increased the rapid turnover in the profession and increased journalists' vulnerability to internal and external pressures (Meyers & Davidson, 2014). Finally, a survey of employment patterns in Israeli newspapers (most of which have a significant online presence) found that over the last 5 years employers have drastically reduced the number of employed journalists (Benziman, 2013). While this review focuses on Hebrew Israeli news media, it is important to note the parallel operation of non-Hebrew media: Throughout the last two decades the landscape of Arab media in Israel has been dominated by commercial outlets (Kabha, 2006). Policy governing national news broadcasts targeting the Israeli Palestinian minority has been influenced by propaganda objectives. Thus, attempts to create arenas for autonomous news production have been mostly marginalized for political and economic reasons (Schejter, 2009, p. 115–133). Other non-Hebrew news outlets developed, mainly in response to immigration waves. Though the Israeli case is small in size and unique in its immediate geopolitical context, we would argue that the neoliberalization processes evident in Israel are typical of many additional media systems (Mayer, 2011) and labor markets (Arnold & Bongiovi, 2013) around the world, especially media labor which is “characterized by declining trade union penetration, increasing corporate concentration, and the rise of global conglomerates” (Mosco, 2008, p. 105). Comparative survey-based research of journalists' attitudes to their work located Israeli journalists in a “peripheral western” cluster of countries that is “remarkably similar to the west” (Hanitzsch et al., 2011, p. 287). Notably, all countries included in this cluster have experienced rapid marketization in recent decades. These findings suggest that the Israeli case can serve as a context for validating a theoretically derived typology of career structure that would be relevant to many other sociopolitical contexts. Studying occupational life histories Life-history research is an interview-based approach that allows participants to construct continuous narratives regarding their own lives, as they experience them (Bourdon, 2003). While most studies focusing on journalists' self-perceptions rely on close-ended survey questions, and thus offer a snapshot of journalistic communities (e.g., Hanitzsch et al., 2011), a life-history approach yields occupational accounts that provide longitudinal perspectives. Two fundamental approaches dominate the study of occupational life histories. The first, objectivist, approach assumes that careers are linear (Huberman, 1989); the other, by contrast, is more interpretative, contending that careers consist of multiple perspectives that coexist and sometimes endure throughout a worker's career (Pomson, 2004). Here, we attempt to meld these two approaches to provide a comprehensive understanding of the concept of “career” in the field of journalism and in the culture industries more generally. To validate and further develop the career typology presented in the main section of the article, we analyzed life-history interviews with 60 active and former Israeli journalists. The initial sample was randomly drawn from an existing sampling frame constructed for recent survey projects (Tsfati & Meyers, 2012). Beginning an interview, the interviewers administered a short self-filled questionnaire, collecting standard demographic, and workplace data, including an occupational timeline. Next they conducted a semistructured interview, based on the interview schedule and lasting between 40 minutes and 2 hours. Guided by a matching rationale, interviewees directly sampled from the initial sampling frame were asked to suggest names of former colleagues who had worked with them or in similar organizations, had started their career at a similar time, but had since left journalism. These former journalists were contacted and interviewed, using a modified schedule. In developing the career typology, we recognize that life histories “are a snapshot of an interpersonal interaction between two people in a dialogic conversation” (V. Mayer, personal communication, 2 October 2013). Thus, interviewees tend to read their past in ways that will help them rationalize their occupational choices and current standing. To deal with this challenge, the analysis below is based on workplace data we collected in the preinterview questionnaire to construct the “skeleton” of participants' careers; also, we analyzed the full transcripts, which furnished the participants' more detailed explanations regarding themselves as well as the field at large. We used both the questionnaire and the interviews to construct career charts (see Figure 1 for an example) as a means of identifying divergent career types. Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide Illustration of Career Structure: Gil, 34-Year-Old Male, 9-Year Journalistic Career, Two Journalistic Employers, Overall Entrepreneurial Pattern, With Long Bureaucratic Final Stage (Blue Rectangles Indicate a Journalistic Employer and Orange Rectangles a Nonjournalistic Employer; Work Description Appears Above the Dividing Line and Employing Organization Beneath It). Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide Illustration of Career Structure: Gil, 34-Year-Old Male, 9-Year Journalistic Career, Two Journalistic Employers, Overall Entrepreneurial Pattern, With Long Bureaucratic Final Stage (Blue Rectangles Indicate a Journalistic Employer and Orange Rectangles a Nonjournalistic Employer; Work Description Appears Above the Dividing Line and Employing Organization Beneath It). The sample consisted of 42 men and 18 women. Years of journalistic experience ranged from 1 to 42 years with a mean of 16.5 years.1 Interviewees' ages ranged from 22 to 68 years. Thirty-seven participants were active journalists at the time of the interview, 23 were ex-journalists. Three of the interviewees belonged to the Arab minority, the others identified as Jewish. Thirty-five interviewees worked most recently for a newspaper organization, 3 for a periodical, 13 for radio, and 16 in television. Five had most recently worked for an online-only organization (some reported working in parallel for more than one medium/organization). The ratio between overall years of journalistic experience and number of journalistic employers/ventures ranged from 10 months to 40 years, with a mean of 5 years and a median of 3 years per journalistic employer. The range and measures of central tendency reflect the broad diversity of career structures in the sample and the field as well as the overall instability characteristic of most interviewees' career structure. A comparison of the younger and older participants in our sample (distinguished by a median split) reflects the higher career instability of younger Israeli journalists. The mean ratio of overall years of journalistic experience to number of journalistic employers/ventures is 2 years and 9 months for the younger journalists and almost 7.5 years for the older journalists. We analyzed the interviews using ATLAS.ti software, which assisted us in the systematic categorization of the data, based on a close and multiple reading of the transcripts and identification of recurring patterns in them. Specifically, the dimensions of collectivity, autonomy, and resource were derived from the sociological literature on careers as differentially characterizing these career types (see below). Thus, collectivity and autonomy were coded, for example, in this passage from an interview with Moshe (all interviewees' names are masked), a public broadcasting journalist operating in Israel's periphery: “You are controlled and you can't, it is very difficult to progress, because you're not near the right ears.” In this excerpt, Moshe's use of the passive voice reflects his notion of a lack of autonomy, as is typical in the literature on bureaucratic careers. Further, this quote uses “right ears” as a metonym for key decision makers in his employing organization; this dependence on centralized management reflects the importance of the organization as the collectivity on which this journalist's career rests. Dafna, a former senior editor who was still drawing a salary from her employer at the time of the interview, said she told a prospective employer: “It really suits me this period, I'd really be happy to work for free as a consultant…at the same time, I also worked as a volunteer for [a news magazine], and there I learnt television like you're supposed to.” This passage was coded as a reference to resource, more particularly as an instance of an entrepreneurial orientation, whereby the key resource the worker holds is a personal skill set (“I learnt”) she continuously develops in the process of shifting from print to television journalism. At the same time, this passage highlights her tenuous affiliation to a particular collectivity, thereby distancing her from a bureaucratic path. In our analysis of the 60 full transcripts, we identified 367 references to autonomy, 114 to collectivity and 164 to resources. These references were re-read and further coded as related to the suggested typology (see below): the “entrepreneurial,” “unwilling entrepreneurial,” “bureaucratic,” “professional,” and “nonemployed” career models. This allowed us, at the end of the analysis, to empirically illustrate and refine the career types while recognizing that an individual's career often reflects more than one career type. Conceptualizing journalism careers Bureaucratic career type The bureaucratic career structure is the outcome of the increasingly complex division of labor that characterizes modern society (Durkheim, 1893/1997). This career type can thrive in journalistic organizations that have significant resources and a developed division of labor by function (e.g., reporting, editing) and beat. In this career type, the individual journalist owes her power to the employing organization because institutional sources frequently cultivate relationships with the organization rather than a particular journalist. Work procedures are often formalized and applied through reward and punishment mechanisms by the organization. For instance, the careers of journalists who worked in the German Democratic Republic conformed in many respects to a bureaucratic pattern, given the high level of job security and their control by the East German government, so that “journalists in the GDR can be compared to the PR department of a large company” (Meyen & Fiedler, 2013, p. 331). Similarly, in large commercial organizations individuals must conform to the perceived market imperatives as communicated by management (Lowrey, 2006). The more one's career develops within a particular organization and one's autonomy is constrained by its decision-making hierarchy, the more one experiences a bureaucratic career. In our study, the bureaucratic career type was most evident in the narratives of journalists who work or have worked for the public (and state-dependent) Israel Broadcasting Authority, often for several decades. Alon, a reporter for public radio, illustrates this career type: After completing in-house training, he has spent his entire career in public broadcasting. Although he changed journalistic roles within the organization, these changes do not chart a clear trajectory of advancement. Following the same line, Yotam, a veteran