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Khayyat, Mashael; Bannister, Frank
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150357
In discussions of open government data (OGD) the question of how such datashould be licensed or whether they need to be licensed at all has to datereceived only limited attention in the academic literature. This paper seeksto make a contribution to reducing this gap. In order to do this, theconcept of an open licence is first defined. Then, using a study of theextant literature and an examination of current open data licences, thechallenges in designing an open data licence are explored. As part of this,relevant aspects of the debate that continue to surround such licensing inthe worlds of open systems, freeware, shareware and open source are brieflydiscussed. A critique of a number of existing data licences includingvarious international and national licencing frameworks is presented. TheCreative Commons (CC) and Open Database (ODbL) Licenses are criticallyexamined and problems with the concepts underlying a number of otherlicences are highlighted. The question of what may be suitable for standardpublic licenses and what may require bespoke or customised licensing isdiscussed. It is argued that many libertarian ideas about OGD licensing areunrealistic and that good licensing is critical to effective use of OGD. Thepaper concludes with a number of issues that would be designers of OGDlicences need to address.
Edwards, Arthur; de Kool, Dennis; van Ooijen, Charlotte
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150372
This paper investigates the monitoring ofparliamentarians by independent parliamentary monitoring organizations(PMOs). Three parliamentary monitoring websites (PMWs) in Germany, theUnited Kingdom, and France are compared regarding their contribution tostrengthening democracy. An information ecology perspective reveals theinterrelationships between the national institutional context, thedemocratic values pursued by the initiators, and website design. Two typesof PMWs can be distinguished. One type focuses on enabling citizens todischarge their monitorial role, whereas the other type combines this focuswith an explicit reformist stance. PMWs seem to have positive effects onvarious aspects of transparency and accountability. However, a betterunderstanding is needed about what these websites entail for the quality ofparliamentary work.
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150375
This study examines the relationship between the concept of the digital andinformed online citizen. To begin, the paper provides an overview of digitaland informed citizenship. Next, the study proposes a problematicrelationship between digital and informed citizenship by emphasizingbarriers to informed citizenship online. Scholars have noted the influenceof socioeconomic factors to explain differential uses of the Internetespecially for political participation online. Citizens who are motivatedand interested in politics tend to be wealthy and well-educated.Furthermore, media scholars contend that environments rich in contentchoices, such as the Internet, may contribute to a voluntary segmentation ofthe electorate. This leads to a situation where many citizens abandon newsin favor of entertainment contributing to an unequal distribution ofpolitical resources and skills. Despite these concerns, the study finds thatdigital citizenship, understood as frequent home Internet use with a highspeed connection, is a strong characteristic of the informed online citizen.Results suggest that digital citizenship may be particularly important foryoung citizens to develop their political information efficacy. The futureimplications for digital and informed citizenship in the Internet age arediscussed.
Moss, Giles; Kennedy, Helen; Moshonas, Stylianos; Birchall, Chris
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150376
The analysis of social media data promises significant new ways of knowingpublics, but an understanding of the value of social media analytics fordifferent organizations in practice is only just emerging. Drawing onresearch conducted with two city councils in the UK, this article examinesthe current and potential use of social media analytics in local government.We outline a range of purposes that social media analytics might serve - from communication and public relations to public consultation andengagement - and consider the factors that shape or are likely to shapehow analytics tools are adopted. We conclude by pointing to a democraticdilemma facing local government: at a time of austerity measures andfinancial constraints,reaching out to the public and fostering public engagement becomesmore important just as councils have fewer resources to invest in it.
Steijn, Wouter M.P.; Vedder, Anton
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150374
The concept of `privacy' has become an important topic for academics andpolicy-makers. Ubiquitous computing and internet access raise new questionsin relation to privacy in the virtual world, including individuals'appreciation of privacy and how this can be safeguarded. This articlecontributes to the debate by reporting survey data relating to the attitudesof adolescents, young adults and adults in the Netherlands in relation toprivacy, freedom and security. This data aims at determining theappreciation of privacy amongst young and old. Data was collected through anonline survey of 1,002 12 to 83 year-olds in 2012. The results show thatadolescents are less concerned about their privacy than young adults andadults. However, all three age categories reported that privacy was a lesserconcern than both freedom and security. The article presents importantinsights into the different attitudes towards privacy amongst the noted agegroups, and therefore offers a commentary on their online behaviour. Assuch, the analysis is relevant for those with responsibility for thegovernance of individual privacy on the Internet.
2015 Information Polity
doi: 10.3233/IP-150373
Estonia is the only country in the world where all voters can vote online innational elections.In the 2015 election, 31% of voters did so. This paper discusses thesociology and politics of online voting in Estonia. I first show that onlinevoting is a partisan project. Liberal, conservative, and social democraticparties support online voting as a way of modernizing the electoral system,while populist and agrarian parties oppose it as a tool for politicalmanipulation. I then show that online voting is demographically andpolitically biased. Online voters are more urban, richer, andbetter-educated than conventional voters and non-voters. The oppositionleft-populist Center Party receives fewer votes online than the governingmarket-liberal Reform Party. This is a bad thing for democracy and Estoniashould discontinue online voting.
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