Community Development Journal

McCabe,, Angus;Harris,, Kevin

doi: 10.1093/cdj/bsz024pmid: N/A

Abstract There is a growing public and academic debate on the societal impacts of the internet and, in particular, social media. For its proponents, social media is a force for change, which can challenge entrenched hierarchies, redistribute power, democratize information, support mass mobilization and contribute to the building of global movements. Increasingly such positivist arguments are being questioned. Critics argue that it has become a sinister force, facilitating the spread of ‘fake news’, providing an instrument for citizen surveillance and re-enforcing neoliberal hegemony. The community development literature has barely engaged in those debates around social media that appear urgent in other disciplines. Social media has been seen as a value-free tool for broadcasting and dissemination, and neither evaluated as a force for change nor examined as an instrument of neoliberal intents. Although there is a community development literature on neoliberalism and globalization, it often accepts these, rather than critiques them, as the contexts within which community development operates. Challenging established power imbalances and enhancing citizen participation in democratic processes are purposes central to community development values. Analysis of wider literature raises questions with regard to the values embedded in the technologies from which enhanced levels of participation and engagement are expected to flow. It also raises questions about who benefits most from the affordances of these technologies. This article, drawing on an extensive literature review, presents the case for community development values to be asserted in these debates. Introduction The diffusion of social media throughout society and its institutions has been rapid and diverse. The investment of time and energy by citizens, governments, businesses, and groups is considerable and could not be explained without an infrastructure of connectivity and the parallel development of mobile communications. Social media activity has to be considered within the context of a ‘network society’—with assumptions of mobile connectivity and networked individualism (Rainie and Wellman, 2012) as well as the assumed weakening of hierarchies: it is profoundly entwined with social change (Adolf and Deicke, 2015). The term ‘social media’ refers to a range of online communication channels and has been heralded as a set of tools for informed discussion, networking, and mutual support. Although techno-utopian rhetoric may previously have dominated, dissenting voices have recently grown more forceful (Roberts, 2014; Pomerantsev, 2019). This reaction extends to popular media, to the point where a New York Times article suggests unease at witnessing ‘a child watching YouTube videos, knowing she’s just a few algorithmic nudges away from a rabbit hole filled with lunatic conspiracies and gore’ (Roose, 2018). Is there a community development perspective on social media? The logic of the technology suggests three beneficial areas, when the relatively low entry cost is taken into account: democratization of voice, in facilitating media access for alternative and minority interests; the relative ease with which it is possible to connect with like-minded others; the potential to make collaboration more effective at local, national, and international levels (Harris and McCabe, 2017b, pp. 3–4). The logic, therefore, suggests that social media can help community development activists and practitioners to communicate efficiently, multidirectionally, and inexpensively. Whether or not such expectations can be shown to be realistic, the community development field largely has failed to engage with the implications of the technological innovations. Referring to these emerging technologies as ‘community informatics’ in the Community Development Journal as far back as 2005, Pigg wrote: ‘Since ICT represents what numerous observers and policy makers have called a “transformational technology,” the slowness of our efforts to think critically about what we are doing seems strange’ (Pigg, 2005, p. 1). The present article echoes and re-enforces that sense of surprise, almost 15 years on. It is based on an extensive literature review (Harris and McCabe, 2017a) for a UK research project. Two conclusions from that review were striking. First, while these technologies may have helped to change some processes, there seems to have been little impact on overall outcomes in terms of empowerment, equalities or social justice. Secondly, very little research or debate has been published in academic community development writing. Following sections of this paper give an overview of the literature review, summarize key debates on the use of social media, and relate those debates to community development. Investigating social media and community action: literature review In total, 448 relevant items were identified from a wide range of international English language sources. Some 271 articles were collected from academic journals (including online journals such as First Monday). The seven most productive academic journals provided 154 items (57 percent): these titles are shown in Figure 1. Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide Community development and social media: main journal literature sources Figure 1 Open in new tabDownload slide Community development and social media: main journal literature sources None of these titles has direct relevance to community development or activism. Indeed, community development and voluntary sector journals, broadly defined, contributed just 19 items on social media from nine titles1 (this does not include items from these sources not specifically about social media). Four general categories of literature can be distinguished (these are summarized in subsequent sections): a broad body of work that assumes or argues for digital media as a transformative technology in challenging hierarchies, organizing activism, and democratizing communication, implying that ‘the revolution will be live streamed’ (Bohdanova, 2014); a critical response, which calls into question the supposed benefits of social media. These items reflect nuances such as the global politico-economic context, or the lack of sustained social change brought about through social-media-based activism; a narrower literature on use by voluntary organizations. This is predominantly concerned with technology for marketing and fundraising rather than mobilizing communities or stimulating local social capital (see for example Non-profit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly); a smaller number of items discussing the use and non-use of social media for community development and at neighbourhood level. Social media: a force for change? For proponents, a common theme is the role of social media in democratization: ‘Modern social media gives ordinary people a collective agenda-setting power that was previously restricted to large publishers and broadcasters, and that is capable of striking fear into those in authority’ (Standage, 2013, p. 239). Researchers such as Bennett and Segerberg (2011, 2012) suggest that, through social media, the nature of collective action is being restructured and redefined as another way of ‘doing politics’. Traditional forms of organizing, through face-to-face meetings and structures, may begin to lose validity as community groups come to be subordinate in influence to networked individuals (Kreiss, 2015). For some commentators, the transformative power of social media is evidenced in mass protests, characterized by ‘the politics of visibility’ (Milan, 2015). This literature ranges from a focus on single issue campaigns (for example fracking: Hopke, 2015) through to material discussing global social movements, such as Occupy (Adi, 2015), and Anonymous (Fuchs, 2013) or events with international resonance—the Maidan Square protests in Kiev (Kurkov, 2014); the Libyan crisis (Morris, 2014); the Umbrella movement in Hong Kong (Lee et al., 2017); Syntagma Square, Athens (Mattoni, 2019); or the 2014 #Ferguson Twitterstorm (Johnson and LeFebvre, 2018). With reference to the Arab Spring, Alaimo (2015) claimed that the Facebook Page We are all Khaled Said ‘helped promote the Egyptian revolution’ (p. 2). It is argued that these movements are qualitatively different to earlier protests in that they: do not rely on ‘traditional’ forms of organizing, such as trade unions or political parties (Lynch, 2011) are horizontal and not reliant on charismatic individual figureheads (Theocharis, 2013) and can be spread rapidly and virally, and can be sustained over time by refreshing and relieving protesters, drawing in a wider network of ‘off street’ actions (Kurkov, 2014). Social media: a ‘dark’ force? Such positivist views of social media are contested. Roberts (2014), for example, sees communications technologies in the context of a global struggle between corporations that seek to control or monopolize social media platforms, and alternative world views: ‘New media is part of the battle for hegemony in and around political and social projects and has certainly altered the terrain through which this battle is fought’ (p. 20). For such commentators, social media has been co-opted by multinational corporations and neoliberal agendas. They argue that the benefits originally anticipated as affordances of the new technologies have been counterbalanced by greater surveillance of citizens by governments and transnational corporations (Taylor, 2014; Mundt et al., 2018; Tufekci, 2018; Uldam, 2018). McChesney (2013) notes that ‘monopolistic firms that have capitalized on the digital revolution have grown to world-historical proportions. In 2012, four of the ten largest US corporations in terms of market valuations… were internet giants Apple, Microsoft, Google, and AT&T’ (p. 131). Zuboff (2019) draws attention to the extraction and manipulation of behavioural information by social technology companies to represent ‘surveillance capital’—‘a