anchor and editor retiree of public radio and television, described mandated shifts between roles: “at that period [when X was the manager] he didn't want me to read the news in the morning. I don't know why till this day; so I just edited.” Thus, the employing organization constrains the bureaucrat-journalist's autonomy. One journalist who had spent 10 years in the same media group used an evocative metaphor to describe her large news organization: “It's like a factory, OK? It's like off ha-emek [large poultry processing plant]…everyone comes and does his part, goes home. But it really does give security.” In a bureaucratic setting, the news organization's needs supersede the wishes, or at times even the qualifications, of the individual journalist. Intraorganizational mobility can be limited, and eventually constrain journalists' ability to grow occupationally. For example, Noga, now retired after a long career in public broadcasting, began her career as a radio announcer who delivered hourly newscasts, and it took “a lot of time till someone thinks that you can do more than that. I mean, sometimes it's easier to leave and return to a different role than to…climb the ladder at the same place…lots of times a stigma is applied…also because there are estates and people protect their estates.” Higher up in the hierarchy, Gal, a senior website editor, argued that “to manage a news website is something very technical…there's no intellectual depth [to it].” The bureaucratic setting apparently constrains junior and senior journalists alike. Within these constraints, however, in stable organizations a journalist can depend on significant organizational resources that largely buffer him against industrial crises. These “institutional buffers” include a stable salary (Ofek, veteran midlevel editor: “You get what was agreed with you, you won't get more than was agreed, [but] you'll get it on time”), and depending on the role a stable work environment where they can enjoy basic amenities such as a workplace canteen (Ronit, editor at a large newspaper) and convenient working hours (Gal). Equally important is the fact that bureaucratic organizations provide some of their workers with essential work tools such as IT and a car (Arava). In a bureaucratic setting, junior journalists can develop close mentoring relationships with more senior journalists moving with them through the organization. While their autonomy is limited, these relationships prove an important resource: Anat, a midlevel editor, had spent her previous 10 years in the same media group: “I quit like eight times, but because my boss is my friend she simply said you're not quitting. Go home, come back tomorrow, everything will be alright.” Furthermore, the significant visibility that senior workers enjoy in large organizations did present some of them in occupational terms with significant supplemental revenue opportunities; in that case the journalist appears as an “organization man” (Shalom), the organization serving as his collectivity of reference. Noga, who had a long career in public broadcasting, noted that in contrast to colleagues who had moved on to successful careers in commercial broadcasting, she was a “kind of a civil servant [she uses the English term], [in] my personality, I'm not an entrepreneur, and I'm not a type that is suited for commercial media.” Entrepreneurial career type The entrepreneurial occupational pattern is characterized by individuals taking on personal risk as they attempt to create new business ventures or secure work on a contractual basis (Kanter, 1989). This flexible or contingent career type has been conceptualized by some scholars as a “boundaryless career” that has grown in prevalence and dominance with the drastic diminishing of the bureaucratic career type (Gunz, Evans, & Jalland, 2000). Entrepreneurial work arrangements have proven central to culture industries hubs, where individuals constantly work on multiple creative projects with a flexible network of colleagues, with little allegiance to a particular organization. In the absence of economic capital, these networks, a form of social capital, are central to an entrepreneur's production practices, especially in the early stages of a career (Currid, 2007). Much current scholarly literature and popular discourse present entrepreneurial employment as empowering. Such presentations accord with longstanding popular American perceptions of the entrepreneur as a positive archetype, worthy of emulation and central to capitalism's capacity for economic growth (Gill, 2013). Therefore, journalistic entrepreneurs enjoy considerable autonomy, as exemplified by Gil's occupational trajectory: He had spent 9 years in journalism and at the time of the interview was working as a media advisor to a senior political figure. At first, Gil worked concurrently for local and national newspapers and as a spokesperson for an organization in an unrelated domain. In the second (and final) part of his journalistic career, he worked in senior reporting and editing positions for a national daily. He subsequently left the daily to become a spokesperson for a government regulator in an area related to his journalistic work; 2 years later, he became a media advisor (see Figure 1 for a schematic representation of Gil's career). Gil's early simultaneous work in journalism and Public Relations (PR), as well as his move from journalism to a related PR job, is a form of occupational entrepreneurialism whereby individual resources accumulated in journalism lead the journalist to other occupations. Ran's career trajectory similarly illustrates the journalist entrepreneur: His employment record suggests that the first phase of his career was “purely” journalistic—working continuously at a daily newspaper and steadily rising in prominence. But later on, his frequent television appearances as an expert in a particular domain served to land him a job as a television reporter, which in turn led to an offer to host a soft news magazine on television and create an online topical site. Discussing the early part of his career he said: There were only few people who understood [the domain] in its journalistic sense; that is, in the sense of how to receive a journalistic story and present it in an appropriate way for the audience. You could bring an [industry insider] but you couldn't understand what he was saying, and he most definitely wouldn't be able to talk in sound bites. I got to know how to do it pretty quickly. The emphasis Ran places on his unique capabilities illuminates the centrality of individual (rather than collective) resources to the entrepreneur's occupational consciousness. This type of consciousness is manifested even more explicitly when he speaks about the broadcast phase of his career: I resolved that if I succeeded in two or three years in becoming a “talent” [he uses the English word] in a commercial [media] firm it would be cool, and if not it wouldn't be too bad either. I was on television, I could also leave that and free up time for my own ventures. You see, I have that “itch” [business venture], in addition to my journalistic “itch”—that exists within me all the time—I have an entrepreneurial “itch.” Unwillingly entrepreneurial career type Frequent moves from one organization to another and parallel employment in multiple organizations do not necessarily indicate an empowered autonomous worker. Rather, broad economic trends under the influence of neoliberal policies have forced many individuals to become “unwilling entrepreneurs” (Foucault, 2004/2008). A risk shift has placed economic risk in the domains of health, retirement, education, and employment on the shoulders of individuals (see Hacker, 2006 in the United States). In the culture industries, this shift has resulted in an “accelerated” work environment (McRobbie, 2002) in which the worker must continuously self-promote or even reinvent herself, taking risks for herself and her employer, establishing and maintaining informal occupational networks with little in the way of job security and benefits (Neff, 2012). So, essentially, in this type of career path, the lack of security and the need continuously to seek out new employers is not voluntary or desired by the worker, but coerced, reflecting limited occupational autonomy. This fluid career type involves an asymmetric relationship between a worker and an employer, the latter often requiring the former to devote their energies entirely to the organization, without the employer assuming his traditional responsibilities. More specifically, journalistic work has become more accelerated as new media technologies have created a 24-hour news cycle (the “news cyclone”) and have broken down the barriers between different modes of media production (Deuze, 2007). Evidence of high levels of exhaustion, especially among young American journalists and those employed in small organizations (Reinardy, 2011), could be related to this career type. The figure of the full-time freelance journalist epitomizes this career type, as demonstrated by Idit: When I got my undergraduate degree, I took a one year hiatus [from journalism], but it kept attracting me. So at one point, I felt I had reached a crossroads, and I said to myself “Let's see: I'll give journalism half a year. If at the end [of these six months] I see that I can make real money, and get a contract rather than work as a freelancer…” And [working as a freelance] was terribly difficult; to start every time from scratch, to make contacts, to find coverage topics, again and again and again. So I gave it half a year. That was in July 2007, and during those months I pushed myself like I'd never done before. It was like a full time job, but as a freelancer. Idit's career was characterized by the long duration of her freelance employment in many organizations, by her brief employment in a permanent position and by her rapid exit from journalism altogether after more freelance work. Over the span of 6 years, Idit was employed by four employers. Shani, a radio correspondent on the geographical periphery of Israel, described her perception of the occupational field when her unit was disbanded: “And again I found myself in a very, very unstable world…You need to find yourself—in a very, very competitive and unstable market, and a market where the fact that there is so much supply is exploited.” This led Shani to take unemployment benefits for 6 months and to consider another occupation before she managed to find a new job in radio. The inherent asymmetry between effort and income that characterizes the unwilling entrepreneurial career type is illuminated by Zohar, who recalled with irony: “I worked ‘only’ seven days a week, 12 hours on weekdays, and 5 hours on the weekend and got a crazy salary of NIS 1,500 [USD 400] a month. And they fired me when I asked for a raise.”2 Zohar achieved occupational stability only when he finally entered one of the few stable bureaucracies in the Israeli media landscape. He argues that the instability and low pay characteristic of the journalism field causes “only inexperienced people to work in the field for very short periods and not become professional.” Zohar and others assert that the precarious nature of unwilling entrepreneurship makes journalists more vulnerable to pressures from owners, sources, and potential employers. The later bureaucratic stage of Zohar's career illustrates that