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failure and states' rights weakened the Confederacy from within, Neely finds that the Confederacy suffered no large-scale constitutional heartburn over Jefferson Davis's suspension of the writ, over conscription, or even over impressment. Significantly, Neely observes, no Confederate state ever contemplated nullification, and the mobilization of the Confederacy's resources reached astonishingly successful levels. Like Gary Gallagher, Neely is convinced that what killed the Confederacy was not a shortage of nationalistic sentiment or national unity, but a shortage of victories in battle. Maybe the best word for a book on Lincoln that asserts that "it is . . . utterly impossible to see a rational pattern" in Lincoln's decision making about emancipation is quixotic (126). It may also be the best word for a book on the Constitution in the Civil War which devotes fewer than two pages to Ex parte Merryman, makes no allusion to Lambdin Milligan (or the very unnationalistic decision associated with him), and takes only one quick pass at the northern sectionalist Clement Laird Vallandigham. But alongside quixotic, I also want to add lively, uncluttered, commonsensical, and authoritative. If Neely ignores the usual suspects in the constitutional history of the war, he has succeeded marvelously in
The Journal of the Civil War Era – University of North Carolina Press
Published: Aug 29, 2012
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