profoundly antidemocratic social force’ (p. 513). Democratic processes are targeted by these companies because they threaten revenues. Criticism in the mainstream mass media is becoming more apparent. ‘Fake news’ and cyber-bullying have reduced trust in social media (Manjoo, 2016; Siddique, 2018). Concerns have been raised over its addictive nature (Waterson, 2019), potential impacts on mental health and wellbeing (Hern, 2018), as well as its role in spreading hate crime messages (Awan, 2014). Critiques have also emerged from former ‘industry insiders’ (Lanier, 2018; Pomerantsev, 2019). One distinct subset of the literature refers to the phenomenon of ‘clicktivism’ or ‘slacktivism’. This is the theory that low-risk engagement through use of social media has the effect of diluting ‘real’ activism (Morozov, 2009; Harlow and Guo, 2014) and constitutes a failure to create true activists. This argument is contested (Christensen 2011; Halupka, 2014). Some of the positivist writing could be criticized for ‘the revolutionary rhetoric of the net boosters’ (Turner, 2010, p. 88). One effect is to obscure the technological awkwardness that can constrain use. Only very occasionally are the technical complexities or user-hostility of systems acknowledged in the literature (Chapman et al., 2015; Harris and McCabe, 2017b). A Canadian study reports: ‘Participants do not explicitly acknowledge the tensions between the expected and often hyperinflated benefits of social media with their actual experiences…. Rather than acknowledging the technical limitations, they are more inclined to blame their struggles on their lack of expertise or mishandling of tools’ (Dumitrica and Felt, 2019, p. 14). Such challenges are also acknowledged in a study of the use of crisis mapping for community development, where diverse participants contribute data to support disaster relief (Brandusescu et al., 2016)—notably this was published in a technology and media journal. Social Media: a practical force or a misused resource? The third category of literature, covering use by voluntary and community organisations is strikingly managerialist. Rather than seeing social media as a resource for transformation or deliberation, it is discussed, almost exclusively, in terms of fundraising and publicity (Saxton and Wang, 2014; but for an exception see Xu and Saxton, 2019)—covering such topics as reaching new donors (Waddingham, 2013); crowdfunding (Doan and Toledano, 2018; Nekmat and Ng, 2019); attracting volunteers (Farrow and Yuan, 2011); managing public relations (Curtis et al., 2010); or knowledge management (Lovejoy and Saxton, 2012; see also Bürger, 2014). Finally, a small amount of material explores the use and non-use of social media for community development and at neighbourhood level. Studies confirm the applicability of social media for reinforcing face-to-face networks and building bonding capital (Harris and Flouch, 2010; Xu et al., 2013; Kim and Shin, 2016). A study in Lawrence, Kansas however (Johnson and Halegoua, 2014) records resistance among residents. It may depend how serious (or swift) you want your community development to be. Matthews’ (2016) research in Scotland concludes that: ‘social media do not offer immediate opportunities for community development in deprived communities. While the technologies can clearly make banal engagement easier and cheaper, particularly with the widespread availability of such technology even in deprived neighbourhoods, achieving greater activist engagement is more difficult’ (p. 433). A study of neighbourhood websites in London claims that digital conversations about a wide range of issues contribute to an ‘involved democracy of everyday life’ (Flouch and Harris, 2010, p. 20). In an analysis of Twitter data from a ‘virtual town square’, Kavanaugh and Song 2018) echo this finding, suggesting that social media facilitates the transition from digital conversations about everyday issues, to community involvement in civic issues: ‘The greater ease of switching from brief posts and comments about football to brief exchanges about more civic-minded issues, as they arise, is an additional basis for increasing local awareness, collective response, and problem-solving in a community’ (2018, np). It is clear that community groups and organizations are using social media, often extensively (Bussu, 2016). However, there is little evidence that this is being researched or being subject to critical reflection. Three recent books in this field (Ledwith, 2016; Popple, 2015; Taylor, 2015) make only passing references to social media. In the publication series entitled ‘Rethinking Community Development’ no reference is made by Shaw and Mayo (2016) or McCrea and Finnegan (2019) to social media at all. Popple (2015) frames the relationship between community development practice and new media as a series of questions: ‘The question that is raised now is whether people are living in a virtual world and whether our lives are devalued or lessened compared to before this technology was introduced. Has this affected the way we interact in our various communities? Has the new technology produced new communities that are more meaningful than the traditional communities that existed before?’ (p. 4). These three sentences characterize the sense of detachment in many community development approaches to digital media. Questions are raised about relationships, but clouded by reference to ‘meaningful’ and ‘traditional’ communities; and an either/or stance is adopted, which appears to overlook the possibility that relationships have changed in ways that are sometimes deemed better, sometimes worse, sometimes just different. Among the most widely-cited, methodologically-robust research is that of Hampton, who concluded over a decade ago that internet use ‘affords the formation of local social networks... The evidence here suggests that the Internet is already slowly building local social networks, at least in those neighbourhoods where context favours local tie formation’ (Hampton, 2007, p. 739). A more generalized criticism has been that groups and practitioners have been slow to grasp the deliberative power of social media, being more inclined to use it simply as a means of one-way broadcasting or information-sharing, rather than ‘to build dialogic communication and quality relationships’ (Cho et al., 2014, p. 567). Bussu (2016) notes that deliberative forums (using FaceBook, LinkedIn or WhatsApp) tend either to be created for or most attractive to ‘closed’ groups of like-minded people, rather than being regarded as open and accessible to all. Experienced commentators reported in UK research (Harris and McCabe, 2017b) implied that non-use reflects an entrenched, backward-looking approach, and community groups and practitioners have been missing out on the power and potential of these technologies. However, research examining reasons why some people refuse to use, or opt out of using, social media offers various explanations, including ‘preference for other forms of communication, preference for engaging in other activities, cyber-safety concerns, and a dislike of self-presentation online’ (Baker and White, 2011, p. 387. See also Tufekci, 2008; Portwood-Stacer, 2012; Turan et al., 2013, Stieger et al., 2013; Bright et al., 2015). Discussion: why social media matters for community development The political implications of social media are almost wholly overlooked by community development literature. But three persistent themes in the broader research could be expected to draw responses. These are: the distinction between ‘collective’ and ‘connective’ action; the extent to which social media contributes to radicalism or to conformity; and the association of social media with neoliberal intents. First, an important sub-section of the literature relating to social technologies concerns the changing nature of collective action and political participation. This is presented both in terms of a ‘fifth estate’, populated by online commentators who augment the ‘fourth estate’ of independent media channels (Dutton, 2009) and with regard to a new typology of political involvement, theorized by Bakardjieva (2009), Coleman (Coleman et al., 2008), Milan (2015) and others. Bakardjieva’s delineation of ‘sub-activism’ helps to explain the widely expressed sense of individual empowerment in relation to political and civic issues. In doing so it clarifies the sense of detachment and reluctance that characterizes the approach of many community groups and organizations to social media. The key insight from the use of social media in protest movements may be that, as Wells (2014) suggests, ‘to the extent that we see movements faltering at their opportunity to take power, we may be observing the limits to non-hierarchical, non-institutional mobilization’ (p. 211). Bennett and Segerberg (2011) identify what they call ‘connective action’, for which the formative element is ‘sharing’ as ‘the personalization that leads actions and content to be distributed widely across social networks’ (Bennett and Segerberg, 2012, p. 760). This seems to imply a reduced role for community organizations in organizing, although it does not rule out the possible need to re-formalize the process and revert to collective action (Toepfl, 2018). Bennett and Segerberg (2012, p. 760) argue that technologically enhanced sharing displaces the previous ‘centrality of the resource-rich organization’. The technologies take on some of the organizing functions, of course. Elsewhere the researchers note the function of Twitter streams as networking mechanisms, ‘embedded in various kinds of gatekeeping processes’ (Segerberg and Bennett, 2011, p. 202). Subsequent commentators observe this in different ways: ‘Increasingly, organizations choose to stay in the background, providing social technology outlays and generating action frames that can be taken up by the public’ (Theocharis et al., 2015, pp. 204–205). ‘Civic action is becoming increasingly flexible, temporary and elusive. This type of non-traditionally organized collective action often stays below the radar of