many individual careers contain elements of more than one type, sequentially, or concurrently. Given the centrality of unwilling entrepreneurial career paths in current journalistic environments, Idan, a senior editor at a daily newspaper, maintained that in the long term the occupation was untenable for most journalists: The great majority [of journalists] cannot make a living out of this, they have to do other things or give up a lot of things to work in this area… I don't know a lot of people who retire from this occupation…a reporter with five, six, seven years in the profession, so long as he isn't senior or a “talent” [he uses the English word], earns an average salary at best but works 24 hours; a reporter literally works 24 [hours] without rest. Thus, this career pattern produces the “balkanized groups and scattered individuals [which] do not become professions” (Waisbord, 2013, p. 89) because they do not have the resources or the common work context which would enable them to develop a common occupational logic. Professional career type In the west, professional work has traditionally referred to individuals who are affiliated to an occupational community that has managed to secure a certain measure of autonomy and jurisdiction over an area of expertise, and has a claim to a public service ethos (Abbott, 1991). Such occupational communities usually share a reservoir of accepted professional knowledge, acquired through formal studies and/or on-the-job training and emulation of peers and superiors; in many cases, such occupational communities establish formal mechanisms that enable them to monitor the professional and ethical behavior of group members, and to sanction transgressing members. Through the 20th century “professionalism” became the guiding occupational ethos of American journalism, to the extent that professionalism is commonly perceived as the default setting for understanding the operation of this occupational, interpretive community (Zelizer, 1997). Outside the United States, evidence of professionalism can be found in the identification of a set of enduring values common to journalists' communities working in news organizations across various national cultures (Weaver & Willnat, 2012). However, journalism has also been defined as an “emergent profession”: It does not have an agreed body of knowledge and techniques, or control over training and accreditation procedures, and is frequently not perceived by the broader public as deserving the autonomy it demands (Singer, 2003). Beyond its empirical-practical characteristics, professionalism also operates, on an epistemic level, as a coveted status symbol, “a historical articulation of status and privilege” (Mayer, 2011, p. 66). Hence, various occupational communities as well as individual workers perceive and present themselves as “professionals,” without attaining the traits mentioned above, in a bid to secure significant material compensation and social status (Becker, 1971). All the foregoing leads us to embrace Fine's (1996) observation that a particular occupational rhetoric emerges within particular contexts, and that experientially at the individual level “professional” work is a synonym for doing valued work that workers identify with. The rhetoric of professionalism, explains Fine, develops in contexts that allow workers to exercise autonomy; it “merges work and self; pride in one's achievement is crucial” (p. 100). Thus, there is some evidence that a rhetoric of professionalism enables scientists working in industrial contexts to be more creative and to counter organizational pressure successfully (Cheney & Ashcraft, 2007). This finding is clearly relevant for journalists contending with internal and external pressures. The life histories suggest “professionalism” is a rhetoric of occupational devotion experienced by a limited number of journalists, because such rhetoric can only flourish in the context of particular combinations of conditions. Professional careers are enabled by (or nested within) certain institutional contexts: Professionalism can only exist during a career in particular bureaucratic and entrepreneurial contexts, sometimes temporarily and sometimes over sustained periods of time. The first variant of journalistic professionalism lies in the setting of stable media bureaucracies that grant some journalists autonomy and funding, which allow them to manifest and embody the rhetoric of professionalism. For example, Dor, a foreign affairs correspondent, explained that the resources the newspaper gave him (e.g., covering his travel expenses and assigning a photojournalist to the mission) when reporting on a humanitarian crisis in Africa, enabled him to self-identify, as a professional: “For the first time, and perhaps for the last, I felt like a serious journalist.” When the media bureaucracy allocated the necessary resources, Dor felt a deep thought fleeting sense of fulfillment and identification with journalism as an occupation. Hillel, a veteran anchor and editor on public television, exemplifying a bureaucratic context, used a discourse of professionalism when referring to his early work on television: Actually, I would define us, my generation, as the hi-tech generation of the 1960s. Because television was hi-tech. You enter a studio, electronic cameras, satellite broadcasting already existed. A huge mass of viewers are watching you, so all the system is very electronic that you, of course, have to practice [in advance]. This quote displays two hallmarks of the rhetoric of professionalism: First, the use of the first person plural, together with a reference to a collective “generation,” make it clear that the interviewee is taking a community of journalism professionals as the frame of reference for his occupational identity. Second, the analogy to the technology industry, in addition to the emphasis on the need to practice one's ability to operate within the medium, emphasizes that Hillel perceived his work as based on a complex and shared form of knowledge, which he had to master individually. The second variant of the rhetoric of professionalism that we identified in our life histories corpus appears in an entrepreneurial context. Some entrepreneurs, with successive and simultaneous lucrative relationships with journalism organizations, or directly with the public, enjoy relative autonomy and occupation-wide recognition so they can devote themselves over the long term to continuous journalistic work. After transforming a previously underreported domain into a novel beat, Rami leveraged his expertise into multiple employment opportunities without sacrificing his autonomy: “I returned to the newspaper as a freelancer because I was very, very comfortable… I had a lot of jobs, I wrote books, I didn't have a bad name in the world, I gave lectures.” At this point, we should note that while the bureaucratic variant of professionalism is focused on an idealized form of professional practice within one's employing organization, the entrepreneurial variant of professionalism focuses on one's own skills and achievements, a focus that may lead the journalist to exit the occupation fully or partially. Ran, the entrepreneur discussed earlier, had steadily built a reputation as an expert in a particular journalistic domain; this expertise allowed him to move from print to television journalism, eventually securing a position as a “talent” with hybrid entertainment and news responsibilities. When asked about his occupational future he answered: “I don't want to be in the same place that I am now in three or five years…I'd like for the ethical and journalistic issues to move a bit aside and to be able to do my own private ventures.” This answer illustrates the entrepreneurial professional's weak attachment to the principles of his occupational community and his focus on personal success. This splitting of the rhetoric of professionalism illuminates a rift between the growing entrepreneurial body of journalists and a constantly shrinking minority of journalists working in bureaucratic and other stable occupational settings. Therefore, what entrepreneur journalists perceive and manifest as professionalism is inherently different from what the latter group refers to as professionalism. As demonstrated, some entrepreneur journalists do not view the concept of professionalism as tied to a specific occupation: professionalism, according to this perception, is centered on personal skills and the ability to manipulate those skills and resources in related occupational fields such as PR, politics, or business. Thus, our interviews capture the creation of diverging “tribes of professionalism.” Furthermore, while we do not embrace a trait-based understanding of professionalism, we would argue that the interviews illustrate that if professionalism centers on an occupational community's ability to fight for jurisdiction over a particular social task or domain against other communities or fields (Waisbord, 2013), particular institutional contexts expressed in one's career allow individuals to “man” the professional barricades even though they do not all sustain a uniform occupational logic, while others, such as unwilling entrepreneurial contexts, will limit the development of a professional consciousness. Nonemployed career type Finally, a nonemployed career (in journalism) refers to people who are not paid for their journalistic work but nevertheless practice journalism. This category encompasses two variants: First, this trajectory appears to be especially common in digital industries, where cheap data communication and processing enables amateurs collaboratively to produce and distribute media texts outside the traditional labor market (Benkler, 2006). For example, in the guidebook industry, publishers constantly attract amateur writers to contribute their work for free by emphasizing its enjoyable aspects and promises of future employment. This helps to depress the status of paid workers. Travel publishers also harness user-generated online content to supplement and replace professionally produced content (Alacovska, 2013). The equivalent of this feature in journalism could be found in the rise of citizen journalism, done by members of the public independently as well as catalyzed, harnessed, and exploited by established news organizations; such journalism flourishes to a large extent at the expense of paid journalists (Lewis, 2012). The second variant of the nonemployed trajectory encompasses workers employed in other fields who practice journalism to preserve their previous occupational identity, or in the interests of their current employers. Pinchas, who retired from a senior position in public broadcasting to work in public relations and as a spokesperson for a major public institution, noted that he continues to publish his opinions in the media, but is ambivalent about this practice's value. When asked what he liked about journalism, he noted that he continues to practice it, in a certain sense: “It's a thrill I haven't managed to escape. Today I write for the drawer, I write my firm opinion in my Facebook.” In a later passage, Pinchas presented his continued involvement in journalism in a much more instrumental manner tied to his current work as a PR professional: Nowadays, I sometimes publish pieces in [a prominent Israeli news site]. I write essentially for myself. And I'll tell you one more thing—I