public discourse’ (Milan and Hintz, 2013, p. 8). It could be added that there is nothing new about small scale community-based actions ‘below the radar’. However, it may be the case, as McCosker’s (2015) analysis suggests, that online networked individuals now carry out community action roles—such as awareness-raising, stimulating and coordinating reactions, feeding traditional media, and provoking policy—more, and more efficiently, than organizations. However, collective and connective action should be seen as complementary, rather than conflicting (Halupka, 2016). This suggests that the meaning of ‘membership’ (of an organization, group, community) is shifting; one of the issues for organizations and groups becomes how to align themselves, through online networks, with supporters whose attention may be short-lived and who may show little interest in being formal ‘members’. It could be significant that in the Occupy movement, social media was found ‘to blur the boundaries between the inside and the outside’ in a way that suited its values of inclusiveness and direct participation (Kavada, 2015, p. 872). A study of digital leadership in Occupy Wall Street, Indignados, and UK Uncut raises questions about the ‘collective and participatory character’ of social media activism: ‘in the long term social media teams have experienced serious issues, resulting from a mismatch between high-minded techno-libertarian principles—absolute openness, leaderlessness, and horizontality—and a reality marked by the persistence of power differentials, and of typical scourges of movement politics such as factionalism and opportunism’ (Gerbaudo, 2017, p. 198). In the context of networked individualism, collective identity need not necessarily imply a role for organizations or even groups. This theme could be profoundly significant for community practice, not least because as Bennett and Segerberg note, ‘some of these protests seemed to operate with surprisingly light involvement from conventional organizations’ (2012, p. 741). In short, while individualism does not necessarily imply the loss of collective identity, the expression of collective identity does not necessarily require a significant role for organizations. Secondly, commentators such as Miller et al. (2016, pp. 186-188), emphasize the ways in which social media is used to create and maintain conformity, accumulating a sense of ‘the conservative impact of public-facing social media’. This seems to contradict the extensive research that attributes a radical communicative power to the media in large-scale national and international protest movements (e.g.Uldam, 2013; Bohdanova, 2014; Adi, 2015; Alaimo, 2015; Theocharis et al., 2015; Treré, 2015). However, these studies do not point to any clear social transformation as a consequence. From the point of view of community organizations and groups, the heralded transformative power of social media, in relation to the distribution of power and the dominance of hierarchies, remains unproven. Indeed, a study of use by residents of favelas in Brazil, concludes that while social networking sites are an important space for civic and political engagements, ‘they also amplify pre-existing social tensions’ (Nemer, 2016, np). Research thus contributes to the sense that while social media presents as ostensibly radical, it reinforces the status quo. Thirdly, commentators have questioned the ideology surrounding social media and its association with neoliberalism. This applies especially to Facebook (Jarrett, 2008; Turner, 2010; Portwood-Stacer, 2012; Banning, 2016; Skeggs and Yuill, 2016). Zuboff (2019) points to ‘Facebook’s standard practices of behaviour modification, which already flourish without sanction’ (p. 302). More specific negative associations include, for instance, claims that Facebook allows advertisers to exclude Black, Hispanic, and other ‘ethnic affinities’ from seeing advertisements (Angwin and Parris, 2016); and accusations of the role of Google and Facebook in the propagation of ‘fake news’ in a time of ‘post-truth politics’ (Manjoo, 2016). Claims of the appropriation of social media by the radical left (Galis and Neumayer, 2016), meanwhile, are scarce. Community development has engaged in debates on globalization. For example: exploring the impact of globalized industries on communities—e.g. tourism (Van Fossen and Lafferty, 2001); extractive industries (Maconachie and Hilson, 2013); the recognition that locality-based practice cannot be seen outside, and is influenced by, global trends (Minkler, 2005); more theoretical writings (Westoby, 2019). Similarly, there is some community development literature that addresses neoliberalism (Powell and Goeghegan, 2009; Aimers and Walker, 2016), but this has not connected with parallel critiques in social media studies. Indeed, where community development authors do discuss the implications of social media (Popple, 2015; Ledwith, 2016), there seems to be an underlying assumption that its use is value-free and unrelated to debates on global corporatism and