write for my clients. I write opinion pieces and I offer them to my clients and they publish them under their name, not under mine. This type of nonemployed journalistic work could be conceived as a form of “information subsidy” (Berkowitz & Adams, 1990), capitalizing on the dwindling resources of the news industry and its constant need for novel content at the same time as it expresses the interviewee's continued identification with an occupation he has forsaken for another (see Table 1 for a summary of career types characteristics). It also illustrates deprofessionalization, the partial loss of an occupational community's ability to claim jurisdiction over a particular domain. Table 1 An Integrative Summary of Career Types Career dimension . Bureaucratic . Professional . Entrepreneurial . Unwillingly entrepreneurial . Nonemployed . Autonomy Low Medium–High High Low High Key resource Position in organization Shared knowledge, occupational identification Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Relevant collectivity Employing organization Associations, interpretive community Loose communities of interest Multiple employing organizations Loose communities of interest; employing organizations Career dimension . Bureaucratic . Professional . Entrepreneurial . Unwillingly entrepreneurial . Nonemployed . Autonomy Low Medium–High High Low High Key resource Position in organization Shared knowledge, occupational identification Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Relevant collectivity Employing organization Associations, interpretive community Loose communities of interest Multiple employing organizations Loose communities of interest; employing organizations Open in new tab Table 1 An Integrative Summary of Career Types Career dimension . Bureaucratic . Professional . Entrepreneurial . Unwillingly entrepreneurial . Nonemployed . Autonomy Low Medium–High High Low High Key resource Position in organization Shared knowledge, occupational identification Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Relevant collectivity Employing organization Associations, interpretive community Loose communities of interest Multiple employing organizations Loose communities of interest; employing organizations Career dimension . Bureaucratic . Professional . Entrepreneurial . Unwillingly entrepreneurial . Nonemployed . Autonomy Low Medium–High High Low High Key resource Position in organization Shared knowledge, occupational identification Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Networks; individual competencies Relevant collectivity Employing organization Associations, interpretive community Loose communities of interest Multiple employing organizations Loose communities of interest; employing organizations Open in new tab Conclusion This study suggests that we can conceptualize journalistic work specifically, and culture work more generally, by distinguishing a number of career types. Integrating recent studies of cultural labor that emphasize the fluidity of current employment practices with a broader typology reminds us of the continued existence of more stable employment arrangements. It also provides us with a more holistic conceptual framework to track and assess the continuously changing journalism industry. In this context, note that we do not argue that individual journalists are necessarily “assigned” to specific career trajectories through their entire career in journalism. One could position the abovementioned career types on two orthogonal dimensions of structure and agency (see Table 2). Agency refers to “the actor's capacity to reinterpret and mobilize an array of resources in terms of cultural schemas other than those that initially constituted the array… To be an agent means to be capable of exerting some degree of control over the social relations in which one is enmeshed” (Sewell, 1992, p. 19–20). The career types presented in this article differ in the degree to which the individual worker can exert control over the social relations in her workplace(s). When workers have limited agency, as many of our interviewees reported, the resources at their disposal are limited and they find it difficult to initiate novel journalistic practices, suggest unconventional stories, and oppose external pressures. In contrast, in an entrepreneurial career, as well as in professional careers, the relative autonomy provided by long-term employment in the particular occupation, combined with a perception by environment and self that the individual embodies a certain expertise, provides the worker with a measure of agency over the work environment in which he operates. Table 2 Agency and Structure as Organizing Dimensions of the Career Typology . Poorer in structure . Richer in structure . Richer in agency Entrepreneurial Professional Poorer in agency Unwilling entrepreneurial Bureaucratic . Poorer in structure . Richer in structure . Richer in agency Entrepreneurial Professional Poorer in agency Unwilling entrepreneurial Bureaucratic Open in new tab Table 2 Agency and Structure as Organizing Dimensions of the Career Typology . Poorer in structure . Richer in structure . Richer in agency Entrepreneurial Professional Poorer in agency Unwilling entrepreneurial Bureaucratic . Poorer in structure . Richer in structure . Richer in agency Entrepreneurial Professional Poorer in agency Unwilling entrepreneurial Bureaucratic Open in new tab Structures are “sets of mutually sustaining schemas and resources that empower and constrain social action and that tend to be reproduced by that social action” (Sewell, 1992, p. 19). A highly structured career is one where the schemas and resources shaping it tend to be constrained by factors external to the worker regarding issues such as advancement, remuneration, and relations to other workers in one's work environment. For example, Yoel described a downward sloping career driven by external institutional forces: In 2007, they integrated newspaper X [a partisan religious daily] into newspaper Y. I became newspaper Y's military correspondent…till this year. This year they closed newspaper X completely and fired me, so I started writing for an ultra-orthodox newspaper. And I wrote there. [Currently] I'm doing all sorts of side jobs. Note how the interviewee reports being shifted from one organization to another, and ultimately fired, compelling him to find odd jobs. This is an example of an unwillingly entrepreneurial career, where unpredictable external forces overwhelm individual agency, and channel journalists from full-time stable employment to part-time unstable employment. This leads us to locate such careers in the lower left quadrant—low on agency and low on structure. Contrast this career trajectory with that represented by Rami, the senior correspondent for one of the daily newspapers and a nonfiction writer, who for a number of years voluntarily preferred freelance status over a long-term contract with his main employer. Throughout his narrative, structure plays a minor role, and the worker perceives himself as an autonomous agent that can easily juggle multiple work opportunities. In both the bureaucratic and professional career types, work practices as well as career development are indexed to well-known criteria. In the former, these criteria are the worker's location within the organizational chart and her years of experience. In the latter professional model, the indices are occupational experience, accreditation with professional associations, and recognition by the professional community (e.g., through prizes). These two types are therefore rich in structure. For example, when Moshe, a young television reporter, was asked about his professional future 5 years ahead, he answered: “I would like to continue being a reporter, with status, a position, a ‘say’ [he uses the English word], with a contribution, with more meaningful influence.” Moshe envisions progress within the professional community, aided by his bureaucratic work context. His wish for agency is embedded in the structure of the professional community, illustrating the professional's location in the upper right quadrant of the career typology scheme. Normatively, we do not argue that any of these career types is an unmitigated evil or good. Rather, we would suggest that a given organization or media field might profit from supporting career pluralism because different career types are based on divergent resources and identities that are then deployed in practice potentially to increase the probability of pluralistic production practices and diverse texts. For example, the “bureaucratic” journalist might not enjoy occupational autonomy, but her long service in a given institution might allow her to be a repository of memory on journalistic and organizational practices as well as on the society the organization covers. In the long run, an unwillingly entrepreneurial career is clearly detrimental to an individual worker's well-being (Hesmondhalgh & Baker, 2009) and to a journalist's ability to produce independent reporting; but in the short run it might provide young entrants with exposure to multiple organizations and media, and might benefit them so long as more stable career patterns are available later on. An entrepreneur might not be committed to the accepted tenets of the journalistic profession such as objectivity (see Schudson, 2001) and might be invested in her own personal success rather than the civic role of journalism, but she might hold through her experiences and extensive networks outside journalism the keys to novel practices and stories. “Professionals” might have the ability to practice watchdog journalism and face off threats from powerful political interests but they might also coalesce around a set of limited elitist “enduring values” (Gans, 1979, p. 42) and write insularly for a community of like-minded professionals. The growing presence of “the people formerly known as the audience” (Rosen, 2006) as journalists, without being employed as such, has been linked to the opening up of the public sphere. All have an empirical and normative place within the journalism field. In the context of the discussion of the benefits of a plural spectrum of career trajectories, this Israeli case study suggests that journalism as an occupational field is characterized by insecurity and a lack of organizational support. This entrepreneurialization of journalism appears to be creating an occupational field that does not take advantage of the relative strengths embodied in each of the five career types. This exposes Israeli journalism (and perhaps other journalistic systems) to growing external pressures that might compromise its civic functions. Acknowledgment This work was supported by the Israel Science Foundation (Grant number 307/11). We presented an earlier version of this paper at the Culture Industries Workshop held at the University of Haifa, September 30th – October 3rd, 2013. We wish to thank the workshop participants for their helpful comments. 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TI - Toward a Typology of Journalism Careers: Conceptualizing Israeli Journalists' Occupational Trajectories
JF - Communication Culture and Critique
DO - 10.1111/cccr.12103
DA - 2016-06-01
UR - https://www.deepdyve.com/lp/oxford-university-press/toward-a-typology-of-journalism-careers-conceptualizing-israeli-0TkB7Dd7n0
SP - 193
VL - 9
IS - 2
DP - DeepDyve
ER -