the politics of technologies and exploitation. Literature from other disciplines, from popular sources and from former ‘internet insiders’ calls this neutrality into question (Pomerantsev, 2019; Seymore, 2019). If this is largely theoretical and perhaps contested ground, it certainly raises questions with regard to the values embedded in the technologies from which enhanced levels of engagement and participation are expected to flow. It also raises questions about who benefits most from the affordances of these technologies. These issues seem seldom to have been expressed or addressed within the practitioner or academic literature in community development: the nearest example appears to be a protracted and inconclusive discussion on the Community informatics researchers’ listserv—‘Facebook: for or against community development?’ On the one hand there were concerns: ‘around Facebook’s exertion of power affecting the internet environment with regards to net neutrality and potential risks to the users as the company might be able to access and manipulate information’. While on the other hand ‘…the proponents mostly focused on what could be gained at the individual and collective levels as a result of using the service and argued that decisions surrounding the use should ultimately be made by the people in the developing world’ (Yim et al., 2016, p. 219). This unresolved ambivalence constitutes the nearest there is to a formal response of community development theory and practice to the phenomenon of social media. Conclusion ‘Community development is at risk of ossifying into a programme that is no longer haunted by justice, is no longer mobilized by the ‘passion-of-not-knowing’, and is no longer vigilant towards the Other.’ (Westoby, 2019) At the core of community development is an analysis of power: who holds power, how it is distributed, and can it be redistributed. This applies to the radical Freirean tradition embodied in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire, 1972) and the challenging of oppressive structures, through to Alinsky’s (1971) organizing principle of holding the powerful to account for their actions and concepts of commoning assets (such as water—Bresnihan et al., 2019) for shared good rather than private profit. It is apparent that power has been accrued by a relatively small number of internet multinationals in a short space of time. The wealth of these corporations now exceeds those of many nation states (Belinchon and Moynihan, 2018), representing a fundamental shift in power, from accountable governments to unaccountable private and profit driven bodies. In her detailed analysis, Zuboff (2019) highlights the need ‘to unmask the tendencies of these new creations as they amplify inequality, intensify social hierarchy, exacerbate exclusion, usurp rights, and strip personal life of whatever it is that makes it personal’ (p. 62). The voice of community development has not been raised to question these transformations, and there are consequently other gaps in critical thinking within the field. For example, to what extent does the internet and its corporations represent and reinforce the hegemony of neoliberalism? How can communities or movements challenge the forces of globalization (Craig et al 2000), which these companies represent—forces that reinforce and amplify inequalities? Can technologies fulfil their more altruistic potential to open up democratic processes and access to information? Can radical social change be brought about through connective action founded on social media-based organizing? The impression that needs to be countered is that community development has been dozing while its options have been narrowed. To echo Westoby’s (2019) provocation, for all the discussion on globalization, neoliberalism, and the nature of power, without engagement in these debates on social media and reflection to inform theory and practice, community development risks becoming a footnote in the history of social action and social change. Angus McCabe is Senior Research Fellow at Third Sector Research Centre, Department of Social Policy, Sociology and Criminology, University of Birmingham Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT, UK. Kevin Harris is Honorary Research Fellow, Third Sector Research Centre, University of Birmingham. The authors would like to acknowledge the support of the Barrow Cadbury Trust in the research that forms the basis of this article. Footnotes 1 Auger, 2014; Deschamps and McNutt, 2014; Eimhjellen, 2014; Eimhjellen et al., 2014; Fuchs, 2013; Guo and Saxton, 2014; Hemmi and Crowther, 2013; Matthews, 2015, 2016; Miller, 2009; Nah et al., 2016; Pigg, 2005; Quinton and Fennemore, 2013; Saxton and Guo, 2014; Saxton and Wang, 2014; Svensson, 2016; Waddingham, 2013; Waters and Feneley, 2013; Zorn et al., 2013. References Adi , A. ( 2015 ) Occupy PR: an analysis of online media communications of Occupy Wall Street and occupy London , Public Relations Review , 41 ( 4 ), 508 – 514 . 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